
Class. 



^3.1^ 




If 



MISCELLANIES, 

COMPILED 



seas 






EASTERN DISTRICT OF VIRGUVM, to mt: 

XXXXXXX ^E IT Remembered, That on the seventh day of Oc- 
<S SEAL. =5 toher, in the fifty-fourth year of the Independence of the 
xxxxxxx United States of America, William B. Giles of (he said 
District, hath deposited in this office, the title of a book the right lohere- 
ofhe claims as author, in the following words, to wit : " Political Mis- 
cellanies, compiled by William B. Giles.^^ In conformity to the act of 
the Congress of the United States, entitled " A71 act for the encourage- 
ment of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and, Books, 
to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein 
mentioned.'*^ 

Rd: JEFFRIES, 
Chrk of the Eastern District of Virginia. 



CONTENTS. 



Pages 

1. Address from Mr. Giles to the public, referring to a 

letter from Mr. Clay to x\Ir. Giles. Mr. Giles's 

reply, and a certificate of Wm. S. Archer, Esq. 1 to 8 

2. Mr. Clay's Speech in favour of the Tariff Act of 1824, 

delivered on the 30th and 31st of March 1824, 9 46 

3. Mr. Giles's Speech in the House of Delegates of Va. 

upon the resolutions against the Tariff Acts, deli- 
vered on the 21st of February 1827, - - 47—123 

4. Mr. Giles's Speech in reply to Gen. Taylor upon the 

same subject, delivered on the 2d of March 1827, 124 — 149 

5. Mr. Giles's Address to the public, accompanied with 

Mr. Jefferson's letter to him of Dec. 26, 1825, re- 
specting the usurpation of the General Govern- 
ment, 149 — 154. 

6. Preamble and Resolutions adopted by the General 

Assembly of Virginia, against the usurpations of 

the General Government, March 1827, 155 — 163 

7. Resolutions of the Town Meeting of Boston against 

the Tariff Acts. Moved by Mr. Webster, 1820, 163 — 164 

8. The late Governor Randolph's statement respecting 

Mr. Jefferson's political opinions in 1825 and 

1826, - - 165—166 

9. Extract from Mr. Giles's letter to the House of De- 

legates, Nov. 26, 1812, with his several letters of 
resignation, and certificate of his elections, 166 — 168 

10. Extract from an Act of the General Assembly for pro- 

tecting its Members in the freedom of debate 

against the Alien and Sedition Acts, - - 168 — 169 

11. Extracts from several papers, showing Mr. Giles's 

inducements for entering into the disccussion of 
the question of the right of the State Legislature 
to instruct their Senators, _ _ _ _ 169 — 173 

12. Extract from a Report of the Legislature of Penn- 

sylvania, March 1815, showing that the Embargo 
and Non-Intercourse Laws arose from the war 
power, and not from the power to regulate com- 
merce, 173 — 174 

13. Extract from' the original Cumberland Road Bill, 

showing that it involved no question as to its con- 
stitutionality before, nor at the tinie of its passage, 174 

14. Letter addressed to Mr. Giles, announcing his first 

election as Governor, and his reply. Feb. 14th, 

1827, .,„,--> 174—176 

A 



u 



CONTENTS. 



16. 



16. 



17. 



J 8. 
19. 

20. 

21. 

22. 

23. 

24. 
25. 
26. 

27. 

28. 



29. 
30. 
31. 

32. 



33. 



Two pieces written by Mr. Giles on tlie Indepen- 
dence of Foreign Nations; with a letter iVom the 
late Col. John Taylor, _ _ _ . 

Mr. Giles's address to the public, January 1st, 1828, 
accompanied by No. IX. of the Golden Casket, 
urittcn by Mr. Giles in 1826. Containing an ex- 
tract from the late Mr. Hamilton's report upon the 
subject of ihe right of Congress to protect manu- 
factures, and his disclaimer of the right to inter- 
meddle in any way with Intcrnnl Improvements, 

Anonymous address to the public, containing all the 
authentic papers respecui:^ ilie publication of Mr. 
Jefiersou's icUcr to Mr. Giles of Dec. 25ih, 1825, 
by Judge Stuart and Mr. T. J. Randolph; and 
Mr. Giles's \\iihholding that publication, 

Mr. Giles's Speech in the Virginia House of Dele- 
gates on the Convention Bill, 26th January 1827, 

Mr. Giles's Speech in the Senate of tiie U. States on 
the Bill for the punishment of Treason, February 
1808, 

Political Disquisitions, No. HI. — Inaugural Speech 
— The Presidential Chair, or, the Chariot of the 
Sun, -----__ 

Political Disquisitions, No. I. — Mr. Adams' letter 
respecting Internal Improvements, - - _ 

No. II. Governor Clinton's magnificent Message, or 
the Grand Political Kaleidoscope, - - _ 

No. III. The Contrast, or Governor Pleasants' qui- 
escent Message, ---___ 

Letters from Mr. Giles, Mr. Lloyd, he. 

Political Disquisitions, No. IV. — Random Shot, 

No. V. Jurisdictions over persons, or the Missouri 
Question, ----___ 

Letter to the Editors of the Enquirer, 

Political Schemers — Hard Times — No. I. — Recog- 
nition of the distinction between the Clergy and 
Laity, 

No. II Public Credit — Funding Scheme, 

No. IH. Public Credit — Bank Scheme, 

No. IV. Tariff Bill— Whence the derivation of the 
right to pass ii,* ----__ 

Political Disquisitions, No. VII. — Raymond's Ele- 
ments ot Political Economy — or the New Politi- 
cal Text Book, - - - - . - 

No. VIII. The same subject continued, 



Pages 



177 to 189 



1 19 



17 

—28 

16 



■p I 



8 14 



15- 

22- 
30- 

1- 
1- 



9- 
13- 

20- 



-22 
-29 
-43 



-8 
-8 



-13 

-20 

-26 



07, 



31 






-6 
12 



JVos. 5 and G of this series, will, be seen in an appendix to the 
pamphlet containing two pieces, on the Independence of Foreign A/'a- 
iions. JS^Q. 15 of these contents. 



CONTENTS. 



ni 



34. 
35. 
36. 
37. 

38. 



39. 
40. 

41. 

42 



43. 
44. 
45. 
46. 



47. 
48. 
49. 
50. 
51. 



52. 
53. 



54. 



55. 

56. 

57. 



No. IX. The same subject continued, 
No. X. The same subject continued, - - - 

No. XI. The same subject continued, 
No. XII. The same subject continued, 
Political Disquisitions, No. XIII — Raymond's Ele- 
ments of Political Economy — or, the Text Book 
of the New Political School — The Tariff—its re- 
duction, Sic. _-_ = -- 
No. XIV. Continued — General welfare, he. 
Correspondence between Mr. Giles and Mr. Jeffer- 
son, _____--- 
New Series, No. I — The Golden Casket, or the 

President's Message — Preliminary remarks, 
No. II. Continued — Mr. Adams solemnly invoked, 
to make known to the public, the motives he avow- 
ed for his pretended political conversion, in Janu- 
ary 1808. This No. dated 28th Dec. 1825, 
No. III. Preliminary remarks continued, 
No. IV. Continued, _ _ _ ^ - 

No. V. Continued, _ _ _ _ _ 

No. VI. " Aut Csesar, aut nullus" — Mr. Adams re- 
minded of the propriety of giving publicity to his 
avowed inducements for his pretended political 
conversion — Mr. Adams is informed that the wri- 
ter was then in possession of the substance of those 
inducements from the highest, and most authentic 
source, to wit: Mr. Jefferson — Letter 25ih Dec. 

1825, 

No, VII. " Aut Caesar, aut nullus," - - _ 
No. VIII. Contuiued — "Aut Csesar, aut nullus," 
No. IX. " Look on this picture, and on that," 
No. X. " Aut Caesar, aut nullus," - - - 
No. XI. "Aut Csesar, aut nullus" — Mr. Adams 
again solemnly invoked to disclose the avowed in- 
ducements foi his pretended political conversion, 
and reminded, that the people had a right to de- 
mand it, ------- 

No. XII. " Aut Cffisar, aut nullus," - - _ 

Address to the freeholders of the counties of Amelia, 

Nottoway, Cumberland, Chesterfield, Powhatan, 

and the town of Petersburg, - - - - 

Letter to Gen. La Fayette upon the emancipation of 
slaves in Virginia; and the American Coloniza- 
tion Sociei}', ------ 

Political Disquisitions — New Series, No. I. — On the 
Principle of Slave Labour, _ - - - 

No. 11 On the American Colonization Society', 
No. III. General reflections on the Contagion of 
Human Sentiment, „ - - _ _ 



Pages 
13 to 18 

19 22 

23 30 

31 40 



1- 

8- 

1- 

7- 



15- 

24- 
28- 
34- 



-7 
-16 ^. 

-7 

-15 



-24 
-28 
-34 

-43 



43- 
50— 
59- 
69- 
79-- 



-50 

-59 
-68 

-78 
-84 



85 96 

96—105 



1 7 

1 20 

1 6 

7 13 

14 27 



iV CONTENTS. 

d^ Jlt the end of the volume, the reader will find a table of erratti, 
as well as a couple of JYotes.. 



MR. CLAlf'S 

«PF,KC1I UPON THE TARIFF 



OR 



THE 'AMERICAN SYSTEM," SO CALLED 



OH 



Cf)e Unglican .|>p.i$tcin, in fact, 



INTRODUCED HEUEJ 



,Snd perverted in its most material hearing upon Society, hy the omis- 
sion of a system of Corn Laxvs,for the protection of Jgriadture. 



hT&T 



UPON THE RESOLUTIONS OF INQUIRY 



ijr THi; 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES OF VIRGINIA, 

IN REPLY TO MR. CLAY's SPEECH: 
ALSO, 

HIS SPEECH 

\K REPLY TO GE.N\ TAYLOR'S i 

ACCOMPANJED AVITH 

^UNDRY.OTHKU INTKUESTING SUBJECTS AND ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, 

The 7vJiole containing a mass of highly usefid Information 
n1 the present Interesting Crisis, 



^_ iwjw cj» Mifciia 



EicMMOjsrn. 

PRINTED BY THOMAS W. WHITE, 

Opposite the Bell-Tavern, 

1 827. 



TO THE PUBLIC 

Acting, under an irresistible sense of public tlut^ ; Jiiui nitTi fc 
view of protecting, the riiihts of this Connnonuealth, aganist the 
usurpations of the General Government, I presented certain resolu- 
tions to the last General Assembly of Virginia, calling for an inquiry 
into the relative rights of the General and State Governments ; 
grounded upon a fair interpretation of all our fundamental laws, ac- 
cording to their original words, tenor, and spirit.^ — Having made 
this call, it imposed on me, the farther duty, of stating to the House, 
my inducements for doing so. In the performance of this duty, I 
found it the most convenient mode of exhibiting my views, of the 
most pressing part of the subject, to have reference to a speech, de- 
livered by Mr. Clay, in the House of Representatives, in favor of 
the tariif bill. — 1 had been often referred to this speech, by the friends 
of the tariff, as containing all its true doctrines,' both constitutional, 
and politic. ]My attention had also, been particularly called to it, 
by a letter, from My. Clay himself. But finding; that, however 
ample, and abundant, the public considerations may be, for public 
acts; imputations of invidiu)us, personal feelings, are constantly sug- 
gested, as motives, for public conduct ; and being perfectly wilHng, 
that the private, as well as public relations, existing betweeu any. in- 
dividual, implicated in my discussions, and myself, should be made 
known to the public, I have determined to give publicity, to the sub- 
joined correspondence, between Mr. Clay and myself; with the 
accompanying certificate. Whilst, I feel the most perfect consci- 
ousness, of having, in every act of my public life, been influenced, 
solely, by public considerations; and feel the utmost contempt, for 
the little malicious u)inds ; which could condescend to sue-cest, invi- 
dious private motives, ior public acts, when they cannot, themselves, 
avoid seeing abundant public ones ; I deem it proper here, for the 
purpose of counteracting the unfounded suggestions, incessantly 
brought forward in the public prints against myself, to state: — That 
I have never in my whole political life, solicited an office: nor a vote 
for an office : — That whilst, acting in the representative character, in 
Congress, I never would accept an executive office; and not oidy, 
often made that avowal in private conversations ; but on one occasion, 
made a public declaration to the saipe effect. — That I resigned my 
office twice, and declined a re-electinn once, during my public ser- 
vice ; proving incontestibly, that'! had no inordinate solicitude for 
oflice ; and, that, whether in, or out of office, I have at all times, taken 
due care, to preser\e my personal independence, with an approving 
conscience ; securing to me, a perfect exemption from all motives 
whatever, to do wrong. It will be necessary, to enable the public, to 
form a correct judgment, upon the conduct of Mr. Clay, in addressing 
the subjoined letter to me, to state a few facts, connected with that 
transaction. As soon as I saw the latitudinarian construction, placed 



upon the Constitution, by tlic administrators of the practical govep»- 
ment; which, in my jiulamcnt, went to obliterate every vestige of its 
restraining provisions; I could not avoid anticipating; either, a se- 
verance of the Union; or a consolidated despotism, of the very worst 
organization. These anticipations, seem, at this time, to be, but too 
rapidly, progressing to realities; — under this impression, I thought 
proper, to present to the public, my views of the inevitable tendencies 
of this new mode of interpreting the Constitution. In performing this 
task, I found it would be necessary to have reference to Mr. Clay and 
others, with whom, I had formerly acted in Congress, upon princi- 
ples, directly opposed, in my judgment, to those, now advocated by 
the same gentlemen ; and that some of my remarks might possibly 
bear hard, upon their most obvious inconsistencies, I therefore de- 
termined, not to avail m^ self of the cover of an anonym.ous signa- 
ture, but to exhibit my opinions under my own proper name. Aftei' 
a number of my couimunications had been published, I received, 
most unexpectedly, the subjoined letter from Mr. Clay ; written, 
with every mark of diplomatic ceremony, deliberation, and circum- 
spection ; and accompanied, with two copies of his speech upon the 
tariff bill. Whilst, I utterly disclaim all resentment, or hostility 
whatever, towards Mr. Clay, in consequence of his having addres- 
sed this letter to me ; and the highly unwarrantable use he made of 
it, as I think, before its transmission, the transaction completely 
divested me of the respect, towards Mr. Clay, which is always 
felt by one gentleman, towards another; and this circumstance 
may, possibly, have led me in m}' commentary upon Mr. Clay's 
speech ; inadvertently, to speak, without that respectful considera- 
tion, which is at ail times, due from one gentleman to another ; be- 
cause, I did not consider Mr. Clay, as standing in that relation, to- 
wards me. Whilst it is possible, I may have been inadvertently led 
into a freedom of remark towards Mr. Clay, in consequence of au 
entire exemption from any obligation, towards him as a gentleman, 
which, if done, lias been unconsciously, done; 3'et, as far as I am able 
to judge, there is no epithet in the remarks, applied to Mr. Cla}-, 
which is not perfectly warianted by the peculiar characteristics of 
his own speech. I think, many of the suggestions, contained in that 
speech, not only liighly injurious to the interests, but insulting to 
the understandings of every wheat faruicr, slave holder, and South- 
ern, from Potomac, to the Gulf of Mexico inclusive. After having 
received Mr. Clay's most extraordinary letter, as I think it; and was 
informed, that he had condescended to make an unwarrantable use 
of it, before its transmission to me; 1 thought it an act of justice 
to Mr. Clay, to give him an opportunity of exculpating himself from 
the suggested Imputation ; but I had no mode of doing so. Being' 
rendered physically unable to call upon Mr. Clay in person, for an 
explanation, which, whether made in person, or by another, would 
not have been done, in a spirit of revenge for private satisfaction ; 
but for publication, with a view of submitting the transaction to pub- 
lic opinion; and the office, being of too delicate a character, to in\- 
pose upon a friend ; — I determined to wait until my eldest son came 



of age, avid to impose the unpleasant oftice upon him. — This hu'^ 
been done; and its execution will appear by Mr. Archer's certificate. 
Mr. Clay having:, thus, been afforded by me, an ample opportunity 
of exculpation, and refusing to avail himself of it ; I consider the 
equivocation, as an admission; that he did make the unwarrantable 
use of the letter, which had been suggested. If, liowever, he did not; 
this publication will afford him a further opportunity of making lui}^ 
exphniation of the transaction, he may think proper. The contents 
of Mr. Clay's letter; were of so singular a character, that it was dif- 
ficult, upon the first blush, to put a satisfactory interpretation upon 
them. 

For, whilst j\Ir. Clay, was certain!}', perfectly at liberty, to be, a5 
sarcastic, as he could be, towards myself; I did not tliink him at 
liberty to be so extremely sarcastic, as the contents of his letter cer- 
tainly prove him to be, upon his own veracity, sincerity, and fidelity ; 
nor could my imagination conceive, what manner of evil spirit it could 
be, that did tempt Mr. Clay to resort to this extraordinary letter, as an 
instrument, for privately indulging his revengeful feelings, arising 
from open, undisguised acts in relation to himself; and, as to the 
complaint intimated, that I had "discussed the public acts, and pub- 
lic conduct of those, who had the honor to concur, and co-operate 
with you (ine) in important measures, adopted in the most eventful 
crisis of our common country," it is only necessary to observe, that 
in my public remarks, I had discussed those public acts, and that 
public conduct, which were directly at war with those public acts, 
and that public conduct, in wjiich, heretofore, I had the honor " to 
concur and co-operate," wiih the gentleman alluded to. Believing 
the doctrines contained in IVIr. Clay's speech, more bold and alarm- 
ing, than any 1 had ever before seen avowed officially ; I determined 
to give them as much attention at least, as he desired, and to write 
a critique upon them at that time ; but 1 was then prevented, by a 
long continuation of ill health. 

The discussion of the tariff question, in the House of Delegates, 
growing out of the resolutions of iijquiry, afforded me an opportune 
occasion of making a general review of Mr. Clay's speech, instead 
of the crilic;d or)c originally intended; and seemed to be invited by 
I\ir. Cia3' himself. Although, whsMi I called for an explanation from 
Mr. Clay, through my son, my object was merely to make a public 
disclosure of the transaction, if it should result as I had reason to 
expect; 3et after the papers were returned, from farther reflection, I 
determined not to publish them. — This determination arose almost 
solely from my extreme reluctance in having my name brouglit be- 
fore the public in any way whatever, unless impelled by considerations 
of importance to the public interests. But 1 have, within a few days, 
changed that determination. 1 have been reluctantly driven to this 
change, in consequence of the false, deceptive imputations, recently 
brought against me in the public prints devoted to Mr. Clay and tlie 
administration, of acting under the miserable influence of invidious 
personal motives for all my public acts; which, if the infamous sug- 
gestions were true, could not in the smallest tittle, alter the character 



- a 

of those acts. Whereas, I here aver, that I do not indulge invidious 
feelings towards any human being; and that 1 have not, at this mo- 
ment, any desire wliatever to fill any office, nor would I accept of any, 
in my present infirm stale of health, except the one heretofore confer- 
red upon me by the pleasure of the General Assembly. I hope that 
refraining from publishing this transaction of Mr. Clay's in the midst 
of the electioneering scene, which has overshadowed the whole coun- 
try, from March, 1820, to this time, will protect me from the charge 
of voluntarily intermixing in that electioneering scene; and of wish- 
ing my name, unnecessarily, to appear before the public on any oc- 
ca.-.ion whatever. So far as'l have brought it before the public, I have 
acted solely from public, not private, considerations; nor have I in- 
termixed in the electioneering scene, farther, than manifesting my 
most decided opposition to the present administration, grounded up- 
on the firm conviction, that should it continue, American liberty is 
gone, and with it, the last vestige of hope for the future liberties of 
mankind. Nor have I now more confidence in its capacity for govern- 
ing this nation, nor in the wisdom of its practical measures. — Under the 
anxious and afflicting influence of this conviction ; I should, indeed, 
deeply regret, could 1 believe, that there was one American citizen, 
more opposed to the measures and doctrines of the administration, or 
would more readily incur all the responsibilities of such opposition, 
than myself; whilst at the same time, no American citizen can more 
truly and completely exempt himself from all invidious feelings to- 
wards its individual members. — 1 care not who reigns, if he be of 
good report, provided he reigns constitutionally ; and reigns not me, 
and the American people, out of our rights and liberties, given to us 
by our God, and secured to us, as we once fondly hoped, by the writ- 
ten constitutions of our countrv. 

WILLIAM B. GILES. 
October 8, 1827, 

Note. — In August, 1790, I was first elected to the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the United States, for an unexpired term, and was re- 
elected for the ensuing term, during the same year. I was afterwards 
re-elected without opposition, till the year 1798 — On the 2d day of 
October 1798, 1 resigned my seat in the House of Representatives 
of the United States. 

In the following December, I was elected to represent llie counlj' of 
Amelia, in the House of Delegates of Virginia, and was re-elecied 
(he next year, 1799. 

The year afier, 1800, I was elected to the House of Representatives 
of the United Slates. 

In 1603, I declined a re-election. Wiien Mr. Eppes was elected io 
supply the vacancy. 

In August, J 804, I was elected by the Executive Council, to llie 
Senate of the United Stales, when in retirement ai l.jome; aiid withom 
the least intimation of the intention of the Council to confer that honor 
upon me. 

On the 4th Deceuiber, 1804, 1 was elected by the General Assembly 
lor an unexpired term : and on the 7ih of the same month,, was re- 



6 

elected lor tlie ensuing term, commencing on the 4tli of March, 1805, 
and ending 4tli of Marcli, 1811. 

On January 2d, 1811, 1 was re-elected for the next term, commenc- 
ing the 4th of March, 1811, and ending the 4th of March, 1S17. 

On the 23(1 November, 1815, 1 resigned the Senatorial office. 

In 1816, 1 was elected by the county of Amelia to the General As- 
sembly, whilst at home in a sick bed; and believed to be at the point 
of death. 

And, in 182G. I was again brougiil forth as a candidate by the ppo-= . 
pie of the roimiy of Amelia, and elected to the House of Delegates. 

I have every reason to believe, that my standing in the Senate, and 
in the public estimation generally, was as good on the 4th of Murch, 
1815, as well as on the 23d November following, as it ever had been, 
at any period of my public service ; and that 1 resigned, not on ac- 
count of any unpleasant occurrences of a public character; as my 
letter of resignation will unquestionably prove. As an evidence of my 
standing in the Senate, in the session »>f 1814 — 1815, it will be neces- 
sary, only to slate; that I was elected, I believe unanimously, if not, 
certainly nearly so, chairman of the War Con)mittee ; and left the 
Senate in that character, having the year before withdrawn from that 
station, in consequence of disapproving of the measures proposed for 
conducting ihe war. 

Suggestions have often been repeated in the public prints ; that I had 
been driven from my office in consequence of my extreme unpopularity, 
arising from a difference of opijiion, between tiie General Assembly 
and myself, upon the line character of the obligation in)posed upon 
the Senator, to obey instructions given by the Legislature ."^ when that 
difference of opinion occurred in 1811; and in 1812, J vindicated my 
conduct upon that occasion ; and put it on grounds, which, 1 thoughi, 
ought to have been satisfactory to all. 

Hence it appears, that I had continued in office four years after giving 
ihe offence, and three years alter my vindication, and had two yeai^j 
to serve, before the expiration of the tern) ; of course, the resignation 
could not have been impelled by any consideration in relation to the 
right of instructions. If my desire of office, had been inordinately 
great, I might have served two years and then yielded to the supposed 
unpopularity of the instruction question. But notwithstanding ihe 
frequency of the repetition, in the public prints, that 1 had denied the 
right of the people to instruct their representatives; and of the state 
Legislature to instruct the Senators chosen by them respectively; / 
never did deny (he right of either ; and as it regards the right of the 
people to instruct their representatives, I was always a firm advocate 
of that right. Nor did J ever deny the right of the state Legislature, 
to instruct the Senators in the Congress of the United States, chosen 
by them respectively; but 1 did deny, that such constructions were ab- 
solutely mandatory upon the instructed Senator, and stripped him of 
all discretion in the exercise of his right to vote, granted to him by 
the express words of the constitution. The opinions, I then expressed, 
are in the following words, extracted from my speech printed at thai 
time. 



"The influence, or the true obligation of instructions, therefore, 
arises from the expression of opinion by the state legislatures ; and 
the very high respect which is at all times due from the Senator to 
the expression of such opinion by the legislature of the state he re- 
presents — a respect which I feel so strongly, that I never would de- 
part from an opinion thus expressed, unless in a clear and indisput- 
able case; but the point I contend for is, that this opinion is not in- 
junctive, compulsory or mandatory. That it is not in the nature of 
a command, but addressed to the discretion of the Senator instructed; 
taking into due consideration all the circumstances of the case eon- 
uected with such instructions." 

[See Documents at the end.^ 

Washington, l9th April, 1824, 

My Dear Sir^ 

Always recollecting with pleasure, our acquaintance in publit 
life, I have ever felt an unaflected interest in whatever concerns you, 
and particularly in respect to your health, which I had learnt was 
not good. 1 am, therefore, really happy in being authorized to in- 
for, from certain ingenious and learned Essays with which you have 
enlightened the public, through the respectable medium of the En- 
quirer, that the state of your health, if not entirely re-established, is 
much improved ; and that the unfortunate disputes and prosecutions 
in which, according to public rumor, you have been so long engag- 
ed with your Miller or Overseer, allow you sufficient leisure, once 
more to dedicate, to the public service, those fine talents, which I 
have so often had occasion to admire. I hope that you will be able 
to command from those unprofitable occupations, sufficient time to 
peruse a speech (of which I have the honor to transmit you a copy 
herewith) which 1 felt it to be my duty to deliver in the House of 
Representatives. It is sent to you for the sole purpose of exhibiting 
my real opinions, on the interesting subject of which it treats, and 
under the conviction, that it will be considered by you with, at least, 
the same candor and liberality with which you have, in the Essays^ 
above mentioned, discussed the public acts and public conduct of 
those who had the honor to concur and co-operate with you, in im- 
portant measures, adopted in a most eventful crisis of our common 
country. 

Wishing you, sincerely, an entire restoration of your health trnd 
much happiness, 

I am, faithfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

H. CLAY. 
William B. Giles, Esq, 

Wigwam, February 19th, 1826. 
Mr. Henry Clay. 

Sir, — This note will be presented to you by my son, Mr. Tho- 
mas T. Giles, accompanied with a letter addressed by you, to myself, 
on the 19th day of April, 1824. — Your letter would have received 
some attention, immediately after its r<^rpipt : but I was retidered 



unable to altenrl to its contents, at that time, by a severe illness, 
which commenced the day after its receipt, and continued for some 
months. During that tinie, several rumors reached me, stating, 
that the letter was merely intended as sarcastic, and that you had 
thought yourself at liberty to show it to a number of your friends, 
for your joint amusement. This letter, you also thought yourself at 
liberty, to forward to me, without apprising me of the use you had 
previously made of it. Since that lime, I have received the positive 
assurance of a gentleman, whose name it is not necessary to mention, 
but in whose information, I have full confidence ; that you did make 
such use of the letter, as is above staled. You are now requested 
to stale explicitly in writing, whether or not yon did show this letter 
to your friends, before you forwarded it to me ; and the object you 
had in doing so .'* and whether, or not, you had written it as a mere 
sarcasm ? I hope, sir, you will see the propriety of complj'ing" 
promptly with this request. 

Your obd't servant, 

WM. B. GILES. 

1 was requested, by ]\fr. Thomas T. Giles, to be present at an 
interview, between Mr. Henry Clay, and himself to day, at the 
house of Mr. Clay, who had been previously apprised by myself of 
the purpose, for vvfiich the interview had been invited. Mr. Giles 
presented to Mr. Clay two letters, the one the original, as I understood, 
of a letter addressed some time heretofore, by Mr. Cla}', to Mr. 
W. B. Giles: the other a reply to that letter, or containing an en- 
quiry, founded on its contents. Mr. Clay received, and perused the 
two letters, and then informed Mr. Giles, that in consequence of not 
recognizing liim as an organ, free from objection, from his relation 
to Mr. W. B Giles, for a communication, of the character, of that 
imported by the second letter, he should abstain from giving a replj' 
to it, through him ; but was prepared to give such reply, as he 
deemed the case required, whenever the objection derived from the 
present mode of communication should be removed. Mr. Clay then 
returned to Mr. Giles, the letter which appeared to have been for- 
merly addressed by Mr. Clay to Mr. W, B. Giles, and informed 
Mr. T. T. Giles, it was at his option, to retain, or leave the letter 
now presented to himself: the latter of these alternatives, was adopted 
by Mr. Giles, and the interview terminated. 



WM. S. ARCHER. 



March 4ih, 1826. 



IN SUPPORT OF 

AK AMERXCaK SYSTEM 

FOR THE PROTECTION OF AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 

On the 30th and Slst of March, 1824. 



The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Barbour) lias embrared tbe oc- 
casion produced bv llie proposition of the gentleman from Tennessee, 
to strike out t!ie minimiml price, in the bill, on cotton fabrics, to ex- 
press his sentiments at large on the policy of the pending measure; 
and it Is scarcely necessary for me to say that he has evinced his usual 
good temper, ability, and decorum. ^The parts of the bill are so in- 
termingled and inierwoven together, that there can be no doubt of the 
fitness of this occasion to exhibit its merits or its defects. It is my 
intention, with the permission of the Committee, to avail myself 
also of tliis opportunity, to present to its consideration those general 
views, as they appear to me, of the true policy of this country, wjiich 
imperiously demand the passage of (his bill. 1 am deeply sensible, 
Mr. Chairman, of (he high responsibility of m}^ present situation. But 
that responsibility inspires me with no other apprehension than that I 
shall be iniable to fulfil my duty; with no other solicitude than that I 
may, at least, in some small degree, contribute to recall my country 
from the pursuit of a Cnhil policy, which appears to me inevitably to 
lead to its impoverishment and ruin. I do feel most awfully this res- 
ponsibility. And, if it were allowable for us at the present day to imi- 
tate ancient examples, i woidd invoke the aid of the Most High, i 
would anxiously and fervendy implore His Divine assistance; that He 
would be graciously pleased to shower on my country His richest 
blessings; and that He would sustain, on this interesting occasion, the 
humble individual who stands before Him, and lend him the power, 
moral and physical, to perform the solemn duties which now belong to 
his public station. 

Two classes of politicians divide the people of the United States. 
According to the system of one, the produce of foreign in(iustry 
should be subjected to no other impost than such as may be necessary 
to provide a public revenue; and the produce of American industry 
should be left to sustain itself, if it can, with no other than that inci- 
dental protection, in its competition, at home as well as abroad, witii 
rival foreign articles. According to the system of the other class, 
whilst they agree that the imposts should be mainly, and may, under 
any modification, be safely relied on as a fit and convenient source of 
public revenue, they would so adjust and arrange the duties on foreign 



16 

fabrics as to aflord a gradual but adequate protection to American in- 
dustry, and lessen our dependence on foreign nations, by securing a 
certain and ultimately a cheaper and better supply of our own wants 
from our own abundant resources. Both classes are equally sincere in 
their respective opinions, equally honest, equally patriotic, and desirous 
of advancing the prosperiiy of the coimtry. In the discussion and 
consideration of these opposite opinions, for the purpose of ascertaining 
which has the support of truth and reason, we should, therefore, exercise 
every indulgence, and the greatest spirit of mutual moderation and 
forbearance. And in our deliberations, on this great question, we 
should look fearlessly and truly at the actual condition of ihe country, 
retrace the causes wiiich have brought us into it, and snatch, if possi- 
ble, a view of the future. We should, above all, consult experience — = 
the experipnce of other nations, as well as our own, as our truest and 
most unerring guide. 

In casting our eyes around us, the most prominent circumstance 
which fixes our attention, and challenges our deepest regret, is the 
general distress vvhich pervades the whole country. It is forced upon 
us by numerous facts of the most incontestable character. It is in- 
dicated by the diminished exports of native produce; by the depressed 
and reduced state of our foreign navigation; by our diminished com- 
merce; by successive unthreshed crops of grain, perishing in oin' 
barns and barn yards for the want of a market; by the alarming di- 
rainution of the circulating medium; by the numerous bankruptcies, 
not liniited to the trading classes, but extending to all orders of so- 
ciety; by an universal complaint of the want of employment, and a 
coiisequent reduction of the wages of labour; by the ravenous pursuit 
after public situations, not for the sake of their honours and the per- 
formance of their public duties, but as a means of private subsistence; 
by the reluctant resort to the perilous use of paper money; by the 
intervention of legislation in the delicate relation between debtor and 
creditor; and, above all, by the low and depressed state of the value 
of almost every description of the whole mass of the property of the 
nation, which has, on an average, sunk not less than about 50 per cent, 
within a few years. This distress pervades every part of the Union, 
every class of society; all feel it, though it may be felt, at different 
places, in different degrees. It is like the atmosphere vviiich surrounds 
us — all must inhale it, and none can escape it. In some places it ha? 
burst upon our people, without a single mitigating circunistance to 
temper its severity. In others, more fortiniate, slight alleviations have 
been experienced in the expenditm-e of the public revenue, and in 
other favouring causes. A lew years ago, the planting interest con- 
Rf)led itself with its happy exemption; but it has now reached this in- 
terest also, which experiences, though with less severity, the genera! 
suffering. It is most |)ainful to me to attehipt to sketch or to dwell on 
the ji;looui of this picture. But I have exaggerated nothing. Perfect 
Jiderny to the original would have autholised me to have thrown on 
deeper and darker hues. And it is the duty of the statesman, no less 
than that of the physician, to survey with a penetrating, steady, and 
undi>mayed eye, the actual condition of the subject on vvhich he would 
operate ; to probe to the bottom the diseases of the body politic, if he, 



li 

would apply efficacious remedies. We have not, tliank God, suirered 
ill any gceat degree for food. But distress, resuliing from llie absence 
of a supply of tlie mere physical wants of our nature, is not the only, 
nor, perhaps, the keenest distress, to which we may be exposed. Moral 
and pecuniary suffering is, if possible, more poignant. It plunges its 
victim into hopeless despair. It poisons, it paralyzes, the spring and 
source of all useful exertion. Its unsparing action is collateral as 
well as direct. It falls with inexorable force ai the same time upon the 
wretched family of embarrassment and insolvency, ^nd upon its head. 
They are a faithful mirror, reflecting back upon him, at once, his own 
frightful image, and that no less appalling of the dearest objects of his 
affection. What is the cause of this wide-spreading distress, of thi« 
deep depression, which we behold stamped on the public countenance.'' 
We are the same people. We have the same country. We cannot 
arraign the bounty of Providence. The showers still fall in the same 
grattful abundance. The sun still casts his genial and vivifying in- 
fluence upon the land ; and the land, fertile and diversified in its soils 
as ever, yields to the Industrious cultivator, in boundless profusion, its 
accustomed fruits, its richest treasures. Our vigour is unimpaired. 
Our industry has not relaxed. If ever the accusation of wasteful 
extravagance could be made against our people, it cannot now be just- 
ly preferred. They, on the contrary, for the few last years at least, 
have been practising the most rigid economy. The causes, then, of 
our present affliction, whatever they may be, are human causes, and 
human causes not chargeable upon the peOple, in their private and in- 
dividual relations. 

What, again 1 would ask, is the cause of the unhappy condition of 
our country, which I have faintly depicted.? It is to be found in the 
fact that, during almost tiie whole existence oftiiis government, we have 
shaped our industry, our navigation, and our commerce, in reference 
to an extraordinary war in Europe, and to foreign markets, which no 
longer exist; in the fact liiat we have depended too much upon for- 
eign sources of supply, and excited too little the native ; in the fqict 
that, whilst we have cultivated, with assiduous care, our foreign resour- 
ces, we have suffered those at home to wither in a state of neglect and 
abandonment. The consequence of the termination of the war of Eu- 
rope, has been the resumption of European commerce, European na» 
vigation, and tiie extension of European agriculture and European 
industry, in all its branches. Europe, therefore, has no longer occa- 
sion to any thing like the same extent as that which she had during her 
wars, for American commerce, American navigation, the produce of 
American industry. Europe in commotion, and convulsed through- 
out all her members, is to America no longer the same Europe as she 
is now, tranquil, and watching with the most vigilant attention all her 
own peculiar interests, without regard to the operation of her policy 
upon us. The effect of this altered state of Emope upon us, has been 
to circumscribe the employment of our marine, and greatly to reduce 
the value of the produce of our territorial, labour. The further effect 
of this twofold reduction has been to decrease the value of all proper- 
ly, whether on the land or on the ocean, and which I suppose to be 
^bout fifty per cent. And the still further effect has been to diminish 



12 

ilie amouut of our eirculaling inetlium, in a proporilon not less, by its 
transniission abroad, or its wiilidrawal by the Ijaiiking insiitutioiis. 
from a necessity which they could not control. Tlie quantity of mo- 
ney, in whatever form it may be, wiiich a nation wants, is in propor- 
tion to the total mass of its wealth, and to the activity of that wealth, 
A nation that has but little wealth, has but a limited want of money. 
In stating the fact, therefore, that the total wealth of the country has 
diminisiied, within a few ye.ars, in a ratio of about fifty per cent, we 
shall at once fully comprehend the inevitable reduction, which must 
have ensued, in the total quantity of the circulating medium of the 
country. A nation is most prosperous when there is a gradual and un- 
tempting addition to the aggregate of its circulating niedium. It is 
ill a condition the most adverse, when there is a rapid diminution in 
the quantity of the circulating medium, and a consequent depression in 
the value of property. In the former case, the wealth of individuals 
insensibly increases, and income keeps ahead of expenditure. But i'» 
the latter instance, debts have been contracted, engagements made, and 
habits of expense established, in reference to the existing state of wealth 
and of its representative. When these come to be greatly reduced, 
individuals find their debts still existing, their engagements unexecut- 
ed, and their liabits inveterate. They see themselves in the possession 
of the same property, on which, in good faith, they had bound them- 
selves. But that property, without their fault, possesses no longer the 
same value; and hence discontent, impoverishment, and ruin arise. Let 
us suppose, IMr. Chairman, that Europe was again the theatre of such 
a general war as recently raged throughout all her dominions — such a 
state of the war as existed in her greatest exertions and in our greatest 
prosperity': instantly there would arise a greedy demand for the sur- 
plus produce of our industry, for our commerce,- for our navigatioii. 
The languor which now prevails in our cities, and in our sea-ports, 
would give way to an animated activity. Our roads and rivers would 
be crowded with the produce of the interior. Every v«'here we should 
witness excited industry. The precious metals would re-llo\v from 
abroad upon us. Banks, which have maintained their credit, would 
revive their business ; and new banks would be established, to take the 
place of those which have sunk beneath the general pressure. For it 
is a mistake to suppose that they have produced our present adversity; 
iney may have somewhat aggravated it, but they were the effect and 
the evidence of oui' prosperity. Prices would again get up; the for- 
mer value of property would be restored. And those embarrassed 
persons who have not been already overwhelmed by the limes, would 
suddenly find, in the augmented value of their property, and the re- 
newal ol' their business, ample means to extricate themselves from all 
iheir diflicullies. The greatest want of civilized society is a market^ 
Cor the sale and exchange of the surplus of the produce of the laboi 
of its members. This market may exist at home or abroad, or both, 
bui it must exist somewhere, if society prospers ; and wherever it does 
exist it should be competent lothe absorption of the entire surplus of 
production. It is most desirable that there should be both a home and 
a foreign market. But with respect to their relative superiority, I can- 
not entertain a doubt. The home market ia first in order, and para- 



13 

mount in importance. The object of the bill under consideration, i& 
to create this home market, and to lay the foundations of a genuine 
American policy. It is opposed ; and it is incumbent upon the parti- 
sans of the foreign policy (terms which I shall use without any invidi- 
ous intent) to demonstrate that the foreign market is an adequate vent 
for the surplus produce of our labour. But is it so? 1. Foreign na- 
tions cannot, if they would, take our surplus produce. If the source 
of supply, no matter of what, increases in a greater ratio than the de- 
mand for that supply, a glut of the market is inevitable, even if we sup- 
pose both to remain perfectly unobstructed. Tlie duplication of our 
population takes place in terms of about twenty-five years. The term 
will be more and more extended as our numbers multiply. But it will 
be a sufficient approximation to assume this ratio for the present. We 
increase therefore, in population, at the rate of about four per cent, per 
annum. Supposing the increase of our production to be in the same 
ratio, we should, every succeeding year, have of surplus produce, four 
per cent, more than that of the preceding year, without taking into 
the account the differences of seasons which neutralize each other. If, 
therefore, we are to rely upon the foreign market exclusively, foreign 
consumption ought to be shown to be increasing in the same ratio of 
four per cent, per annum, if it be an adequate vent for our surplus pro- 
duce. But, as 1 have supposed ihe measure of our increasing produc- 
tion to be furnished by that of our increasing population ; so the mea- 
sure of their power of consumption must be determined by that of the 
increase of their population. Now the total foreign population, who 
consume our surplus produce, upon an average, do not double their 
aggregate number in a shorter tprm than that of about 100 years. Our 
powers of production increase then in a ratio four times greater than 
their powers of consumption. And hence their utter inability to re- 
ceive from us our surplus produce. 

But 2dly, If they could, they will not. The policy of all Europe 
is adverse to the reception of our agricultural produce, so far as it comes 
into collision with its own ; and under that limitation we are absolute- 
ly forbid to enter their ports, except under circumstances which deprive 
them of all value as a steady market. The policy of all Europe re 
jects those great staples of our country, which consist of objects of hu- 
man subsistence. Tiie policy of all Europe refuses to receive from us 
any thing but those raw materials of smaller value, essential to their 
manufactures, to which they can give a higher value, with the excep- 
tion of tobacco and rice, which they cannot produce. Even Great 
Britain, to which we are its best customer, and from which we receive 
=)early one half in value of our whole imports, will not take from us 
articles of subsistence produced in our country cheaper than can be 
produced it) Great Britain. In adopting this exclusive polic}', the 
states of Europe do not inquire what is best for us, but what suits them- 
selves respectively • they do not take jurisdiction of die question of our 
interests, but limit the object of their legislation to that of the conser- 
vation of their own peculiar interests, leaving us free to prosecute ours 
as we please. They do not guide themselves by that romantic philan- 
thropy, which we see displayed here, and which invokes us to continue 
to purchase the produce of foreign industry, without regard to the state 



14 

or prosperity of our own, tliat foreigners may be pleased to purchase 
the few remaining ar4icles of ours vvliich tlieir restricted policy has not 
yet absolutely excluded tireir consumption. 

■5^V*/X-V%(X'VV^VVVV%^VV\iVVA/VVXV'V%'VV^V%^l/VV\/VV\'VVVVVVVX/V'V^VV^ ^^ 

< What sort of a figure would a member of tire British Parlianienti 
i have made ; what sort of a recepticui would his opposition have i 
I obtained, if he had remonstrated against the passage of the Corn | 
] Law, by which British consumption is limited to the bread stuffs of ^ 
I British production, to the entire exclusion of American, and stat- > 
5 ed that America could not atid would not buy British manufac- 5 
f tures, if Britain did noi buy American flour ? | 

Both the inability and the policy of foreign powers, then, forbid us to 
rely upon the foreign market as being an adequate vent for the surplus 
produce of American labour. Now let us see if this general reason- 
ing is not fortified and confirmed by the actual experience of this coun- 
try. If the foreign market may be safely relied upoli, as furnishing an 
adequate demand tor our surplus produce, then the ofiicial documents 
will show a progressive increase, from year to year, in the exports of 
our native produce, in a proportion equal to that which I have suggest- 
ed. If, on the contrary, we shall find from them that for a long term of 
past years some of our most valuable staples have retrograded, some 
remained stationary, and others advanced but little, if any, in amount, 
with the exception of cotton, the deductions of reason and the lessons 
of experience will alike command us to withdraw our confidence in the 
competency of the foreign market. The total amount of all our ex- 
ports of domestic produce for the year, beginning in i795, and ending 
on the 30ih September, 1796, was $40,764,097. Estimating liie in- 
crease according to the ratio of the increase of our population, that is, 
at four per cent, per annum, the amount of the exports of the same 
produce in the ye:o' ending on the 30th Septeuiber last, ought to have 
been $85,420,86 1 . It was in fact only $47, ! 35,408, Taking the ave- 
rage of five years, from 1803 to 1807, inclusive, tlia amount of native 
produce exported was $43,209,751 for each of those years. Estimating 
what it ought to have been, during the last year, applying the princi- 
ple suggested to that amount, there should have been exported 
$77,766,751 instead of $47,155,408. If tliese comparative amounts of 
the aggregate actual exports and what they ought to have been, be dis- 
couraging, we shall find, on descending into particulars, still less cause 
of satisfaction. The export of tobacco in 1791 was 112,428 hogsheads. 
That was the year of the largest exportation of that article; but it is 
the only instance in which 1 have selected the maximum of exporta- 
tion. The amount of what we ought to have exported last year, esti- 
mated according to the scale of increase which 1 have used, is 266,332 
hogsheads. The actual export was 99,009 hogsheads. We exported in 
1803 the quantity of 1,31 1,853 barrels of flour ; and ought to have ex- 
ported last year 2,361,333 barrels. We, in fact, exported only 756,702 
barrels. Of that quantity we sent to South America, according 
|o a statement furniilied me by the diligence of a friend near we (Mn- 



Poinsett) to whose valuable mass of accuraCe informatioti, in regSr3 
t'o that interesting quarter of the world, I have had occasion frequently 
to apply. But that demand is temporary, growing out of tiie existing 
state of war. Whenever peace is restored to it, and 1 now hope that 
the day is not distant when its Independence will be generally acknow- 
ledged, there cannot be a doubt that it will supply its own consump<- 
tron. In ail parts of it the soil, either from climate or from elevation, 
is well adapted to the culture of wheal ; and no where can belter wheat 
be produced than in some portions of Mexico and Chili. Still the 
market of South America is one which, on other accounts, deserves 
the greatest consideration. And 1 congratulate you, the committee, 
and the country, on the recent adoption of a more auspicious policy 
towards it. 

We exported in 1805, Indian corn to the amount of 2,074, G08 bush- 
els. The quantity should have been, in 1823, 3,734,288 bushels. 
The actual quantity exported was 749,034 bushels, or about one-fifth 
of what it should have been, and a little more llian one-third of what 
it was more than twenty years ago. We ought not then to be surprised 
at the extreme depression of the price of that article, of which 1 have 
lieard my honourable friend (Mr. Basset) complain, nor of the distress 
of the corn-growing districts adjacent to Chesapeake Bay. We ex- 
ported 77,934 barrels of be«f in 1803, and llie last year but 61,418, 
instead of 140,274 barrels. In the same year, (1603,) we exported 
96,602 barrels of pork, and lasl year 55,529, instead of 1 73,882 barrels. 
Rice has not advanced, by any means in the proportion which it ought 
to have done. All the small articles, such as cheese, butter, candles, 
&c. too minute to detail, but important in their aggregate, have also 
materially diminished. Cotton alone has advanced. But whilst the 
quantity of it is augmented, its actual value isconsidtrably diminished. 
The total quantity last year exceeded that of the preceding year by 
near thirty millions of pounds. And yet the total value of the year of 
smaller exportation, exceeded that of ihe last year by upwards of three 
and a half millions of dollars. If this article, the capacity of our 
country to produce which was scarcely known in 1790, were subtract- 
ed from the mass of our exports, the value of the residue would only be 
a little upwards of ^27,000,000, during the last year. 

^VX/VV%^V^/VVXA.VVVVX^VVUVV^V^/V»/VX,»V^VVXV^-».V^',j\A,VV>/<tVV-WVX-SLV-VXVVVVVVVVVVVVVVX^ 

i The distribution of the articles of our exports throughout ihei 
J United Slates, cannot fail to fix the attention of the Committee.! 




liefly pi 
And il we estimate that portion of our population who are actually | 
> engaged in tlieir culture, it would probably not exceed two mil-f 
5 lions. Thus, then, less than one-fifth of the whole population of ^ 
I the United Slates produced upwards of one half, nearly two-thirds, J 
I of the entire value of the expgris of the lasl vear. I 

5^ t,-»/\-w\'WAV-v\'^/vvvx\-vx'\ ■»•».'» «~»'«»v»'W\v/«<x w-vwv%»,./vv<vv%rv\».i.-vvv\-»'\w»\v^~.xvxVwW'iy' 



16 

Is this loreign market, so incompetent at present, and wliicli, limited 
as its demands are, operates so unequall}' upon the productive labour of 
our country, likely to improve in future? If I am correct in the views 
which I have presented to the Committee, it must become worse and 
worse. Wliat can improve it? Europe will not abandon her own agri- 
culture to foster ours. We may even anticipate that she will more and 
more enter into competition with us in the supply of the West India 
market. That of South America, for articles of subsistence, will proba- 
bly soon vanish. The value of our exports, for the future, may remain 
at about what it was last year. But, if we do not create some new mar- 
ket; if we persevere in the existing pursuits of agriculture, the inevi- 
table consequence must be, to augment greatly the quantity of our pro- 
duce, and to lessen its value in the foreign market. Can there be a 
doubt on this point? Take the article of cotton, for example, which 
is almost the only article that now remunerates labour and capital. A 
certain description of labour is powerfully attracted towards the cotton 
growing country. The cultivation will be greatly extended, the aggre- 
gate amount, annually produced, will be vastly augmented. The price 
will fall. Tlie more unfavourable soils will then be gradually aban- 
doned. And I have no doubt that, in a few years, it will cease to be 
profitably produced, any where north of the 34th degree of latitude. 
But, in the mean time, large numbers of the cotton-growers will suffer 
the greatest distress. And whilst this distress is brought upon our own 
country, foreign industry will be stimulated by the very cause which 
occasions our distress. For, by surcharging the markets abroad, the 
price of the raw material being reduced, the manufacturer will be able 
to supply cotton fabrics cheaper; and the consumption in his own 
conntry, and in foreign nations, other than ours, (where the value of 
the import must be limited to the value of the export, which I have 
supposed to remain the same,) being proportionally extended, there 
will be consequently an increased demand for the produce of his in- 
.dustry. 

'^VV%'VV\-VV\VVVVVVVV^X/VXVVVWVVV'VVVVVVVVVVVVA/VVVVVVVVV^'^''^ 

> Our agricultural is our greatest interest. It ought ever to be^ 
? predominant. All others should bend to it. And in considering! 
' what is for its advantage, we should contemplate it in all its varie- • 
5 ties, of planting, farming, and grazing. Can we do nothing to in- ? 
^vigorate it; nothing to correct the errours of the past, and to? 
I brighten the still more unpromising prospects which lie before us?^ 

5fl -VX/X 'V%/\ -^^X.^ 'VV^ -VV^ 'V/%/\'\/V\ X^%-^ V"W^ "XiVA X'VV '*''^^ fvvx 

We have seen, I think, the causes of the distresses of the country. 
We have seen, tliat an exclusive dependence upon the foreign market 
must lead to still severer distress, to impoverishment, to ruin. We must 
then chatige somewhat our course. We must give a new direction to 
some portion of our industry. We must speedily adopt a genuine 
American policy. Still cherishing the foreign market, let us create also 
a home market, to give further scope to the consumption of the pro- 
duce of American industry. Let us counteract the policy of foreigners, 
and withdraw the support which we now give to their industry, and 



17 

stimulate tliat of our own country. It should be a prominent object 
With wise legislators, to multiply the vocations and extend the business of 
society, as far as it can be done, by the protection of our interests at home, 
against the injurious effects of foreign legislation. Suppose we were 
a nation of fishermen, or of skippers, to the exclusion of every other 
occupation, and the legislature had the power to introduce the pursuits 
of agriculture and manufactures, would notour happiness be promoted 
by an exertion of its authority.? All the existing employments of so- 
ciety — the learned professions — commerce — agriculture, are now over- 
flowing. We stand in each other's way. Hence the want of employ- 
ment. Hence the eager pursuit after public stations, which I have be- 
fore glanced at. 1 have been again and again shocked, during this 
session, by instances of solicitation for places, before the vacancies ex- 
isted. The pulse of incumbents, who happen to be taken ill, is not 
marked with more anxiety by the attending physicians, than by those 
who desire to succeed them, though with very opposite feelings. Our 
old friend, the faithful sentinel, who has stood so long at our door, and 
the gallantry of whose patriotism deserves to be noticed, because it was 
displayed when that virtue was most rare and most wanted, on a me- 
morable occasion, in this unfortunate city, becanie indisposed some 
weeks ago. The first intelligence which 1 had of his dangerous ill- 
ness, w-as by an application for his unvacated place. 1 hastened to as- 
sure myself of the extent of his danger, and was happy to find that 
the eagerness of succession outstripped the progress of disease. By 
creating a new and extensive business, then, we should not only give 
employment to those who want it, and augment the sunj of national 
wealth, by all that tliis new business would create, but we should melio- 
rate the condition of those who are now engaged in existing employ- 
ments. In Europe, particularly in Great Britain, their large standing 
armies, large navies, large even on their peace arrangement, their es- 
tablished church; afford to their population employments, which, in 
that respect, the happier constitution of. our government does not 
tolerate but in a very limiteil degree. The peace establishments of our 
army and our navy, are extremely small, and I hope ever will be. We 
have no established church, and I trust never shall have. In propor- 
tion as the enterprise of our citizens, in public employments, is circum- 
scribed, should we excite and invigorate it in private pursuits. 

The creation of a home market is not only necessary to procure 
for our agriculture a just reward of its labours, but it is indispensable 
to obtain a supply of our necessary wants. If we cannot sell, we can- 
not buy. That portion of our population (and we have seen that it is 
not less than four-fifihs) which makes comparatively nothing that fo- 
reigners will buy, has nothing to make purchases with, from foreign- 
ers. It is in vain that we are told of the amount of our exports sup- 
plied by the planting interest. They may enable the planting interest 
to supply all its wants: but they bring no ability to the interests not 
planting; unless, which cannot be pretended, the planting interest 
was an adequate vent for the surplus produce of the labour of all 
other interests. It is in vain to tantalize us with the greater cheapness 
of foreign fabrics. There must be an ability to purchase, if an arti- 
cle be obtained, whatever may be the price, high or low, at which it 
3 



18 

v\'as sold. And a cheap article is as much beyond tlie grasp of hins 
who lias no means to buy, «s a high one. Even if it were true that 
the American manufacturer would supply consumption at dearer 
rates, it is better to have liis fabrics than tlie unattainable foreign 
fabrics ; because it is better to be ill supplied than not supplied at all. 
A coarse coat, which will communicate warmth and cover nakedness, 
is belter than no coat. Tiie superiority of the home market results, 
1st, from its steadiness and comparative certainty at all times; 2d, 
from the creation of reciprocal interests ; 3d, from its greater security; 
And, lastly, from an ultimate and not distant augmentation of con- 
sumption (and consequently of comfort) from increased quantity and 
reduced prices. 

^^VVVV%rv,VVVVV\(VVX'VVV%'VVVV\>VV^\'VVVV*iVA/VVV\(VV^VV^VVVVVVVV^VVX-VVVVVVV^^ 

I But this home market, highly desirable as it is, can only be ere- 5 

I ated and cherished by the protection of our own legislation \ 

1 against the inevitable prostration of our industry, which must en- f 

I sue from the action of foreign policy and legislation. The effects 

i and the value of this domestic care of our own interests will be s 

^obvious from a few facts and considerations. Let us suppose thatf 

j half a million of persons are now employed abroad in fabricating! 

i for our consumption, those articles, of which by the operation of I 

; this bill a supply is intended to be provided within ourselves, l 

5 That half a million of persons are, in effect, subsisted by us; buti 

I their actual means of subsistence are drawn from foreign agricul- 1 

|ture. If we could transport them to this country, and incorporate | 

5 them in the mass of our own population, there would instantly? 

5 arise a demand for an amount of provisions equal to that which? 

5 would be requisite for their subsistence throughout the whole year, i 

J That demand, in the article of flour alone, would not be less than ^ 

^ the quantity of about 900.000 barrels, besides a proportionate | 

^quantity of beef and pork, and other articles of subsistence. But^ 

J nine hundred thousand barrels of flour exceeded the entire quantity^ 

I exported last year, by nearly one hundred and fifty thousand bar-? 

I rels. What activity would not this give, what cheerfulness would? 

I it not communicate, to our now dispirited farming interest! ButS 

^if, instead of these 500.000 artisans emigrating from abroad, we| 

I give by this bill, employment to an equal number of our owns 

J citizens now engaged in unprofitable agriculture, or idle, from the^ 

? want of business, the beneficial eflect upon the productions of our 

! farming hibour would be lu^arly doubled. The quantity would be 

J diminished by a subtraction of the produce from the labour of a!l| 

I those who should be diverted from its pursuits to manufacturing | 

^ industry, and the value of the residue would be enhanced, both by I 

J that diminution and the creation of the home market to^the extent ^ 

? supposed. And the honorable gentleman from Virginia, may re-? 

I press any appreiieusions which he entertains, that the plough will I 

J be abandoned, and our fields remain unsowi). For, under all the^ 

? modifications of social industry, if you will secure to it a just re- 1 

^ wanl, the greater attractions of agriculture will give to it that f 

I proud superiority which it has always maintained. ^ 

^ AA/\'VVAX'V\-».'V^'V'V\-V'V\'VV'\'V-VV'X'V/\'X'XA'V^'V'VV'\ -V/.'X^'\'VXAA,'W^'VV\'VV\'VV\'VV\'VV\'X/V\-VV\X/V\'V'V\^ 



i 



19 

If we suppose no actual abandonment of farming:, but, what is most 
likely, a gradual and imperceptible employment of population in the 
business of manufacturing, instead of being compelled to resort to agri- 
culture, the salutary effect would be nearly the same. Is any part of 
our common country likely to be injured by a transfer of the theatre 
of fabrication, for our own consumption, from Europe to America ? 
All that those parts, if any there be, which will not or cannoi engage 
in manufactin-es, should require, is, that their consumption should be 
well supplied ; and if the objects of that consumption are produced in 
other parts of the Union, that can manufacture, far from having on 
that account, any just cause of complaint, their patriotism will and 
ought to inculcate a cheerful acquiescence in what essentially contri- 
butes, and is indispensable necessary, to the prosperity of the common 
family. 

^>yvvvv^vvv\/v-vvvvvvvvvv\/vs.vv*vvvvvvvvvv/v^v^v^v/v^vvvv'vvvv^vx^vv'vvv^vvv\/v^ 

I The great desideratum in political economy, is the same as in I 
I private pursuits; that is, VVhat is the best application of the ag- 1 
Igregate industry of a nation, that can be made honestly to pro- ^ 
^duce the largest sum of national wealth? Labour is the source of ^ 
I all wealth ; but it is not natural labour only. I 

And the fundamental errour of the gentleman from Virginia, and of 
the school to which he belongs, in deducing, from our sparse popula- 
tion, our unfitness for the introduction of the arts, consists in their not 
sufficiently weighing the importance of the power of machinery. In 
former times, when but little comparative use was made of machinery, 
manual labour, and the price of wages, were circumstances of the great- 
est consideration. But it is Hir otherwise in these latter times. Such are 
the improvements and the perfection in machinery, that, in analyzing 
the compound value of many fabrics, the element of natural labour is so 
inconsiderable as almost to escape detection. This truth is demonstra- 
ted by many facts. Formerly Asia, in consequence of the density of 
her population, and the consequent lowness of wages, laid Europe un- 
der tribute for many of her fabrics. Now Europe reacts upon Asia, 
and Great Britain in particular, throws back upon her countless mil- 
lions of people, the rich treasures produced by artificial labour, to a 
vast amount, infinitely cheaper than they can be manufactured by the 
natural exertions of that portion of the globe. 

I But Britain is herself the most striking illustration of the im- ^ 
\ mense power of machinery. Upon what other principle can you ^ 
5 account for the enormous wealth which she has accumulated, and ' 



\ artificial labour, at the present day, carry it to the enormous height . 
5 of two hundred millions. But the population of the three king-| 
jdoms is 21,500,000. Supposing that to furnish able-bodied la-f 



I 



20 

I hour to the amount of four niillions, the natural labour will be but? 
I two per cent, of the artificial labour. In the production of wealili \ 
I she operates, therefore, by a power (including the wliule popula-S 
I tion) of 221,500,000; or, in other words, by a power eleven times s 

< greater than the total of her natm-al power. If we suppose? 

< the machine labour of tiie United States to be equal to that of< 
J 10,000 000 of able-bodied men, the United States will operate, in I 
5 the creation of wealth, by a power (including all their population) \ 
I of 20,000.000, In the creation of wealth, tiierefore, the power of | 
i Great Britain, compared to that of the United Slates, is as eleven 
\ to one. That these views are not imaginary, will be, 1 think, evinc- ^ 
I ed, by contrasting the wealth, the revenue, the power of the two? 
5 countries. Upon what other hypothesis can we explain those al- 1 
5 most incredible exertions wliich Britain made durinu; the late wars ? 
5 of Europe.'' Look at her immense subsidies! Behold her stand- 5 
I ing, unaided and alone, and breasting the storm of Napoleon's co- 1 
I lossal power, when all continental Europe owned and yielded to its I 
^ irresistible sway ; and finally contemplate her vigorous prosecution^ 

j of the war, with and without allies, to its splendid termination, on | 
^ the ever memorable field of Waterloo ! | 

The British works which the gentleman from Virginia has quoted, 
portray a state of the most wonderful prosperity, in regard to wealth 
and resources, that ever was before contemplated. Let us look a little 
into the semi-official pamphlet, written witli great force, clearness, and 
ability, and the valuable work of Lowe, to both of which that gentle- 
man has referred. The revenue of the United Kingdom amounted, 
during the latter years of the war, to seventy millions of pounds ster- 
ling; and one year it rose to the astonishing height of ninety millions 
sterling, equal to four hundred millions of dollars. This was actual 
revenue, made up of real contributions, from the purses of the people. 
After the close of the war, ministers slowly and reluctantly reduced the 
military and naval establishments, and accommodated them to a state 
of peace. The pride of power, every where the same, always unwil- 
lingly surrenders any of those circumstances, which display its pomp 
and exhibit its greatness. Cotemporaiieous with this reduction, Bri- 
tain was enabled to lighten some of the heaviest burthens of taxation, 
and particularly that most onerous of all, the income tax. In this lower- 
ed state, the revenue of peace, gradually rising from the momentary de- 
pression incident to a transition from war, attained, in 1822, the vast 
amount of fifty-five millions sterling, upwards of two hundred and forty 
millions of dollars, and more than eleven times that of the TJniied States 
for the same year; thus indicaiing the dilfirence, which I have suggest- 
ed, in the respective productive powers of the two countries. The ex- 
cise alone (collectetl under twenty-five diflerent heads) amounted to 
Iwenty-eight millions, more than one half of the total revenue of the 
kingdom. This great revenue allows Great Britain to constitute an 
efllcient sinking fund of five millions sterling, being an excess of actual 
income beyond expenditure, and amounting to more than the entire re- 
venue of the United Stales. 



21 



T If we look at the commerce of England, we shall perceive that ^ 
\ its prosperous condition no less denotes the immensity of her riches. | 
iThe average cif three years exports, ending in 1789, was between | 
1 13 and 14 millions. The average for tlie same term ending in 1822, | 
? was 40 millions sterling. The average of the imports for three | 
f years, ending in 1789, was seventeen millions. The average for| 
\ the same term, ending in 1822, was tliirty-six millions, shownig a? 
I favourable balance of four millions. Thus, in a period not longer | 
^than that which has elapsed since the establishment of our consti-^ 
5 tution, have the exports of that kingdom been tripled; and this has| 
hiiainly been the effect of the power of machinery. The totaU 
I amount of the commerce of Great Britain is greater since the ? 
I peace, by one-fourth, than it was during the war. The average of | 
i her tonnage, during the most flourishing period of the war, was? 
I two million four hundred thousand tons. Its average, during the J 
I three years, 1819, 1820, and 1821, was 2,600,000; exhibiting an| 
I increase of 200.000 tons. If we glance at some of the more pro- \ 
I minent articles of her manufactures, we shall be assisted in com- $ 
$ prehending the true nature of the sources of her riches. The amount | 
I of cotton fabrics exported, in the most prosperous year of the war, ^ 
< was eighteen million sterling. In ihe year 1820, it wa^ 16,600,000; | 
I'm 1821, 21,500 000; in 1822, 21,639,000/. sterling; presenting | 
! the astonishing increase in two years of upwards of five millions. | 
\ The total amount of imports in Great Britain from all foreign parts, | 
I of the article of cotton wool, is five millions sterling. After sup- < 
\ plying most abundantly the consumption of cotton fabrics within j 
I the country (and a people better fed and clad and housed, are notj 
I to be found under the sun, than the British nation,^ by means of her I 
5 industry, she gives to this cotton wool a new value, which enables^ 
I her to sell to foreign nations to the amount of 21,639,000/., mak- 1 
^ing a clear profit of upwards of 16,500.000/. sterling! In 1821,5 
Ithe value of the export of woollen manufactures was 4,300,000/. 5 
I In 1822, it was 5,500,000/. The success of her restrictive policy 5 
^is strikingly illustrated in the article of silk. In the manufacture? 
I of that article she labours under great disadvantages, besides thatf 
I of not producing the raw material. She has subdued them all, and I 
i the increase of the manufacture has been most rapid. Although ^ 
I she is still unable to maintain, in foreign countries, a successful^ 
J competition with the silks of France, of India, and of Italy, and ^ 
i therefore exports but little, she gives to the two millions of the raw ? 
t material w hich she in)ports, in various forms, a value of ten millions, ^ 
j which chiefly enter into British consumption. Let us suppose that ? 
I she was dependent upon foreign nations for these ten millions, what < 
s an injurious efiect would it not have upon her commercial relations , 
I with them ? The average of the exports of British manufactures, I 
I during the peace, exceeds the average of the most productive years : 
I of the war. The amount of her wealth annually produced, is? 
5 three hundred and fifty millions sterling; bearing a large propor- ? 
Stion to all of her pre-existing wealth. Tlie agricultural portion of? 
jit is said by the gentleman from Virginia, to be greater than that^ 



22 

I created by any otiier branch of her Industry. But that flows main- 1 
|ly from a policy similar to that proposed by this bill. One-third 5 
I only of her population is engaged in agriculture; the other two- 1 
I thirds furnishing a market for the produce of that third. With-? 
<draw this market, and what becomes of her agriculture.? Thej 
J power and the wealth of Great Britain cannot be more strikingly < 
J illustrated, than by a comparison of her population and revenue I 
i with those of other countries and with our own. [Here Mr. Clay I 
i exhibited the following table, made out from authentic materials.] I 

J Population, Taxes and public Taxation per | 

i burthens capita \ 

\ Russia in Europe, 37,000,000 Z.18,000,000 /.O 9 9 \ 

5 France, including- Corsica, 30,700,000 Z.37,Q00,000 ' /.I 4 \ 

i Great Uritain, exclusive oi"^ % 

i Ireland (tlie taxes conri- | « 

I puted according- to the ^ 14,500,000 ^40,000,000 1.2 15 | 

J value of money on the | • 5 

^ European Continent,) J 2 

i Great Britain and Ireland ? 21.500,000 ;.44,000,000 Z.2 ? 

5 collecuvely, 5 ' 

I Kng-land alone, 11,600.000 /.36. 000.000 /3 2 \ 

< Spain, 11,000^000 /.6.000,000 /.O 11 ? 

I Ireland, 7,000.000 / 4,000,000 /.O 11 I 

|TheUnitedStalesof AmeO loooQooO M,500,000 1.0 9 \ 

\ rica, i I 

\ From this exhibit we must remark, that the wealth of Great Bri- \ 
?tain, (and consequently her power.) is greater than that of any of? 
I the otiier nations with which it is compared. The amount of the| 
^contributions which she draws from the pockets of her subjects, is? 
5 not referred to for imitation, but as indicative of their weallh. The ] 
5 burthen of taxation is always relative to the ability of the subjects S 
\ of it. A poor nation can pay but little. And the lieavier taxes of s 
^British subjects, for example, in consequence of llieir greater; 
\ wealth, may be easier borne than the much lighter taxes of Span-! 
\ ish subjects, in consequence of their extreme poverty. The object * 
\o( wise governments should be, by sound legislation, so to protect? 
i the industry of their own citizens against the policy of foreign ? 
i powers, as tt) give to it the most expansive force in the production | 
j of wealth. Great J3riiain has ever acted, and still acts, on this po- \ 
\ licy. She lias pushed her protection of British interest further than i 
I any other nation has fostered its industry. The result is, greater | 
\ weallh among her subjects, and consequently greater ability to pay | 
\ their public burthens. \ 

If their taxation is estimated by their natural labour alone, nominal- 
ly it is greater than the taxaiion of the subjects of any other power. 
But if on a scale of their national and artificial labour compounded, 
it is less than the taxation of any other people. Estimating it on 
that scale, and assuming the aggregate ot the natural and artificial 
labour of the United Kingdoni to be what I have already stated, 
221,500,000, the actual taxes paid by a British subject are only aboiJt 
three and seven-pence sterling. Estimating our own taxes, on a sims- 



23 



lar scale, — that is, supposing both descriptions of labour to be equal to 
that of 20,000,000 of able-bodied persons, — the amount of tax paid 
by each soul in the United States is 4s. 6rf. sterling. 



avwvwwX' 



^v%<vv^vvvvv*vvvv»/» vvxivv^vx/vvvvvv^vvvvrvxv^^vv^vvvvx/xvvvvvvvvvvvvvvxjie 

T The Committee will observe, from that table, that the measure | 
I of the wealth of a nation is indicated by the measure of its protec-| 
J lion of its industry; and that the measure of the poverty of a na-^ 
i tion is marked by that of the degree in which it neglects and aban- ^ 
<dons the care of its own industry, leaving it exposed to the actions 
\ of foreign powers. Great Britain protects most her industry, and < 
J the wealth of Great Britain is consequently th.e greatest. France? 
\ is next in the degree of protection, and France is next in the order j 
I of wealth. Spain most neglects the duty of protecting the Indus- ^ 
\ try of her subjects, and Spain is one of the poorest of European ? 
I nations. Unfortunate Ireland, disinherited, or rendered in her in-| 
5 dustry subservient to England, is exactly in the same state of pover- 1 
5 ty with Spain, measured by the rule of taxation. And the United I 
J States are still poorer than either. ? 

I The views of British prosperity, which I have endeavoured to| 
5 present, show that her protecting policy is adapted alike to a state? 
^of war and of peace. Self-poised, resting upon her own internal I 
I resources, possessing a home market, carefully cherished and guard- | 
f edjShe is ever prepared for any emergency. We have seen her com- f 
I ing out of a war of incalculable exertion, and of great duration,^ 
^ with her power unbroken, her tneans undiminished. We have seen, \ 
I that almost every revolving year of peace has brouglit along with it ^ 
i an increase of her manufactures, of her commerce, and, consequent- S 
S ly, of her navigation. We have seen tlmt, constructing her prosperi- S 

< ly upon the solid foundation of her own protecting policy, it is unaf- i 

< fected by the vicissitudes of other states. What is our own condi- < 
I tion.'' Depending upon the state of foreign powers — confiding ex- I 
i clusively in a foreign, to the culpable neglect of a domestic, policy j 
\ — our interests are affected by all their movements. Their wars, 5 
i their misfortunes, are the only source of our prosperit3% In theirs 
I peace, and our peace, we behold our condition the reverse of thal| 
I of Great Britain — and all our interests, stationary or declining. — | 
J Peace brings to us none of the blessings of peace. Our system is> 
^anomalous; alike unfitted to general tranquillity, and to a state of? 
5 war or peace on the part of our own country. It can succeed only 5 
\ in ihe rare occurrence of a general state of war throughout Europe. \ 
\\ am no eulogist of England. 1 am far from recommending her ^ 
\ systems of taxation. I have adverted to them only as manifesting^ 
\ her extraordinary abilitj'. \ 

The political and foreign interests of that nation may have been, as 
I believe them to have been, often badly managed. Had she abstained 
from the wars into which she has been plunged by her ambition, or tlie 
mistaken policy of her ministers, the prosperity of England vvotdd, 
unquestionablj', have been nmch greater. But it may happen that the 



24 

public liberty, and the foreign relations of a nation, have been badly 
provided for, and yet that its political economy has been wisely man- 
aged. The alacrity or sullenness with which a people pay taxes, de- 
pends upon their wealth or poverty. If the system of their rulers leads 
to their impoverishment, they can contribute but little to the necessi- 
ties of the stale; — if to their wealth, tliey cheerfully and promptly pa^' , 
the burthens imposed on them. Enormous as British taxation appes^ / 
to be, in comparison witii that of other nations, but really lighter, > / 
it in fact is, when we consider its great wealth, and its powers of pro- 
duction, that vast amount is collected with the most astonishing regu- 
larity. [Here Mr. Clay read certain passages from Holt, showing that, 
in 1822, there was not a solitary prosecution arising out of the col- 
lection of the assessed taxes, which are there considered among the 
most burthensome, and that the prosecutions for violations of the excise 
laws, in all its numerous branches, vv»fre sensibly and progressively 
decreasing.] 

Having called the attention of the Committee to the present adverse 
state of our country, and endeavoured to point out the causes which 
have led to it; having shown that similar causes, wherever they exist 
in other countries, lead to the same adversity in their condition ; and 
having shown that, wherever we find opposite causes prevailing, a 
liigh and animating state of national prosperity exists, the Committee 
will agree with me in thinking that it is the solemn duty of govern- 
ment to apply a remedy to the evils which afflict our county, if it can 
apply one. Is there no remedy within the reach of the government .'' 
Are we doomed to behold our industry languish and decay yet more 
and more.'' But there is a remedy, and that remedy consists in modi"- 
fying our foreign policy, and in adopting a genuine American sys- 
tem. We must naturalize the arts in our country; and we must na- 
turalize them by the only means which the wisdom of nations has yet 
discovered to be effectual ; by adequate protection, against the other- 
wise overwhelming influence of foreigners. This is only to be accom- 
plished by the establishment of a tariff, to the consideration of vvliich 
I am now brought. 

■M^ vv^ vvx. V v^ '^■'v^ vx^ vv^ v^/v vv% vvv vvv v^ /v v-vx VA/V v%^ vvv vvv v%/v v^^ 

] And what is this tariff.'* It seems to have been regarded as a sortj 
5 of monster, huge and deformed — a wild beast, endowed with tre- S 

< mendous powers of destruction, about to be let loose among our | 

< people — if not to devour them, at least to consume their substance. < 
J But lei us calm our passions, and deliberately survey this alarming, | 
I ihis terrific being. The sole object of the tariff is to tax the pro- I 
*. duce of foreign industry, with the view of promoting American in- 1 
}. dustry. The tax is exclusively levelled at foreign industry. That i 
I is the avowed and the direct purpose of the tariff. If it subjects any » 
S part of American industry to burthens, that is an effect not intend-? 
Jed, but is altogether incidental, and perfectly voluntary. I 
J It has been treated as an imposition of burthens upon one parti 
^ of the community by design, for the benefit of another; as if, in ? 
J fact, money were taken from the pockets of one portion of the f 
I people and put into the pockets of another. But, is that a fair re- 1 



25 

I presentation of it ? No man pays the duty assessed on the foreign ? 
I article by compulsion, but voluntarily ; and this voluntary duty, if? 
I pf*id, goes into the common exchequer, for the common benefit of S 
I all. Consumption has four objects of choice. 1. It may abstains 
I from the use of the foreign article, and thus avoid the payment of? 
I the tax. 2. It may employ the rival American fabric. 3. It may < 
S engage in the business of manufacturing, which this bill is designed I 
: to foster. 4. Or it may supply itself from the household manu- 1 
I fac lures. I 

9 

But it is said, by the honourable gentleman from Virginia, that the 
South, owing to the character of a certain portion of its population, 
cannot engage in the business of manufacturing. Now 1 do not agree 
in that opinion, to the extent in which it is asserted. Tlie circum- 
stance alluded to may disqualify the South from engaging, in every 
branch of manufacture, as largely as other quarters of the Union, but 
to some branches of it, that part of our population !s well adapted. It 
indisputably affords great facility in t!ie household or don,estic line. 
But, if the gentleman's premises were true, could his conclusion be 
admitted .'* According to him, a certain part of our population, hap- 
pily much the smallest, is peculiarly situated. 

4 

I The circumstance of its degradation unfits it for the manufac- | 
^ turing arts. The well being of the other, and the larger part of^ 
I our population, requires the introduction of those arts. What is to ? 
f be done in this conflict.'* The gentleman would have us abstain | 
^ from adopting a policy called for by the interest of the greater J 
I and freer part of our population. But is that reasonable ? Can it s 
I be expected that the iiuerests of the greater part should be made! 
I to bend to the condition of the servile part of our population ?j 
5 That, in effect, would be to make us the slaves of slaves. I went, | 
i with great pleasure, along with my southern friends, and I am rea- j 
; dy again to unite with them in protesting against the exercise oi'i 
I any legislative power, on the part of Congress, over that delicate: 
* subject, because it was my solemn conviction, that Congress was -• 
^ interdicted^^ or at least not authorized, by the constitution, to exer- 1 
S cise any such legislative power. And I am sure that the patriotism I 
5 of the South may be exclusively relied upon to reject a policy 5 
J which should be dictated by considerations altogether connected ^ 
S with that degraded class, to tlie prejudice of the residue of our po- 1 
I pulation. But does not a perseverance in the foreign policy, as it j 
I now exists, in fiict make all parts of the Union, not planting, tri-} 
I butary to the planting parts ? J 

What is the argument ? It is, that we must continue freely to receive 
the produce of foreign industry, wlthotit regard to the protection of 
American industry, that a market may be retained for the sale abroad 
of the produce of the planting portion of the country; and that if we 
lessen the consumption, in all parts of America, those which are not 
planting, as well as the planting sections, of foreign inanufactures, we 



26 

diminish to that extent the foreign market for the planting produce. 
The existing stale of things, indeeiJ, presents a sort of tacit compact 
between the cotton grower and the British manufacturer, the stipula- 
tions of which are, on the part of ihe cotton grower, that llie whole of 
the United States, the other portions as well as the cotton growing, shall 
remain open and unrestricted it) the consumption of British manufac- 
tures ; and, on the part of the British manufacturer that, in considera- 
tion thereof, he will continue to purchase the cotton of ti)e South. 
Thus, then, we perceive that the proposed measure, instead of sacrific- 
ing the South to the other parts of the Union, seeks only to preserve 
thetn from being absolutely sacrificed under the operation of the tacit 
compact which 1 have described. Supposing the South to be actually 
incompetent, or disinclined to embark at all in the business of manu- 
facturing, is not its interest, nevertheless, likely to be promoted by cre- 
ating a new and an American source of supply for its consumption? 
Now foreign powers, and Great Britain principally, have the monopoly 
of the supply of southern consumption. If this bi4l should pass, an 
AiBerican competitor in the supply of the South would be raised up, 
and ultimately I cannot doubt that it will be supplied cheaper and bet- 
ter. 1 have before had occasion to state, and will now again mention, 
the beneficial efl^ects of American competition with Europe in furnish- 
ing a supply of the article of cotton bagging. After the late war, the 
influx of the Scottish manufacture prostrated the Anverican establish- 
ments. The consequence was that the Scotch possessed the moiuipoly 
of the supply; and the price of it rose, and attained, the year before 
the last, a height which amounted to more than an equivalent for ten 
years protection to the American manufacture. This circumstance 
tempted American industry again to engage in the business, and seve- 
ral valuable manufactories have been established in Kentucky. They 
have reduced the price of the fabric very consulerably ; but without the 
" protection of government they may be again prostrated — and then the 
Scottish manufacturer engrossing the supply of our consumption, the 
price will probably again rise. It has been tauntingly asked if Ken- 
tucky cannot maintain herself in a competition with the two Scottish 
towns of Inverness and Dundee.'' But is that a fair statement of the 
case.'' Those two towns are cherished and sustained by the whole pro- 
tecting policy of the British empire, whilst Kentucky cannot, and the 
general government will not, extend a like protection to the few Ken- 
tucky villages in which the article is made. 

If the cotton growing consumption could be constitutionally exempt- 
ed from the operation of this bill, it might be fair to exempt it upon 
the condition that foreign manufactures, the proceeds of the sale of cot- 
ton abroad, should not enter at all into the consumption of the other 
parts of the United States. But such an arrangement as that, if it 
could be made, would probably be objected to by the cotton growing 
country itself. 

2. The second objection to the proposed bill is, that it will diminish 
the amount of our exports. Ii < an have no efiect upon our exports, 
except those which are sent to Europe. Except tobacco and rice, we 
Y^send there nothing but the raw materials. If The argument is, that Eu- 
rope will not buy of us, if we do not buy of her. The first objection 



27 

to it is, that it calls upon us to looU to the question, and to take care of 
European ability in legislating for American interests. Now, if in 
legislating for their interests, they would consider and provide for our 
ability, the principle of reciprocity would enjoin us so to rep;ulate our 
intercourse with them, as to leave their ability unimpaired. But I have 
shown that, in the adoption of their own policy, their inquiry is strict- 
ly limited to a consideration of their peculiar interests, without any re- 
gard to that of ours. The next remark I would make is, that the bill 
only operates upon certain articles of European industry, which it is 
supposed our interest requires us to manufacture wiihin ourselves; and 
although its eflect will be to diminish the amount of our imports oi'lhose 
articles, it leaves them free to supply us with any other produce of their 
industry. And since the circle of human comforts, refinements, and 
luxuries, is of great extent. Europe will slill find herself able to pur- 
chase from us what she has hitherto done, and to discharge the debt in 
some of those objects. If tliere be any diminution in our exports to 
Europe, it will probably be in the article of cotton to Great Britain. 
1 have staled that Britain buys cotton wool to the amount of about five 
millions sterling, and sells "to foreign states to the amount of upwards 
of 21,000,000 an,d a half Of this sum, we take a little upwards of a mil- 
lion and a half The residue of about 20.000,000, she must sell to other 
foreign powers than the United States, Now their market will continue 
open to her, as much after the passage of this bill, as before. She will 
therefore require from us the raw material to supply their consumption. 

_But, it is said, she may refuse to purchase it of us, and seek a supply else- 
where, -n^here can be but little doubt that she now resorts to us, because 
we can supply her cheaper and better than any other country. And it 
would be unreasonable to suppose that she would cease, from any pique 
towards us, to pursue her own interest. Suppose she was to decline 
purchasing from us : The consequence would be, that she would lose 
the market for the twenty ujillions sterling, which she now sells other 
foreign powers, or enter it under a disadvantageous competition with us, 
or with other nations, who should obtain their supplies of the raw ma- 
terial from us. / If there should beany diminution, therefore, in the ex- 

^portation of cotton, it would only be in the proportion of about one 
and a half to twenty, that is, a little upwards of five per cent. ; the loss 
of a market for which, abroad, would be fully conipensated by the mar- 
ket for the article created at home. Lastly, 1 would observe, that the 
new application of our industry, producing new objects of exportation, 
and they possessing nuich greater value than in the raw stale, we should 
be in the end aujply indenniified, by their exportation. Already the 
item in otn- foreign exports of manufactures is considerable ; and we 
know that our cotton fabrics iiave been recently exported in a large 
amount to South America, where they maintain a successful competi- 
tion with those of any other country. 

3. The third objection to the tiiriff" is, that it will diminish our na- 
vigation. This great interest deserves every encouragement, consistent 
with the paramount interest of agriculture. In the order of nature it 
is secondary to both agriculture and manufactures. Its business is the 
transportation of the productions of those two superior branches of in- 
dustry. It cannot therefore be expected, that they shall be moulded or 



28 

sacrificed to suit its purposes ; but, on the contrary, navigation must 
accoininodafe itself, to t'oe actual state ofajo^riculture and mnnufactures. 
If, as I believe, we have nearly reached ihe maximum in value of our 
exports of raw produce to Europe, the eftect liereafter will be, as it 
respects that branch of our trade, if we persevere in the foreign system, 
to retain our navif^ation at the point wi)ich it has now reached. By re- 
ducing, indeed, as will probably take place, the price of our raw mate- 
rials, a further quantity of them could be exported, and, of course, ad- 
ditional employment migiit, in that way, be given to our tonnage ; but 
that would be at the expense of the agricultural interest. If 1 am right 
in supposing that no eflect will be produced by this measure u()on any 
other branch of our export trade, but that to Europe ; that, with regard 
to that, there will be no sensible diminution of our exports; and that 
the new direction given to a portion of our industry will produce other 
objects of exportation, the probability is, that our foreign tonnage will 
be even increased under the operation of this bill. But, if I am mis- 
taken in these views, and it sliould experience any reduction, the in- 
crease in onr coasting tonnage, resulting from the greater activit}' of 
domestic exchanges, will more than compensate the injury. Although 
our navigation partakes in the general distress of the countr}', it is less 
depressed than any other of our great interests. The foreign tonnage 
has been gradually, though slowly, increasing, since 1816. And our 
coasting tonnage, since 1816, has increased upwards of one liundred 
thousand tons. 

4. It is next contended that the effect of the measure will be to di- 
minish our foreign commerce. The objection assumes, what 1 have 
endeavoured to controvert, that there will be a reduction in the value of 
our exports. Commerce is an exchange of commodiiies. Whatever 
will ttiud to augment the wealth of a nation must increase its capacity 
to make these exchanges. By new productions, or creating new va- 
lues in the Hibricated forms which shall be given to old objects of our 
industry, we shall give to commerce a fresh spring, a new aliment. 
The foreign commerce of the country, from causes, some of which I 
have endeavoured to point out, has been extended as far as it can be. 
And I think there can be but little doubt that the balance of trade is, 
and for some time past has been, against us. I was surprised to hear 
the learned gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster,) rejecting, 
as a detected and exploded fallacy, the idea of a balance of trade. I 
have not time nor inclination now to discuss that topic. But 1 will ob- 
serve, that all nations act upon the suppositi*)n of the reality of its ex- 
isten* e, and seek to avoid a trade, the balance of which is imfavoura- 
blc, and to foster that which presents a favoiu'abic, balance. Howe- 
ver the account be made up, whatever may be the items of a trade, 
cominndities. fishing industry, marine labour, the carrying trade, all 
of which 1 admit should be comprehended, there can beno doubt, I think, 
that the totality of the exchanges of all descriptions made by one na- 
tion with another, or against the totality of the exchanges of all other 
nations together, may be such as to present the state of an unfavorable 
balance with the one or with all. It is true that, in the long run, the 
measures of these exchanges, that is, the totality in value of what is 
given and of what is received, must be equal to each other. But great 



20 

distress may be feh long before the counterpoise can be eflected. In 
the mean time, there will be an export of the precious metals, to the 
deep injury of internal trade, an unfavorable state of exchange, an ex- 
port of public securities, a resort to credit, debt, mortgages. Most of, 
if not all, these circumstances, are believed now to be indicated by our 
country, in its foreign commercial relations. What have we received, 
for example, for the public stocks sent to England ? Goods. But those 
stocks are our bond, which must be paid. Although the solidity of the 
credit of the English public securities is not surpassed by that of our 
own, strong as it justly is, when have we seen English stocks sold in 
oiH' market, and regularly quoted in the prices current, as American 
stocks are in England f An unfavorable balance with one nation, may 
be made up by a favorable balance with other nations; but the fact of 
the existence of that unfavorable balance is strong presumptive evidence 
against the trade. Commerce will regidale itself! Yes, and the extra- 
vagance of a spendthrift heir, who squanders the rich patrimony which 
has descended to him, will regulate itself ultimately. But it will be a 
regulation which will exhibit him in the end safely confined within the 
walls of a jail. Commerce will regulate itself! But is it not the duty 
of wise governments to watch its course, and, beforehand, to provide 
against even distant evils ; by prudent legislation stimulating the indus- 
try of their own people, and checking the policy of foreign powers as 
it operates on them ^ The stipply, then, of the subjects of foreign com- 
merce, no less than the supply of consumption at home, requires of us 
to give a portion of our labour such ^ direction as will enable us to 
produce them. That is the object of the measure under consideration, 
and 1 cannot doubt tliat, if adopted, it will accomplish its object. 

5. Tije fifth objection to the tariff, is, that it will diminish the pub- 
lic revenue, disable us frou) paying the public debt, and finally compel 
a resort to a system of excise and internal taxation. This objection is 
founded upon the supposition that the reduction in the importation of 
the subjects, on which the increased duties are to operate, will be such 
as to produce the alleged effect. All this ig matter of mere conjecture, 
and can only be determined by experiment. I have very liule doubt, 
with my colleague, (Mr. Trimble,) that the revenue will be increased 
considerably, for some years at least, under the operation of this bill. 
The diminution in the quantity imported will be compensated by the 
augmentation of the dut3'. In reference to the article of molasses, for 
example, if the import of it should be reduced fifty per cent, the amount 
of duty collected would be the same as it now is. But it will not, in 
all probability, be reduced by any thing like that proportion. And 
then there are some other articles which will continue to be introduced 
in as large quantities as ever, notwithstanding the increase of duty, the 
object in reference to them being revenue and not the encouragement of 
domestic manufactures. Another cause will render the revenue of this 
year, in particular, much more productive than it otherwise would have 
been; and that is, that large quantities of goods have been introduced 
into the country, in anticipation of the adoption of this measure. The 
eagle does not dart a keener gaze upon his intended prey, than that with 
which the British manufacturer and merchant watches the foreign mar- 
ket, agd the course e\'en of our elections as well as our legislation. 



30 

The passage of this bill has been expected; and all our information is 
tiiat the importations, during this spring, have been immense. But, 
further, the measure of our importations is that of our exportations. I(' 
I am right in supposing, that, in future, the amount of these in the old 
or new forms of the produce of our labour will not be diminished, but 
probably increased, then the amount of our importations, and conse- 
quently, of our revenue, will not be reduced, but may be extended. If 
these ideas be correct, there will be no inability on the part of govern- 
ment to extinguish the public debt. The payment of that debt, and 
the consequent liberation of the public resources from the charge of it, 
is extremely desirable. No one is more anxious than I am to see that 
important object accomplished. But I entirely concur with the gentle- 
man from Virginia, (Mr. Barbour,) in thinking that no material sacri- 
fice of any of the great interests of the nation ought to be made to ef- 
fectuate it. Such is the elastic and accumulating nature of oiu' public 
resources, from the silent augmentation of our population, that, if in 
any given state of the public revenue, we throw ourselves upon a couch 
and go to sleep, we may, after a short time, awake with an ability 
abundantly increased to redeem any reasonable amount of public debt 
with which we may happen to be burihened. The public debt of the 
United States, though nominally larger now than it was in the year 
1791, bears really no sort of discouraging comparison to its amount at 
that time, whatever standard we n)ay clioose to adopt to institute the 
comparison. It was in 1791 about seventy-five millions of dollars. It 
is now about ninety. Then we had a population of about four milli- 
ons. Now we have upwards of ten millions. Then we had a revenue 
short of five millions of dollars. Now our revenue exceeds twenty. If 
we select population as the standard, our present population is one hun- 
dred and fifty per cent, greater than it was in 1791 ; if revenue, that 
is four limes more now than at the former period; whilst the public debt 
has increased only in a ratio of twenty per cent, A public debt of three 
hundred millions of dollars, at the present day, considering our actual 
ability, compounded both of the increase of population and of revenue, 
would not be more onerous now than the debt of seventy-five millions 
of dollars was, at the epoch of 1791, in reference to the same circum- 
stances. If I am right in supposing, that, under the operation of the 
proposed measure, there will not be any diminution, but a probable in- 
crease of the public revenue, there will be no difficulty in defraying the 
current expenses of government, and paying the principal, as well as 
the interest, of the public debt, as it becomes due. Let ns for a mo- 
ment, however, indulge the improbable supposition of the opponents of 
the tariff, that there will be a reduction of the revenue to the extent of 
the most extravagant calculation which has been made, that is to say, 
to the extent of five millions. That sum deducted, we shall still have re- 
maining a revet)ue of about fifteen millions. The treasury estimates 
of the current service of the years 1822, 1823, and 1824, exceeds, each 
year, nine millions. The lapse of revolutionary pensions, and judicious 
retrenchments which might be made without detriment to any of the 
essential establishments of the country, would probably reduce them 
below nine millions. Let us assume that sum, to whicJi add about five 
millions and a half for the interest of the public debt, and the wants of 



31 

government would require a revenue of fourteen and a half millions, 
leaving a surplus of revenue of Half a million beyond the public ex- 
penditure. Thus, by a postponement of the payment of the principal 
of the public debt, in which the public creditors would gladly acqui- 
esce, and confiding for the means of redeeming it in the necessary in- 
crease of our revenue from the natural augmentation of our population 
and consumption, we may safely adopt the proposed measure, even if 
it should be attended (which is confidently denied) with the supposed 
diminution of revenue. We siiall not then have occasion to vary the 
existing system of taxation ; we shall be under no necessity to resort 
either to direct taxes or to an excise. But, suppose the alternative were 
really forced upon us of continuing the foreign system, with its inevita- 
ble impoverishment of the country, but with the advantage of the pre- 
sent mode of collecting the taxes, or of adopting the American system, 
with its increase of the national wealth, but with the disadvantage of 
an excise, coidd any one hesitate between them.? Customs and an ex- 
cise agree in the essential particulars, that they are both taxes upon 
consumption, and both are voluntary. They differ only in the mode 
of collection. The office for the collection of one is located on the 
frontier, and that for the other within the interior. I believe it was Mr. 
Jefferson, who. In reply to the boast of a citizen of New-York of the 
amount of the public revenue paid by that city, asked who would pay it 
if ihe collector's office were removed'to Paulus Hook, on the New-Jersey 
shore .f* National wealth is tlie source of all taxation. And, my word for 
it, the people are too intelligent to be deceived by mere names, and not 
to give a decided preference to that system which is bas'^d upon their 
wealth and prosperity, rather than to that which is founded upon their 
impoverishment and ruin. 

6. But. according to the opponents of the domestic policy, the pro- 
posed system will force capital and labour into new and reluctant em- 
ployments ; we are not prepared, in consequence of the high price of 
wages, for the successful establishment of manufactures, and we must 
fail in the experiment. We have seen, that the existing occupations of 
our society, those of agriculture, commerce, navigation, and the learn- 
ed professions, are overflowing with competitors, and that the want of 
emploj'ment is severely felt. Now what does this bill propose.'' To 
open a new and extensive field of business, in which all that choose 
may enter. Tliere is no compulsion upon any one to engage in it An 
option only is given to industry, to continue in the present unprofitable 
pursuits, or to embark in a new and promising one. The effect will be to 
lessen the competition in the old branches of business, and to multiply 
our resources for increasing our comforts, and augmenting the national 
wealth. The alleged fact of the high price of wages is not admitted. 
The truth is, that no class of society suffers more, in the present stag- 
nation of business, than the labouring class. That is a necessary effect 
of the depression of agriculture, the principal business of the commu- 
nity. The wages of able-bodied men vary from five to eight dollars 
per month; and such has been the want of employment, in some parts 
of the Union, that instances have not been unfrequent, of men work- 
ing merely for the means of present subsistence. If the wages for la- 
bour here and in England are compared, they will be found not to be 



« 32 

essentially difl'erent. 1 agree with the honourable gentleman from Vir- 
ginia, that high wages are a proof of national prosperity; we differ 
only in the means by which that desirable end shall be attained. But, 
if the fact were true, that the wages of labour are high, I deny the cor- 
rectness of the argument founded upon it. The argument assumes 
that natural labour is the principal element in the business of manufac- 
ture. That was the ancient theory. But the valuable inventions and 
vast improvements in machinery, which have been made within a few 
past years, have produced a new era in the arts. The effect of this 
change, in the powers of production, may be estimated from what I 
have already stated, in relation to England, and to the triumphs of Eu- 
ropean artificial labour over the natural labour of Asia, in consider- 
ing the fitness of a nation for the establishment of manufactures, we 
must no longer limit our views to the state of its population, and the 
price of wages. All circumstances must be regarded, of which that is, 
perhaps, the least important. Capital, ingenuity in the construction, 
and adroitness in the use of machinery, and tlie possession of the raw 
materials, are those wiiich deserve the greatest consideration. All these 
circumstances, (except that of capital, of which there is no deficiency,) 
exist in our country in an eminent degree, and more than counterbal- 
ance the disadvantage, if it really existed, of the lower wages of labour 
in Great Britain. The dependence upon foreign nations for the raw 
material of any great manufacture, has been ever considered as a dis- 
cotiraging fact. The state of our population is peculiarly favourable 
to the most extensive introduction of machinery. We have no preju- 
dices to combat, no persons to drive out of employujent. The pam- 
phlet, to which we have had occasion so often to refer, in enumerating 
the causes which have brought in England their manufactures to such 
a state of perfection, and which now enable them, in the opinion of the 
writer, to defy all competition, does not specify, as one of tliem, low 
wages. Jt assigns three — 1st, capital; 2dly, extent and costliness of 
machinery; and, 3dly, steady and persevering industry. Notwithstand- 
ing the concurrence of so many favourable causes, in our country, for 
the introduction of the arts, we are earnestly dissuaded from maUing 
the experiment, and our ultimate failure is confidently predicted. Why 
should we fail f Nations, like rnen, fail in nothing which they boldly 
attempt, when sustained by virtuous purpose, and firm resolution. J am 
not willing to admit this depreciation of American skill and enterprize. 
I am not willing to strike before an effort is made. All our past history 
exhorts us to proceed, and inspires us with animating hopes of success. 
Past predictions of our incapacity have failed, and present predictions 
will not be realized. At the commencement of this government, we 
were told that the attempt would be idle to construct a marine adequate 
to the commerce of the country, or even to the business of its coasting 
trade. The founders of our government did not listen to these discou- 
raging counsels; and, behold the fruits of their just comprehension of 
our resources ! Our restrictive policy was denounced, and it was fore- 
told that it would utterly disappoint all our expectations. But our res- 
trictive policy has been eminently successful ; and the share which our 
navigation now enjoys in the trade with France, ajid with the British 
"West-India islands, attests its victory. What were not the dishearten- 



33 

ing predictions of the opponents of the late war? Defeat, disromfit- 
ure, and disgrace, were to be the certain, but not the worst, eOVct of 
it. Here, again, did pmpliecy prove false; and the energies of our 
country, and the valour and the patriotism of our people, carried us 
gloriously through the war. We are now, and ever vvil) be, essentially, 
an agricultural people. Without a material change in the fixed habits 
of the country, the friends of this measure desire to draw to it, as a 
powerfid auxiliary to its industry, the manufacturing arts. The dif- 
ference betweerra nation wit!), and without the arts, may be conceived, 
by the difference between a Ueel-boat and a steam boat, combating 
tlie rapid torrent of the Mississippi. How slow does the former ascend, 
iiugging the sinuosities of the shore, pushed on by her hardy and ex- 
posed crew, now throwing themselves in vigorous concert on their oars, 
and then seizing the pendent boughs of overhanging trees : she seems 
hardly to move; and her scanty cargo is scarcely worth the transpor- 
tation ! With what ease is she not passed by the steam-boat, laden with 
the riches of all quarters of the world, with a crowd of gay, cheerful, 
and protected passengers, now (htshing into the midst of the current, or 
gliding through the eddies near the shore! Nature herself seems to sur- 
vey, with astonishment, the passing wonder, and, in silent submission, 
rehictanMy to own the magnificent triumphs, in her own vast dominion, 
of Fulton's immortal genius! 

7. But it is said, that, wherever there is a concurrence of favourable 
circumstances, manufactures will arise of themselves, without protec- 
tion; and that we slundd not disturb the natural progress of industry, 
but lea»e things to llien)selves. Ifall nations would modify their poli- 
cy on this axiom, perhaps it would be better for the common good of 
the whole. Even then, in conseqnesice of natural advantages and a 
greater advance in civilization an;! in the arts, some nations would en- 
joy a state of much higher prosperity than others. But there is no 
universal legislation. The globe is divided into different communities, 
each seeking to appropriate to itself all the advantages it can, without 
reference in the prosperity of others. Whether this is right or not, it 
has always been, and ever will be, the case. Perhaps the care of the 
interests of one people, is jjuffieient for all the wisdom of one legisla- 
luie; and that it is among nations, as among individuals, that the hap- 
piness of the whole is best secured by each attending to its own pecu- 
liar interests. The proposition to be maintained by our adversaries, is 
that manufactures, without protection, will in due time spring up in our 
country, and sustain themselves, in a competition with foreign fabrics, 
however advanced the arts, and whatever the degree of protection may 
be in foreign countries. Now I contend that this proposition is refuted 
by all experience, ancient and modern, and in every country. If 1 am 
asked, why unprotected indtistry should not succeed in a struggle with 
protected industry, I answer, the fact has ever been so, and that is suf- 
ficient ; I reply, tliat UNIFORM experience evinces that it cannot suc- 
ceed in such an unequal contest, and tjiat is sufficient. If we speculate 
on the causes of this universal truth, we may differ about them. Still 
the indisputable fi^ct remains. And we sliould be as unwise in not avail- 
ing ourselves of the guide which it furnishes, as a man would be who 
should refuse to bask in the rays of the sun, because he could not agree 
5 



34 

with Judge Woodward as to llie nature oftlie substance of that jDlanet, 
to wliicii we are nsdebtrd lor heat and liglit. It 1 were to attempi to 
particularize the cau:>ts wiiich prevent tiie siicress of ihe manufacturing 
arts, without protection, I should s^ay, that they are — Isi, the obdurjicy 
of fixed habits. No nation, no individual, will easily change an esta- 
blished course of business, even if it be unprofitable; and least of all 
is an agricultural people pr<u>e to iiniovation. With w hat reluctance do 
they not adopt improvements in the instruments of husbandry, or in 
modes of cultivation! If the farmer makes a good crop, and sells it 
badly ; or makes a sliort crop ; buoyed up by hope he perseveres, and 
trusts that a favourable change of (he market, or of the seasons, will 
enable him, in the succeeding year, to repair the misfortunes of the past. 
2dly, The uncertainty, fluctuation, and unsteadiness of the home mar- 
ket, when liable to an unrestricted influx of fabrics from all foreign na- 
tions ; and 3dly, The superior advance of skill, and amount of capi- 
tal which foreign nations have obtained, by the protection of their own 
induriry. From the latter, or from other causes, the unprotected ma- 
nufactures of a countiy are exposed to the danger of being crushed in 
their infancy, either by the design or from the necessities of foreign ma- 
nufacturers. Gf^ntlenien are incredulous as to the attempts of foreign 
merchants and manufacturers to accomplish the destruction of ours. 
Why should they not make such attempts.? If the Scottish manufac- 
turer, by surcharging our market, in one year, with the article of cot- 
ton bagging, for exauipie, should so reduce the price as to discourage 
and put down tlie home manufacture, he would secure to himself the 
monopoly of the supply. And now having the exclusive possession of 
th*^ market, perhaps for a long term of years, he niight be more than 
indenniified for liis first loss, in the subsequent rise in the price of the 
a) lide. VVliftt have we not seen under our own eyes ! The competition 
for tiie transportation of the mail, between this place and Baltimore, 
so excited, that, to obtain it, an individual oflered, at great loss, to car- 
ry it a whole year for one dollar ! His calculation, no doubt, was, that 
by driving his c(ui)petitor ofl' the road, and securing to himself the car- 
riage of the mail, he would be afterwards able to repair his original 
loss by new contracts with the department. But the necessities of for- 
eign manufacturers, without imputing to them any sinister design, may 
oblige them to throw into our markets the fabrics which have accumu- 
lated on their hands, in consequence of obstruction in the ordinary 
vents, or from over-calculation ; and the forced sales, at losing prices, 
may prostrate our establishments. From this view of the subject, it 
follows, that, if we would plate the industry of our country upon a so- 
lid and unshakcable foundation, we must adopt the protecting policy, 
which has every where surceeded, and reject that which would aban- 
don if, which has every where failed. 

8. But if the policy of protection be wise, the gentleman from Vir- 
ginia, (Mr. Barbour,) has niade souie ingenious calculations to prove 
that the njeasure of protection, already extended, has been sufllciently 
great. With some few exceptions, ilie existing duties, of which he has 
made an estimate, were laid with the object of revenue, and without refer- 
ence to that of encouragement to oin- domestic industry ; and, although 
it is admitted that the incidental eflect of duties so laid is to promote 



35 

our manufactures, yet, if it falls short of competent protection, the du- 
ties might as well not have been imposed with refiMeiice to tl)at purpose. 
A moderate addition may accomplish tl)is desirable end ; and the pro- 
posed tariff is believed to have this character. 

9. The prohibitory policy, it is confidently asserted, is condemned 
by the wisdotn of Europe, and by her most enlightened statesmen. Is 
this the fact.^ We call upon gentlemen to sh<»w in what instance a na- 
tion that has enjoyed its benefits has surrendered it. [Here Mr. Bar- 
bour rose, (Mr. Clay giving way,) and said that Enaland had.depirled 
from it in the China trade, in allowing us to trade with her Ea:?i India 
possessions, and in tolerating our navigation to her West India colo- 
nies.] With respect to the trade to China, the whole amount of what 
England has done is to modify the monopoly of the East India Coui- 
pany, in behalf of one and a small part of her subjects, to increase the 
commerce of another and the greater poriion of them. The abolition 
of the restriction, therefore, operates altogether among tlte subjects of 
England; and does not touch at all the interests of foreign p<»wers. 
The toleration of our commerce to British India, is for the s die of 
the specie, with which we mainly carry on that comnterce, and which 
having performed its circuit, returns to Great Britain in exchange lor 
British manufactures. 

^)l,-vvv-vvv^/vvv-k-vx/vvvvvA/xvv^-*/vvv^^vvv%.vvvvvvvv*vvvvvvvx/vv^/xvv*.vv^v%^vvvvvx.vvvvv^ ^^ 

5 The relaxation from the colonial policy, in the instance of our| 
I trade and navigition with the West Indies, is a most unfortunate | 
|ex-.imple for the honourable gentleman; for it is an illustrious proof | 
I of the success of our restrictive policy, wlien resolutely adhered to. S 
^ Great Britain had prescribed the terms on which we were to be gra- s 
f ciously allowed to carry on that trade. The effect of her regula- s 
I tions was to exclude our navigation altogether, and a complete mo- ^ 
I nopoly, on the part of the British navigation, was secured. We ^ 
s forbade it, unless our vessels should be allowed a perfect recipro- ? 
\ city. Great Britain stood out a lotig time ; but finally yielded, and } 
I (»ur navigation now fairly shares with hers in the trade. | 

Have gentlemen no other to exhibit than these trivial relaxations 
from the prohibitory policy— which do not amount to a drop in the 
bucket — to prove its abandonment by Great Britain.'' Let them show 
us that her laws are repealed which prohibit the introduction of our 
flour and provisions; of French silks, laces, porcelain, manufactures 
of bronze, mirrors, woollens; and of the manufactures of all other na- 
tions; and then we may be ready to allow that Groat Britain has real- 
ly abolished her prohibitory policy. We find there, on the contrary, 
that system of policy in full and rigorous operation, and a most curi- 
ously interwoven system it is, as slie enforces it. She begins by pro- 
tecting all parts of her immense dominions against f(»reign nations. 
She then protects the parent country against the colonies; and finally, 
one part of the parent country against another. The sagacity of Scotch 
industry has carried the process of distillation to a perfection, which 
would place the art in England on a footing of disadvantageous com- 
petition, and English distillation has been protected accordingly. But 



36 



suppose it were even true tliat Great Britain liad abolished all restric- 
tions npon trade, and allowed the fvee>\ introduction olthe produce of 
foreign labour, would thai prove it unwise for us (o adopt the protect- 
ing syslenj ? The object of protection is thp establishment and per- 
fection of the arts. In England it has accomplislied its purpose, ful- 
filled its end. If she has not carried every branch of niannfactiire to 
the same high slate of perfection that any oiher nation has, she has suc- 
ceeded in so many, that she may safely challenge the most nnhhackled 
competition in exchanges. It is upon this very ground that many of 
her writers recommend an aliaudonment of the prohibitory system. It 
is to give ijreater scope to Biiii-it iiubistix' and enterprise. It is upon 
the same selfisit principle. Tlie objt ( t of the most perfect freedom of 
trade, with such a nation as Britain, and of the most rigorous system 
of prohibition, vvilh a n;ttion whose arts are in their infancy, may both 
be precisely ihe same. In both cases, it is to give greater expansion to 
native industry. They only difler in the theatres of their operation. 
Tiie abolition of the restrictive syj-tem by Britain, if by it she could 
prevail upon other nations to imitate her example, would have the ef- 
fect of extending the consumption of British produce in other countries, 
wiiere her writers boldly affirm it could maintain a fearless competition 
with the produce of native labour. The adoption of the restrictive 
system, on the part of the United Slates, by excluding the produce of 
foreign labour, would extend the cous(ui)j>:ion of American produce, 
unable in the infancy and unprotected stale of the arts to sustain a com- 
petition with foreign fabrics. IjCI our arts breathe under the shade of 
protection; let them be perfected as they are in England, and we shall 
then be ready, as England now is said t(^ be, to put aside protection, 
and to enter upon ihe freest exchanges. To what other cause, than to 
their whole prohibitory policy, can you ascribe British prosperity.^ It 
will not do to assign it to that of her antiquity; for France is no less 
ancient, though ranch less rich and powerful, in proportion to the po- 
pulation and natural advantages of France. Hallam, a sensible and 
liighly approved writer on the middle ages, assigns the revival of the 
prosperity of the north of Europe to the success of the woollen manu- 
factories ol" Flanders, and the commerce of vvhich their fabrics be- 
came the subject; and the commencement of that of England to the 
estabiishment of similar manufictures there under the Edwards and 
to the prohibitions which began about the same time. As to the poor 
rates, the theme of so much reproach without England, and of so much 
regret within it, among her speculative writers, the system was a strong 
proof no less of her unbounded wealth th.an of her pauperism. What 
other nation can dispense, in form of regulated charity, the enormous 
sum, I believe, of JO or 12 millions sterling.^ [Mr. Barbour stated it 
was reduced to six; to which Mr. Clay replied, that he entertained no 
doubt but that the benign operation of British protection of home in- 
dustry iiad greatly reduced it, within the last few years, by the full em- 
ployment of her subjects, of which her liourishir.g trade bore evidence.] 
The nun)bir of British paupers was the result of pressing the principle 
of p()|)ulation to its utmost limits, by her protecting policy, in the crea- 
tion of weahh, and in |)lacing the rest of the world inider tribute to her 
industry. Doubtless the condition of England would be belter, with- 



a7 

out paupers, if in other respects it remained the same. But in her ac- 
tual circumstances the poor system I, as the salutary efiect of an equal- 
izing- corrective of the tendency to the concentration of riches, produ- 
ced bv the genius of her political institutions and by her prohibitory 

system. 

But, is it true that England is convinced of the impolicy of the pro- 
iiibitory system, and desirous to abandon \l? What proof have we to 
that eflect.'' We are asked to reject llie evidence dedocible from the set- 
tled and steady practice of England, and to take lessons in a school of 
philosophical writers, whose visionary theories are no where adopted; 
or, if adopted, bring with them ineviuihle distress, impoverishment, and 
ruin. Let us hear the testimony of an illustrious personage, entitled to 
the greatest attention, because he speaks after a full experiment of the 
unrestrictive system made in his own empire. 

^V'VVV/V»VV^VXrvVVVV^^V-VVVV-«.V-VVV^V\/V^\/V^VVVVV^\/X'VV/VVV^VVVVVVV^VX/VV'VNV^^ 

i 1 hope I shall give no offence in quoting from a publication issu- 1 
|ed from "the mint of Pliiladelphia;" from a work of Mr. Carey, | 
^of whom I seize, with great pleasure, the occasion to say, that he^ 
/merits the public gratitude, for the disinterested diligence with? 
pvhich he has collected a large mass of highly useful facts, and for? 
5 the clear and convincing reasoning with which he generally illus-5 
I trales them. J 

The Emperor of Russia, in March, 1822, after about two years' trial 
of the free system, says, through Count Nesselrode: 

"To produce happy effects, the principles of commercial freedom 
must be generally adopted. The slate which adopts, whilst others re- 
ject them, must condemn its own industry and commerce, to pay a ruin- 
ous tribute to those of other nations." 

" From a circulation exempt from restraint, and the facility afforded 
by reciprocal exchanges, almost all the governments at first resolved to 
seek the means of repairing the evil which Europe had been doomed to 
suffer; but experience, and more correct calculations, because they ivere 
made from certain data, and upon the results already knoum of the peace 
that had just taken place, forced them soon to adhere to the prohibitory 
system.''^ 

" England preserved hers. Austria remained faithful to the rule she 
had laid down, to guard herself against the rivalship of foreign indus- 
try. France, with the same views, adopted the most rigorous measures 
of precaution. And Prussia published a nero tariff in October last, 
which proves that she found it impossible not to folloiv the example of 
the rest of Europe." 

. " In proportion as the prohibitory system is extended and rendered 
perfect in other countries, thai state ivhich pursues the contrary system, 
makes, from day to day, sacrifices more extensive and more considerable. 
* * * It offers a continual encouragement to the manufactures of other 
countries — and its own mamfactures perish in the struggle which they 
are, as yet, unable to maintain. 

"It is with the most lively feelings of regret, we acknowledge, it is 
our own proper experience which enables us to trace this picture. The 



38 

evils lohich it details have been realized in Russia and Poland since the 
conclusion of the act of the 7-19 of December, 1818. Agriculture 

WITHOUT A MARKET, INDUSTRY WITHOUT PROTECTION, LANGUISH 
AND DECLINE. SpECIE IS EXPORTED, AND THE MOST SOLID COM- 
MERCIAL HOUSES ARE SHAKEN. The public prosperity would soon 
feel the wound inflicted on private fortunes, if new regulations did not 
promptly change tiie actual state of aflairs. 

" Events have proved that our agriculture and our commerce, as 
well as our manufacturing industry, are not only paralyzed, but 

BROUGHT TO THE BRINK OF RUIN." 

The .example of Spain has been properly referred to, as affording a 
striking proof of the calamities which attend a state that abandons the 
care of its own internal industry. Her prosperity was greatest, when 
the arts, brought there by the Moors, flourisited most in that kingdom. 
Then she received from England her wool, and returned it in the man- 
ufactured state ; and then England was least prosperous. The two 
nations have reversed conditions. Spain, after the discovery of Ame- 
rica, yielding to an inordinate passion for the gold of the Indies, sought 
in their mines that wealth which might have been better created at home. 
Can the remarkable diflerence in the state of the prosperity of the two 
countries, be otherwise explained, than by the opposite systems which 
they pursued.^ England, by a sedulous attention to her home indus- 
try, supplied the means of an advantageous commerce with her colo- 
nies. Spain, by an utter neglect of her domestic resources, confided 
altogether in those which she derived from her colonies, and presents 
an instance of the greatest adversity. Her colonies were infinitely more 
valuable than those of England ; and if she had adopted a similar po- 
licy, is it unreasonable to suppose that, in wealth and power, she would 
have surpassed that of England ? 1 think the honourable gentleman 
from Virginia does great injustice to the Catholic religion, in specify- 
ing that as one of the leading causes of the decline of Spain, It is a 
religion entitled to great respect; and there is nothing in its character 
incompatible with tlie highest degree of national prosperity. Is not 
France, the most poIishe<l, in many other respects the most distinguish- 
ed state of Cliristendom, Catholic.^ Is not Flanders, the most popu- 
lous part of Europe, also Catholic.^ Are the Catholic parts of Swit- 
zerland and of Germany less prosperous than those which are Protes- 
tant .? 

10. The next objection of the honourable gentleman from Virginia, 
which I shall briefly notice is, that the manufacturing system is adverse 
to the genius of our government, in its tendency to the accumulation of 
large capitals in a k\v hands; in the corruption of the public morals, 
which is alleged to be incident to it ; and in the consequent danger to 
the public liberty. The first part of the objection would apply to every 
lucrative business, to counnerce, to planting, and to the learned profes- 
sions. Would the gentleman introduce the system of Lycurgus f If 
liis principle be correct, it siiould be extended to any and every voca- 
tion which had a similar tendency. The enormous f)rtunes in our 
country — the nabobs of the land — have been chiefly made by the pro- 
fitable pursuit of that foreigrt counnerce, in more propitious times, 
which the honourable gentleman would so carefully cherish. Immense 



39 

estates have also been made in the South. The dependents are, per- 
haps, not more numerous upon that wealth which is accumulated in 
manufactures, than they are upon that which is acquired by commerce 
and by agriculture. We may safely confide in the laws of distribu- 
tions, and in the absence of the rule of primogeniture, for the dissipa- 
tion, perliaps too rapid, of large fortunes. What has become of those 
which were held two or three generations back in Virginia.'' Many of 
the descendants of the ancient aristocracy, as it was called, of that state, 
are now in the most indigent condition. 

I The best security against the demoralization of society, is thef 
I constant and profitable employment of its members. The greatest 5 
i danger to public liberty is from idleness and vice. If manufac-S 

< tures form cities, so does commerce. And the disorders and vio- « 

* lence which proceed from the contagion of the passions, are as fre-< 
t quent in one description of those communities as in the other. There \ 
I is no doubt but that the yeomanry of a country is the safest depo- j 
Isitory of public liberty. In all time to come, and under any pro- | 
I bable direction of the labour of our population, the agricultural s 

* class must be much the most numerous and powerful, and will ever? 

* retain, as it ought to retain, a preponderating influence in our coun- | 
5 cils. The extent and the fertility of our lands constitute an ade-? 
Squate security against an excess in manufactures, and also against? 
5 oppression on the part of capitalists towards the labouring portions? 
J of the community. f 
I 11. The last objection, with a notice of which I shall trouble the^ 
I Committee, is, that the Constitution does not autiiorize the passage | 
I of the bill. The gentleman from Virginia does not assert, indeed, ^ 
I that it is inconsistent with the express provisions of that instrument, I 
\ but bethinks it incompatible with the spirit of the Constitution. If J 
I we attempt to provide for the interna! improvement of the country, S 
i the Constitution, according to some gentlemen, stands in our way. S 
J If we attempt to protect American industry against foreign policy? 
i and the rivalry of foreign industry, tl)e Constitution presents an < 
J insuperable obstacle. This Constitution must be a most singular I 
^instrument! It seems to be made for any other people than our| 
I own. Its action is altogether foreign. Congress has power to lays 

* duties and imports, under no other limitation whatever than that of! 
Mlieir being uniform throughout the United States. But they can | 
5 only be imposed, according to the honourable gentleman, for the^ 
I sole purpose of revenue. This is a restriction which we do not find ? 
5 in the Constitution. No doubt revenue was a principal object with 5 
I the framers of the Constitution in investing Congress witi) the pow- ? 
I er. But, in executing it, may not the duties and imposts be so laid l 
I as to secure domestic interest ! Or is Congress denied all discretion ? 
I as to the amount or the distribution of the duties and imposts ? j 
I The gentleman from V^irginia has, however, entirely mistaken J 
I the clause of the Constitution on which we rely. It is that which S 

< gives to Congress the power to regulate commerce with foreign na- 1 
i tions. The grant is plenary, without any limitation whatever, v^\m] | 



40 



I 



^includes the whole power of regulation, of which the subject to be j 
i regulated is susceptible. It is as full and complete a grant of tlie ? 
J power, as that is to declare war. What i> a regulation of com- 5 
wnerce i* It implies the adrjiission or exclusion of the objects of it, S 
5 and the terms. Under this power some articles, by the exisiting? 
^ laws, are admitted freely, others are subjected to duties so high as < 
I to amount to their prohibition, and various rates of diuies are ap-< 
I plied to others. Under this power, laws of total non-intercourse r 
5 with some nations, and embargoes, producing an entire cessation I 
5 of commerce with all foreign countries, have been, from time to I 
5 time, passed. These laws, 1 have no doubt, met with the entire | 
J approbation of the gentleman from Virginia. [Air. Barbour said * 
I that he was not in Conuress.] Wherever the gentleman was, whe- ? 
I ther on his farm or in the pursuit of that profession of wliich he is ? 
\ an ornament, 1 have no doubt that he gave his zealous support to 5 
I the laws referred to. ^ 



The principle of the system under consideration, has the sanction of 
some of the best and wisest men, in all ages, in foreign countries as well 
as in our own — of the Edwards, of Henry the Great, of Elizabeth, of 
the Colberts, abroad ; of our Franklin, Jefferson, Madison, Harnihon, 
at home. But it comes recommended to us by a higiier authority than 
any of these, illustrious as they unquestionably are — by the master spi- 
rit of the age — that extraordinary man, who has thrown the Alexan- 
ders and the Caesars infinitely farther behind him than they stood in 
advance of the most eminent of their predecessors — that singular man, 
who, whether he was seated on his imperial throne, deciding the fate 
of nations and allotting kingdoms to the members of iiis family, with 
the same cotnposure, if not with the same affection, as that with which 
a Virginia father divides his plantations among his children, or on the 
miserable rock of St. Helena, to which he was condemned by the cru- 
elty and the injustice of his unworthy victors, is equally an object of 
the most intense admiration. He appears to have comprehended, with 
the rapidity of intuition, the true interests of a state, and to have been 
able, by the turn of a single expression, to develope the secret springs 
of the policy of cabinets. We find that Las Cases reports him to have 
said : 

"He opposed the principles of economists, which he said were cor- 
rect in theory though erroneous in their application. The political 
constitution of different states, continued he, must render these princi- 
ples defective; local circumstances continually call for deviations from 
their uniformity. Duties, he said, which were so severely condemned 
by political economists, should not, it is true, be an object to the trea- 
sury: they should be the guarantee and protection of a nation, and 
should correspond with the nature and the objects of its trade. Hol- 
land, w'hich is destitute of productions and manufactures, and which was 
a trade only of transit and commission, should be free of all fetters and 
barriers. France, on the contrary, which is rich in every sort of pro- 
duction and manufactures, should incessantly guard against the impor- 
tations of a rival, who might still continue superior to her, and also 
against the cupidity, egotism, and indifference of mere brokers. 



41 

*'l have not fallen into the error of modern systematizers." said the 
Emperor, "who imagine that all the wisdom of nations is centered in 
themselves. Experience is the true wisdom of nations. And what 
di>es all the reasoning of economists amount to? They incessantly ex- 
tol the prosperity of England, and hold iier up as oin- model; but the 
Custom-House system is more burthensome and arbitrary in England 
than in any other country. Tliey also condemn prohibitions; yet it 
was England set the example of prohibitions; and they are in fact ne- 
cessary with regard to certain objects. Duties cannot adequately sup- 
ply the place of prohibitions : there will always be found means to de- 
feat the object of the legislator. In France we are still very far be- 
hind on these delicate points, which are still unperceived or ill-under- 
stood by the mass of society. Yet, what advancement have we not 
made, — what correctness of ideas has been introduced by my gradual 
classification of agriculture, industry, and trade; t>bjects so distinct in 
themselves, and which present so great and positive a graduation! 

"1st. — Jigriculture; the soul, the first basis of the empire, 

«2d. — Industry ; the comfort and happiness of tlie population. 

"3d. — Foreign Trade; the superabundance, the proper application 
of the surplus of agriculture and industry. 

"Agriculture was continually improving during the whole course 
of the revolution. Ftireigners ihouglit it ruined in France. In 1814, 
however, the English were compelled to admit that we had little or no- 
thing to learn from them. 

"Industry or manufactures, and internal trade, made immense pro- 
gress during my reign. The application of chemistry to the manufac- 
tures caused them to advance with giant strides. 1 gave an impulse, 
the effects of which extended throughout Eiu'ope. 

"Foreign trade, which in its results is infinitely inferior to agricul- 
ture, was an object of subordinate importance in my mind. Foreign 
trade is made for agriculture and home industry, and not tlie two latter 
for the former. The interests of tTiese three fundamental cases are di- 
verging and frequently confiiciing. I always promoted them in their 
natural gradation; l)ut [ could not and ought not to have ranked them 
all on an equality. Time will unfold what I have done, the national 
resources which 1 created, and the emancipation from the English 
which I brought about. We have now the secret of the commercial 
treaty of 1783. France still exclaims against its author; but the En- 
glish demanded it on pain of resuming the war. They wished to do 
the same after the treaty of Amiens; but 1 was then all-powerful; 1 
was a hundred cubits high I replied that if they were in possession 
of the heights of Montmartre 1 would still refuse to sign the treaty. 
These words were echoed through Europe. 

"The English will now impose some such treaty on France, at least 
if popular clamour, and the opposition of the mass of the nation, do 
not force them to draw back. This thraldom would be an additional 
disgrace in the eyes of that nation, which is now beginning to acquire 
a just perception of her own interests. 

" When I came to the head of the government, the American ships, 
which were permitted to enter our ports on the score of their neutral- 
ity, brought us raw materials, and had the impudence to sail frons, 



42 

France without freigiit. for the purposeof taking In cargoes of English 
goods in London. They moreover had the insolenre to make their 
p:iymeiits, when they had any to makf\ by giving l)il!s on persons in 
ljon(h)n. Hence the vast profits reaped by the English tnaniifacturers 
and brokers, entirely to our pirjodice. 1 made a huv that no Ameri- 
can siiould import goods to any amount, without immediately export- 
ing their exact equivalent. A loud outcry was raised against this: ii was 
said that I liad ruined trade. But what was the cousecpu uce i' Not- 
vvitlistanding the closing of my ports, and in spite of tiie English, who 
rided the seati, the Americans returned and submitted to n)y regulations. 
What might 1 not have done under n)ore favourable eiicumslanres .f" 

"Thus I naturalized in France the n)anuf,tct(n'e (jf cotton, whicli in- 
cludes : — 

"1st. Spim-coiton. — V/e did not previously spin it ourselves; the 
English supplied us with it as a sort of favour. 

"2d. T/te loeb. — We did not vet make it ; it came to us from 
abroad. 

" 3d. The. printing — This was the only part of the manufacture that 
we performed ourselves. I wislied to naunalize the two first branch- 
es ; and t proposed to the Council of Stale, that ihtir importation 
sli'.iulu be prohibited. This excited great alarm. I sent for Oberkamp, 
and 1 Conversed with him a long time, i learned from him, that this 
prohibition would doubtless produce a shock, but that after a year or 
two of perseverance, it would prove a tiiumph, wiience we should de- 
rive ijnmense advantages. Tiien I issued my decree in tpue of all ; 
this was a true piece of statesmanship. 

" I at first confined myself merely to prohibiting the web; then I ex- 
tended llie proliibition to spun cotton ; and we now possess within our- 
selves the three brandies of the cotton manufacture, to the great bene- 
fit of our population, and the injury and regret of the English : — wiiich 
proves that in civil government, as well as in war, decision of charac- 
ter is often indispensable to success." 

I will trouble the Committee with only one other quotation, which I 
shall make from Lowe, and from hearing which the Committee must 
share with me in the mortification which I felt on pei using it. That 
aiithor says: " h is now above 40 years since the United States of Ame- 
rjca were definiilvely separated irom us, and since their siiuation has af- 
forded a proof that the benefit of mercantile intercourse may be retain- 
ed, in all its extent, without the care of governing, or the expense of 
defending, these once regretted provinces." Is there not too much 
truth in this observation.'' By adhering to the foreign policy, which I 
liave been discussing, do we not remain essentially i^riiisii, in every 
thing but the form of our government.'' Are not our interests, our in- 
dustry, our commerc e, so modified as to swell British pride, and to in- 
crease British power ,^ 

V.1 1 1 // ' 

S Mr. Chairmnn, our confederacy comprehends, wiihiu its vast Ii- 1 
J mils, great diversity of interests — agricultural — planting — fanning? 
\ — commercial — navigating — fishing — manufacturing. No one oi'\ 
^ these interests is felt in the same degree, and cherished with the ^ 



43 ~ 

I same soIIc'iUuIp, throughout all parts of the Union. Some of them ^ 
^are pecuhar to particuh^r sections oC our common coiniiry. But| 
« all tiiese great interests are c(U)firled to the protection of one g<^v- J 
icrnrnent — to llie late of one shin; and a most gallant ship it is, with | 
<a noble crew. If we prosper, and are happy, protection must he. 
5 extended to all; it is due to all. It is the great principle on which I 
^obedience is demanded from ail. ^ 

If our essential interests cannot find protection from our own gov- 
ernment against the policy of foreign powers, \'\ l-.ere are they to get it.'' 
We (lid not unite for saciifice, but for preservation. Tiie inquiry should 
be, in reference to the great interests of every soeclion of the Union, (I 
speak not of minute subdiviaions,) what would be done for those inter- 
ests if that section stood alone and separated from the residue of the 
Republic.^ If the promotion of those interests would not injuriously 
affect any other section, then every thing should be done ibr them, 
which would bp done if it formed a di-^tinct government. If they come 
into absolute collision with the Interests of another section, a reconci- 
liation, if possible, should be attempted, by mutual concession, so as to 
avoid a sacrifice of the prospeiity of either to tliat of the other. In 
such a case all should not be done for one which would be done if it 
were separated and independent, but something; and, in devising the 
measure, the good ol each part and of the whole should be carefully 
consulted. This is the only mode by wliich we can preserve, in full 
vigour, the harmony of the whole Union. The South entertains one 
opinion, and imagines that a modification of the existing policy of the 
country, for the protection of American industry, involves the ruin of 
the South. Tl)e North, the East, the West, hold the opposite opinion, 
and feel and contemplate, in a longer adherence to the foreign policy, 
as it now exists, their utter tiesiruction. 



V.-V'^V-i^-fc.'^'-i.-^W-VW'VVWV'W'-v'^ ,VW VWWXfV^/VWXj 



I Is it true, that the interests of tiiesf- great sections of our cot^ntry | 
I are irreconcilable with each other.'' Are we reduced to the sad and 5 
I afflicting ddeinma of dctermiuiug which shall fill a victim to the? 
I prosperity of the otiier.'^ tiappily, 1 think, there is no such dis- S 

< tressing alternative. If the North, tiie West, and the East, ff)rmed j 

< an independent state, unassociated with the South, can there be a < 

1 doubt that the restrictive system would be carried to the point ofj 
5 prohibition of every foreign fubric of which they produce the raw | 

2 material, and which they coidd manufacture.'' Such would be their? 
? policy, if they stood alone; but they are fortunately connected with? 
I the South, which believes its interest to require a free admission of^ 
5 foreign manutactures. Here then is a case for mutual concession,^ 
5 for fair compromise. The bill under ccmsideration presents this ^ 
5 compromise. It is a medium between the absolute exclusion and? 
5 the unrestricted admission of the produce of foreign industry. It/ 
I sacrifices the interest of neither section to that of the other; neither, I 
I it is true, gets all that it wants, nor is subject to all that it fears. But^ 
I it has been said, that (he St)uth obtains nothing in this compromise. ^ 
I Does it lose any thing i* is the first question. ] have endeavoured | 



44 

I to prove that it does not, by showing that a mere transfer is efteCt- 1 
ied ill the source of the supply of its consumption trom Europe toS 

< America ; and that the loss, whatever it may be, of the sale of its S 

< great staple in Europe, is compensated by the new market created S 
J in America. But does the South really gain notliing in this com- « 
J promise? The consumption of the other sections, though some-? 
J what restricted, is still leit open by this bill, to foreign fabrics pur- 1 
I chased by Southern staples. So far, its operation is beneficial to| 
5 the South, and prejudicial to the industry of the other sections, and \ 
I ihat is the point of mutual concession. | 

The Si)uth will also gain by the extended consumption of its great 
staple, produced by an increased capacity to consume it in consequence 
of 'he establishment of the home market. But the South cannot exert 
its industry and enterprise in the business of manufactures ! Why not ? 
Ttie difficulties, if not exaggerated, are artificial, and may therefore be 
suruiDuiited. But can the other sections embark in the planting occu- 
pations of the South ? The obstructions which forbid them are natu- 
ral, created by the immutable laws of God, and therefore, unconquer- 
able. 

Other, and animating considerations, invite us to adopt the policy of 
this system. Its importance, in connexion with the general defence in 
time of war, cannot fail to be duly estimated. Need 1 recall to our pain- 
ful recollection the sufferings, for the want of an adequate supply of ab- 
solute necessaries, to which the defenders of their country's rights and 
our entire population were subjected during the late war .^ Ur to re- 
mind the Committee of the great advantage of a steady and unfailing 
source of supply, unaffected alike in war and in peace .^ Its impor- 
tance, in reference to the stability of our Union, that paramount and 
greatest of ail our iniere>ts, cannot fail warndy to recommend it, or at 
least lo conciliate the forbearance of every patriot bosom. Now our 
people presern the spectacle of a vast assemblage of jealous rivals, all 
eagerly rushing to the sea board, jostling each other in their way, to 
hurry off to glutted foreign markets the perishable produce of their la- 
bour. The tendency of that policy, in conformity to which this bill is 
prepared, is to transform these conipeiitors into friends and mutual cus- 
tomers; and, by the reciprocal exchanges of their respective produc- 
tions, to place the confederacy upon the most solid of all foundations — 
the basis of conmion interest. 

i And is not government called upon, by every stimulating motive, ^ 
i to adapt its policy to the actual condition and extended growth of| 
iour great republic? At the conmiencement of our Constitution,! 
i almost the whole population of the United States was confined be- S 

< tween the Alleghany monntains and the Atlantic ocean. Since that? 
5 epoch, the wesiern part of New York, of Pennsylvania, of Virginia, < 

< all the western stales and territories, have been principally peopled. • 
5 Prior to that period we had scarcely any interior. An interior has \ 
I sprung up as it were by enchantment, and along with it new inter- ^ 
>ests and new relations, requiring the parental protection of govern- 1 



45 

i'ment. Our policy should be modified accordingly, so as to com- 5 
I prebend all, and sacrifice none. | 

And are we not encouraged by the success of past experience, in res- 
pect to the only article which has been adequately protected ? Already 
have ^i'X "f^dictions of the friends of the American system, in even a 
shorter time than -t'^pir most sanguine hopes could have anticipated, 
been completely realized in re^atii to thai biiiiclt , a:;d consuuipiion is 
now better and cheaper supplied with coarse cottons, than it was under 
the prevalence of the foreign system. 

Even if the benefits of the policy were limited to certain sections of 
our country, wovdd it not be satisfactory to behold American industry, 
wherever situated, active, animated, and thrifty, rather than persevere 
in a course which renders us subservient to foreign industry .f* But these 
benefits are twofold, direct and collateral, and in the one shape or the 
other they will diff"use themselves throughout the Union. All parts of 
the Union will participate, more or less, in both. As to the direct bene- 
fit, it is probable that the North and the East will enjoy the largest 
share. But the West and the South will also participate in them. Phi- 
ladelphia, Baltimore, and Richmond, will divide with the Northern ca- 
pitals the business of manufacturing. The latter city unites more ad- 
vantages for its successful prosecution than any other place I know; 
Zauesville, in Oliio, only excepted. And where the direct benefit does 
not accrue, that will be enjoyed of supplying the raw material and pro- 
visions for the consumption of artisans. Is it not most desirable to put 
at rest and prevent the annual recurrence of this unpleasant subject, so 
well fitted by the various interests to which it appeals, to excite irrita- 
tion and to produce discontent ? Can that be effected by its rejection ? 

^ivvVVVXVVVV'X/VVVVVVVVV'VVX/VVV^VVVVVVV'V^VVVVX'VVVVV'V^VV^VV'^ ]^P' 

^ Behold tlie mass of petitions which lie on our table, earnestly^ 
Sand anxiously entreating the protecting interposition of Congress j 
i against the ruinous policy which we are pursuing. Will these pe- J 
S tilioners, comprehending all orders of society,- entire states and J 
I communities, public companies and private individuals, spontane- f 
i ously assembling, cease in their humble prayers by your lending as 
I deaf year.'' Canyon expect that these petitioners, and others, inj 
J countless numbers, that will, if you dela}' the passage of this bill, | 
3 supplicate your mercy, should contemplate their substance gradu- 1 
I ally withdrawn to foreign countries, their ruin slow, but certain and ? 
I as inevitable as death itself, without one expiring effort ? You think | 
> the measure injurious to you ; we believe our preservation depends? 
J upon its adoption. Our convictions, mutually honest, are equally.? 
S strong. What is to be done.'* 1 invoke that saving spirit of mutu-^ 
5 al concession under which our blessed Constitution was formed, and i 
I under which alone it can be happily administered. 1 appeal to the 5 
I South — to the high-minded, generous, and patriotic South — with J 
I which I have so often co-operated, in attempting to sustain the ho- f 
\ nour and to vindicate the rights of our country. Should it not of- ^ 
I fer, upon the altar of the public good, some sacrifice of its peculiar | 



- 46 

I opinions? OC what does it complain? A possible temporary en-? 
I lianceinent in the objects of consumption. Of what do we com- ? 
I plain ? A total incapaciiy, produced by the foreign policy, to pur- J 
^cliase, at any price, necessary f<)reip;n objects of consimip"tion. In J 
I such an ahernative, inconvenient only to ii, rtiinous to us, can we? 
J expect too much from Southern magnanimity ? : 

"^ '■•« ^.,^,. _. _ - - ,_ . -'■ " 

The pis't and c*oiTh'fient exp^ectatmn of Ihe passage of this bill has 
flooded the country with recent importations of foreign fabrics. !f it 
should not pass, tliey will complete tiie work of destruction of our do- 
mestic industry. If it should pass, they will prevent any considerable 
rise in the price of foreign comutodities, until our own industiv shall be 
able to supply competent sul)stitutes. 

To the friends of the tariff, I would also anxiouslv appeal. Every 
arrangement of its provisions does not suit each of you; yon desire 
some further alterations ; you would make it perfect. You want what 
you will never get. Nothing human is perfect. And i have seen, with 
great surprise, a piece signed b}' a member of Congress, piddished in 
the National Intelligencer, stating that this bill must be rejected, and a 
judicious tariff brought in as its substitute. A judicious tariff! No 
member of Congress could have signed that piece; or, if he did, the 
public ought not to be deceived. If this bill do not pass, unquestiona- 
bly no other can pass at this session, or probably during this Congress. 
And who will go home and say il'at he rrjected all the benefiis of this 
bill because molas>;es has been subjected to the enormous additional 
duty of five cents per gallon? f call, therefore, upon the friends of the 
American policy, to yield somewhat of their own peculiar wishes, and 
not to reject the practicable in the idle pursuit after the unattainable. 
Let us imitate the illustrious exair,pte of the frauiers of the Constitu- 
tion, and, always rentembering that whatever springs from man partakes 
of his imperfections, depend upon experience to suggest, in future, the 
necessary amendments. 

We have had great difficulties to encounter. 1. The splendid talents 
which are arrayed in this House against us. 2 We are opposed by 
the rich and powerful in the land. 3. The Executive aovernment, if 
any, affords us but a cold and equivocal support. 4. The importing 
and navigating interests, I verily believe from misconception, are ad- 
verse to us. 5. The British factors and the^ritish influence are inimi- 
cal to our success. 6. Long established habits and prtjudices oppose 
us. 7. The reviewers and literary spcctdators, foreign and domestic. 
And, lastly, the leading pres^ses of tiie country, including tlie influence of 
that which is established in this city, and sustained by the public purse. 

From some of these, or other causes, the bill may be postponed, 
thwarted, defeated. But the cause is the cause of the country, and it 
must and will prevail. It is founded in the interests and affections of 
the people. It is as native as the granite deeply imbosomed in our 
mountains. And, in conclusion, I would pray God, in His infinite 
mercy, to avert from our country the evils which are impending over 
it, and, by enlightening our coin)cils, to conduct us into that path 
which leads to riches, to greatness, to glory. 



VIRG-INXA LUGISLATURE. 



DKLIVKIIED IN THIil 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES, February 21, 1827. 

Suhstance of the remarks made hy Mr. Giles, upon the report of the 

Committee of Enquiry — corrected, and improved from the neivspa- 

per version. — Gen. Taylor having, from the commencement of the 

discvssion of this subject, sounded the tocsin of alarm, in the most 

frightful terms, tus rich imagination could invent, Mr. G. introduced 

his remarks in allusion to that topic: 

Mr, Speaker, — Permit me to congratulate you, sir, and this honor- 
able house, upon the discovery, that the tocsin, should have been, so 
rec^>nily, sounded in vain within these walls. That war's portentous 
alarms, have already passed away; and that vve find ourselves, still in 
peace, and tranquillity, commencing the consideration of the report of 
the commitK^e of enquir}', upon the all important subject, of the relative 
rights of the general and state governments. 1 propose, to avail my- 
self of tiiis Slate of security, whilst engaged in expressing my opinions, 
respecting these relative rights, fully to discharyje the responsible duty 
imposed upon myself in calling for this enquiry ; undeterred, by threats, 
and war's alarms from any quarter. Nor could I condescend, to yield 
to these extraneous influences, were I now engaged in devising operU' 
live consfiiutional means, for securing the rights of this state, against the 
usurpations oj the general government. This is not my pre&ent duty ; 
were it so, I should enter isiio it, with pleasure, and alacrity. My pre- 
sent duty, I conceive, coiisisis, in a full, and free disclosure of the prin- 
cipal considerations, which ha\e urged me, most earnestly to call the 
attention u( tbis liouse, to this deeply interesting subject. — In the first 
place; 1 conceive, the objects involved in the enquiry, are of the very 
first impression. I conceive; they involve the questions, wht-ther the 
general government is herealter to be administered, upon the great 
principle (»f human rights, as developed, and proclaimed by our fore- 
fathers, in our wriuen constitutions, or upon the old, despotic doctrines 
of European monarchies.'' Whether an undtfined, unlimited, consoli- 
dated government, is to be substituted for a limited, (ederative, one.? 
and whether, the whole mass of the productions of the labor of socie- 
ty, belongs to the government in its corporate character, to be distri- 
buted, at its pleasure; or whether each portion thereof, bt-hnigs to the 
individual laborer, who produced it, to be disposed of at bis pleasure,'* 
Or, in other words: VVhedier private property, is a naiinal riglit, or a 
governmental donation.'' Surely these questions, or either of them, 
will be admitted by all, to be of sufficient magnitude, to attract the 
whole attention of this iiouse, and to put into requisition, the whole 



50 

that Congress possessed llie power of protecting maiiulactures, as an 
original, distinct, substantive power. The policy ofdiscrimiKfiiiiig du- 
ties, as a means of raising revenue, was subsequently extended toother 
articles of domestic manufactures, without sufficiently exciting the at- 
tention of the other occupations of society, who furnished this piotec- 
lion, until the watchfid cupidity of the whole manufacturing class, not 
only urged its extension to a protection, of every domestic manufactur- 
ed article, but increased that protection on many, lo a shameful, and 
intolerable amount. This was not done, however, until the public mind 
had been prepared for it, by periodical and other publications, circu- 
lated with incessant vigilance, and perseverance; and in 1824, for the 
first time, according to my recollection, the unprincipled, and daring 
pretensions was set up, to an unqualified power to protect manufactures, 
without regard to raising revenue. And when one of its contemplated 
effects would be, to lessen the revenue. This was the express avowal 
of the chairman of the committee who reported the bill, at the time of 
its introduction, in the early part of the session of Congress. But be- 
fore the final passage of the bill, this language was changed ; and it 
was then declared, to be a bill for raising revenue; although no reve- 
nue had been called for by the treasury department, nor was it even 
pretended that any revenue was wanted. Here too, is seen, an unex' 
ampled singularity in the adoption of this most extraordinary measure, 
to get at a favorite object, utterly regardless of principle or precedent. 
Tlie representatives of the people imposing a tax upon their constitu- 
ents, estimated, variously by individual members, at from three to se- 
ven millions of dollars — without a demand from the treasury depart- 
ment — withotit the semblance of an official estimate — and without any 
revenue object vvliatever; but for an object, which has inverted the great 
principle, adopted for the preservation of American liberty — that pro- 
perty is the gift of God; and not the gift of government; and thus, 
bringing about a complete revolution in the fundamental laws of tite 
United Stater.. 

In searching for the doctrines, in an embodied, tangible form, which 
had been brought forth to justify this most unwise, unjust, unequal, and 
impolitic measure, I have been referred, by its friends, to Mr. Clay's 
speech upon the tariff bill of 1824, in the House of Representatives. 
This speech is relied upon by the tariff schemers, as containing its 
whole doctrine, both constitutional, and politic, I have always consid- 
ered this, as one of Mr. C\ayh jjrincipal prize speeches, for the Presi- 
dency; and expected to find its characteristics corresponding with the 
sublime prize at stake — a dazzling, fascinating prize I and surely to be 
won, by the successful destinies of a splendid, glittering speech!! It ac- 
cordingly appears ; that Mr. C's mind had become wrought up to such 
a Slate of indescribable excitement upon the daxzling occasion, that he 
had put his whole energies into requisition for the grand purpose of 
realizing the enchanting, delusive hope. So much were Mr. Clay's 
rrjental anxieties, and efforts, excited upon the dazzling occasion; that 
Mr. Clay most humbly prostrated himself before the throne of divine 
grace, with the most anxious, and fervent orisons, lo the "Most High;" 
thni H-. vouM graciously be pleased, to purify, and sublimate Mr. Clay, 
wiiij the aid of divine inspiration, to enable him to succeed in the grand. 



51 

enchanting enterprize, he had in view. For, says Mr. Clay, in his de- 
votional, sublimated, bombastic exordium; in the first page: "But 
that responsibility' inspires me with no other apprehension than that I 
shall be unable to fulfil my duty; with no other solicitude, than that i 
may, at least, in some small degree, contribute to recall my country 
from the pursuit of a fatal policy, which appears to me inevitably to 
lead to its impoverishment and ruin. 1 do feel most awfully this re- 
sponsibility. And, if it were allowable for us, at the present day, to 
imitate ancient examples, I would invoke the aid of the Most High. I 
would anxiously and fervently implore His Divine assistance; that He 
would be graciously pleased to shower on my country His richest bles- 
sings; and that He would sustain, on this interesting occasion, the hum- 
hie individual who stands before Him, and lend him the power, moral 
and physical, to perform the solemn duties which now belong to his 
public station." 

The speech abounds with inflated, bombastic, visionary notions, 
deceptive miscalculations, and statistics, requiring great labor, and re- 
search for their collection. — They seem to be peculiarly suited to the 
sublimated state of Mr. Clay's mind. They consist of sonorous mil- 
lions, and hundreds of millions of persons, and things ; drawn from the 
political beaureaus of all the governments of Europe, as well as of our 
own. Any thing less than mil lions, and hundreds of millions, would 
have been but little suited to the enchanting occasion — whilst Mr. Clay's 
mind was borne aloft, by fond delusive hopes, and confident anticipa- 
tions. In regard to this portion of the speech, however, 1 have always 
understood, and believe; that Mr. Clay is mainly indebted to his poli- 
tical friend and pioneer, Mr. Mathew Carey. Mr. Clay's reliance for 
success in all his own political notions, and trafficking schemes, is upon 
the native brilliancy of his own genius, which seems always to act, as if 
by instinct, upon the first blush of every subject, and which would dis- 
dain all the drudgery of plodding after statistics — all dull researches, 
and deep meditations. No! Mr. Clay delights not in these exercises of 
the mind — Mr. C. delights in the brilliant, and superficial ; not in the 
deep, and contemplative, if he should not find truth floating on the 
surface, he finds her, not at all ; and unfortunately for him, he seems to 
have given himself up too mucii to Mr. Carey for the drudgery of this 
part of his speech. This vast collection of facts, if true, might have 
been of service in other hands ; but to Mr. Carey, they were worse than 
nothing, for, it appears to me, he entirely misunderstood their bearings, 
and applications; and has led Mr. Clay, into some of the most mate- 
rial of his own errors. I will not undertake to pronounce positively; 
that Mr. Clay did not understand the whole of his own speech — but I 
do pronounce, either that Mr. Clay has misunderstood, or misconceived 
the just inferences from Mr. Carey's statistics; or, that I am utterly in- 
capable of comprehending Mr. C's speech ; or, of making the just in- 
ferences from them myself. Mr. Clay, seemed so sensible of the obliga- 
tion he had placed himself under to Mr. Carey for this portion of his 
speech, that he introduces him in page 37, in the following words: "I 
liope I shall give no oflence in quoting from a publication 'from the 
Mint of Philadelphia,' /ro?Ji a work of Mr. Carey's, of whom I seize 
with gr^at pleasure on this occasion to say, that he merits the public gra- 



54 

The constitution of the United States, entirely disregarded, and he 
then tells ns, that these vicegerents ofGod and our legislators, are compo- 
sed of good-for-nothing fellows; of a mass of stupidity and ignorance, 
and that it seems almost to have grown into a maxim, that " when 
a man is good for nothing else, he is fit for a legislator; that neither 
talents, education or experience, are at all necessary to qualify a man to 
take charge of a nation's interests." Thesc^ notions would be funny 
enough, were it not for their serious consequences. But, Mr. Speaker, 
let me solemnly ask you. Sir, let me solemnly pnt it to every honora- 
ble member of tliis house, whether he does not think, the government 
of the United States in a liopeless way, when it consists of God's vice- 
gerents upon earth, clothed with his attributes and powers, in regard to 
the people over whom they preside, and that the administrators, are the 
most good-for-nothing fellows in society; and could it have been ex- 
pected, that any American citizen could be found, so degenerate and 
daring; as publicly to avow these preposterous notions to the world; 
and Sir, still more wonderful and alarmii»g, that the practical adminis- 
tration should give its awful sanction to these notions, both by its pro- 
fessions, and measures!! ! But without further comment, I will follow 
Mr. R., in his 2d Vol. to his chapter on protecting duties; written evi- 
dently to promote the passage of the tariffbill in the ensuing year. He, 
himself, states the object of this chapter in the following words : 

Extract — 2d vol. page 200. 
"It is not my intention to discuss the merits of this particular ques- 
tion. Whether the present tariff ought to be raised or lowered, depends 
upon particular local circumstances, which are perpetually varying, 
and upon a vast variety of facts, not within my knowledge aiTd respect- 
ing which, I have no means of informing myself. /Ill that I propose 
to do, is to ascertain and illustrate the principhs upon which this and 
all other question?: like this, ought to be decided. When these principles 
shall be established, any man by referring to a complete statistical ta- 
ble, will be able to determine, whether a tariff is too high or too low." 
Mr. R. then proceeds to give you the following powers, as essentially 
necessary for every government to possess, before it can be warranted 
in passing the tariff bill. In this ofiinion, I strictly concur with Mr. R. 
and it is the only one, in wliich 1 do concur, in his two vols., so far as 
they speak of the civil institutions of his country. Taking these no- 
tions, in connexion with the avowed approbation of the practical ad- 
ministration, 1 deem them loo important to be abridged ; and here in- 
sert them in extenso : — 

Extract — 2d vol. pages 222, 225 inclusive. 
*' In military tactics, it is a fundamental principle, that the army is one 
and the general the head ; no soldier is permitted to have a right, or an 
interest, opposed to the general good of the army. So, in political 
economy, it should be a fundamental principle, that the nation is one^ 
and the legislature the head ; no citizen should be permitted to have a 
rigljt, or an interest, opposed to the general good of the nation. Until 
this comes to be admitted, and acted upon, as a fundamental principle, 
political economy will remain in its present crude, chaotic state, and 
cannot be subjected to the rules of science. 



55 

" It may, with as much propriety, be maintained, that the power and 

capacity of an army would be augmented, by permitting every soldier 
to exercise and employ his military skill, and prowess, in what way he 
pleases, as diat the power and capacity of a nation will be augmented, 
by permitting every citizen to employ his skill, industry and capital in 
what way he pleases. The rights and duties of a general, and his sol- 
diers, are totally distinct, and frequently opposite. The rights, and du- 
ties of a legislature, and its citizens, are as distinct, and scarcel}' less 
frequently rpposite. The soldier should have as much liberty^ as is con- 
sistent with the good of the army. It would be oppression to deprive 
him of this. The citizen should have as much liberty as is consistent 
with the good of the nation. To deprive him of this, wotdd be tyran- 
ny. More than this, he ouglit not to claim. The general is the judge 
in the case of the soldier. The legislature is the judge in the case of 
the citizen. Soldiers take all the liberty tlieir general will give them. 
Citizens take all the liberty the law allows them ; they were never 
known to refrain from engaging in any profitable trade, or business, 
which the law tllowed, because it was detrimental to the nation. If the 
slave-trade is profitable, they will engage in it, unless the law forbids 
it, and often even then. If they refrain at all, when there is no law 
against it, it will be from other, and higher motives, than regard to the 
nation's welfare ; and it will be the same with every other kind of trade, 
or employment. 

" We often hear people talk about individual rights, in a strain, that 
would lead one to suppose, that national interests, and individual rights, 
were, in their opinion, often at variance. Tliey seem to suppose, that 
the right of property is absolute in the individual ; and that every one 
has a right to sell, to whom he pleases, and to buy of whom he pleas- 
es ; and that any interference by the government, in restraining the ex- 
ercise of this right, is arbitrary and tyrannical. They will tell us, go- 
vernment has no right to control them in the disposition of their proper- 
ty, merely ivith a view, that other citizens may derive a benefit from it. 
'• This is a manifest error. Individual right to property is never ab- 
solute, but always relative and conditional. There is no such thing as 
perfect, absolute right, but in those things, which are the gift of nature: 
such as life, liberty, strength, talents, personal beauty, 4'"C. The right 
to property, is merely conventional or conditional, subject to such regu- 
lations as may be made respecting it, with a view to the general inter- 
est of the whole nation. No man has, or can have, a perfect exclusive 
right to property of any description. Every man in the community, 
has a qualified right to it, and under certain circumstances, has a right 
to a living out of it. The public right to every piece of property in the 
nation, is superior to the private right of the individual owner. Hence 
the right of the public to take any mnnh property from him, tvhenever 
it becomes necessary for the public good. If this were not so, the social 
compact would not be sustained, government could not be supported. 
"If individual right to property was absolute, government would, 
, have no right to take an individual's property from him, for any pur- 
pose whatever. The public has no right to deprive a man of his life^ 
his liberty, his talents, his strength, his personal beauty, or of any other 
gift of nature, merely for the public gaod, and for the plainest reason 



S6 

in thx.ltvorld, because he does not derive any of these from the public. 
They are the gifts of his Creator, and HE alone has a right to deprive 
him of them. JVo man, or body of men, has a right to take them from, 
him, unless they have been forfeited by some crime. 

" Upon the saine principle that God has a right to deprive a man of 
health and life, government has a right to deprive him of his property. 
The former is the bounty of God, and held subject to his will. The 
latter is the bounty of the government and held subject to its will. But 
for the social compact, no man could have an exclusive right to any spot 
of earth. The right of property is therefore a conventional right, and 
the public grants no title to property in derogation to the public weal. 
An individual may have a title to property, superior to the title of any 
other individual, or to any number of individuals, less than the whole, 
because the whole, includes the title of the individual himself as well 
as the title of every body else. Hence the right of the public to take 
a man's property for the purpose of making public roads, or erecting 
fortif cations, or for any other purpose, which the public good may 
reqiiire. Hence the right to prohibit a man from selling his property to 
foreigners, or to buy from them those things he may want. The gov- 
ernment has a clear and perfect right to make any regidations respect' 
ing property, or trade, ivhich the public interests may require. 

^^ Every question, therefore, respecting a tariff, or protecting duties^ 
must be a question of expediency and not a question of righf.^^ 

Mr. Speaker, — In the foregoing quotations, you have, in one compact 
view, the doctrinal notions upon which the general government asserts 
the power to pass the tariff bill. — R. says, "all I propose to do, is, to 
ascertain and illustrate the principles upon which this (the passage of 
the tariff bill) and all other questions like this, ought to be settled." Let 
me beg you most earnestly, Sir, to look well at these principles, so call- 
ed by the author, and imagine, if you can, "principles" more despotic.' 
The imagination of man, can conceive of no governmental powers, nor 
of individual slavery, beyond those embraced within the author's " prin- 
ciples" — The citizen has the same liberty from the legislator that the 
soldier has from his general. The legislator is God's vicegerent on 
earth — and governs the nations over whom he presides, by ilie same 
laws by which God governs the world; His supreme, uncontrola- 
l>le will. Although this legislator is a good-for-nothing fellow, " desti- 
tute of talents, education and experience," lie is relied upon to better 
the condition of the people, according to liisown supreme uncontrola- 
ble will. But this is not the worst nor the most alarming of these prcr 
posterous doctrines. — R. asserts, M the pwi//c right, to every piece of 
property in the nation, is superior to the private right of the individu- 
al owner. "Hence the rigiit of the public to take any man's properly 
from bin)." Again — " upon the same principle that God has a right to 
deprive a man of health and life, government has a right to deprive him 
of his property; the former is the bounty of God, and subject of his 
will ; tlie latter is the bounty of government, and subject to its will" ! ! ! 
In lliis single false hypotiiesis you can but see, Mr. Speaker! not only 
ihe subversion, but the complete inversion of the great American prin- 
ciple of the natural rights of man, and of every American civil institu- 
tion, fotmded upon that great fundamental principle. That great priiv 



5.7 

ciple is ; that private property is a natural right, the gift of God, and 
that the oxoner cannot be deprived of it by government, even for public 
use, without just compensation to the individual owner. Behold the con- 
trast. Deeply reflect upon the consequences of the practical operation 
of these contrasted hypothesis. But sir, I am sure you are at this mo- 
ment distrustingly putting tltis question to me — Is it possible, that the 
practical government of the United Slates, in open defiance of the great 
American principle, claims the power ofadministering this government 
upon the hypothesis, that the aggregate proceeds of the labor of this 
nation belongs to the government, to be distributed amongst the indi- 
viduals of the nation, according to the uncontrolable will of the admin- 
istration, regardless of individual ownership!!! That all property 
is the bounty of government, not the gift of God ! ! ! Yes, sir, I an- 
swer positively in the affirmative, according to my best understanding 
of their own avowals. This doctrine is avowed by Mr. Clay in his speech 
on the tarifT— by Mr. Adams in his message, and by Mr. Rush in his of- 
(Icial report, and that it is the hypothesis on which, the practical govern- 
ment is administered at this moment — Extract from Mr. Clay's speecli 
page 19 : " The great desideratum in political economy, is the same as 
in private pursuits: that is, what is the best application of the aggre- 
gate industry of a nation, that can be made honestly to produce the larg- 
est sum of national ivcalth? Labor is the source of all ivealth, but it 
is not natural labor only. ^'' It is then all labor, natural and artificial. 
It is impossible, not to discern here, an express identity in Mr. Clay's 
hypothesis, with Mr, R's. it is only ushered fiuth, with more abstrac- 
tion, but that admits of only one analysis — liaymond says, " The public 
tight to every piece of propeny, is superior, to the private right of the 
owner. Tiiat government has a right to deprive him (the owner) of 
his property. The latter (private property) is the bounty of the gov- 
ernment, and subject to its will ! !" — What says Mr. Clay .? "-The great 
desideratum in political economy, is the best application of the ctggre- 
gateindustry of a nation.'''' 

Labor is the source of wealth — not natural labor only — "labor then 
is the source of all national wealth, arising from national industry — and 
this nationcd industry is the great desideratum in political economy, in 
making the best application of it, to produce the largest sum of nation- 
al wealtli." No, Mr. Clay, I positively deny your great political dog- 
ma. I here assert, that according to our social compact and federative 
government, the great desideratum in political economy does not consist 
of the aggregate industry of a nation — of the aggregate proceeds of 
the whole labor of society— but only of the smallest portion of that ag- 
gregate industry ; thai aggregate labor, that can honestly be made to 
suffice for govermnental objects, according to the specific provisions of 
our fundamental institutions. All the residue is sacredly secured to the 
individual owner, against the lawless encroachments of the government. 
That private property shall not be taken for public use, without just 
compensation, is \.\\e great desideratum in American political economy. 
So far from plundering the individual of his property, the first obliga- 
tion of the government is to protect him in the uncontrolable use of it, 
upon condition, that he thereby hurt not another. To whom does the 
power belong, to njake the most beneficial application of the proceeds 
8 



58 

of the whole labor ot a nation f Surely to the governiiient — according 
to Mr. Clay. No individual can make it. Tliis power is the great 
desideratum in political economy ; of couri^e belonging to the political 
body. Upon what ground is this power claimed by the government? 
There can be but one, thai is ownership. Here, then, Mr. Ciay is in 
strict union witli Raymond — to wit : Tlie public right to every piece of 
property in the nation; and the government, upon that ground, " own- 
ership," has a right to make the best application of the aggregate pro^ 
ceeds of the labor of society, so as to produce the greatest sum of pub- 
lic good, utterly regardless of private ownership. No restraint impos- 
ed upon the government. The aggregate products to be applied ac- 
cording to its supreme uncontrolable will. Here, then, is the ground up- 
on which Mr. C. himself places the right to pass the tariffbili ; and it is 
the only ground upon which its passage could be justified. The con- 
stitution of the United States is totally disregarded — Mr. Clay scarce- 
ly deigns to mention it; and wiien he does, with a view to argument^ 
it is evidendy with sneering contempt and obloquy, not condescending 
to consult its specified provisions for restraining the will of the govern- 
ment, and securing the liberties of the people. Mr. Speaker, let me 
here solemnly invoke your attention, and ask you, sir, are you prepar- 
ed for this.^ Are you prepared to see the great principle for the securi- 
ty of human rights inverted by the substitution of one, for the unlimit- 
ed power of government? And let me emphatically ask, for wiiat, and 
for whose good t Merely to administer to the blind avarice, and greedy 
cupidity of the favored manufacturing class, so as to secure its sup- 
port for any govermental usurpation whatever ; done too, at the ex- 
pense of all other occupations in society. It is to do an act of great 
national injustice. To set moral sentiment at defiance — to introduce 
cunning and plunder in place of industry and honesty — an open war 
of discordantoriginal interests; and througii this elementary war of jar- 
ring atoms, to pave the way for the disunion of the United States ! Mr. 
Speaker, let me again beg you, sir, not to permit your mind to be 
drawn from this view of the subject. Listen not, sir, to the ingenious 
tales of the counteractions of foreign nations- — to nick-names- — to mis- 
nomers — to deceptive calculations grounded upon fallacious statistics ; 
nor to any one of the numerous devices, invented to divert your mind 
from its true object. These will inevitably lead you into error. The 
real cjuestion is too simple and plain not to be understood by every 
sound organized mind in America. It is this: " Is the aggregate la- 
bor of this nation, the great desideratum for political economy .^" Has 
government the right to the aggregate products of the nation ? If so, 
from what source does this right accrue to the government.'* Is private 
property the bounty of government ; or the gift of God ? Deem me 
not too importunate sir, when I beg you, again, not to permit your mind 
to be drawn away, from llie contemplation of this great subject. The 
rights, tlie liberties of man depend upon it. Sir, 1 mean to be tedious 
upon this point. My great object is, to attract to it the public atten- 
tion. 1 shall Slick to it, and reiterate it. Nothing else can be wanting 
to doom the monstrous, I'rightful hypothesis, to destruction and abhor- 
rence. I shall introduce it again, in other parts of my remarks. In 
\\:e mean lime, hear your President, upon this point; hear, not only his 



39 

inofficial avowals ; but his proclamation of these despotic doctrines in 
his official message: 

From President Adams' Message — 1825. 
Extract 1st — -from the exordium. 

" Europe, with a few partial and unhappy exceptions, has enjoyed ten 
years of peace, during which all her governments, whatever the theo- 
ry of their constitutions may have been, are successively taught to feel 
that the end of their institution is the happiness of tlie'' people ; and 
that the exercise of power among men can be justified only by the bless- 
ings it confers upon those over wiiom it is extended." 
Extract 2d — 4 columns front the first. 

" And no government, in whatever form constituted, can accomplish 
the lawful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the 
condition of those over whom it is established. Roads and canals by 
multiplying and facilitating the communications and intercourse be- 
tween distant regions, and multitudes of men, are among the most im- 
portant means of improvement. But moral, political, intellectual im- 
provement, are duties assigned, by the author of our existence, to so- 
cial, no less than to individual man." 

Extract 3rd. 

" In assuming her station among the civilized nations of the earth, It 
would seem that our country had contracted the engagement to contri- 
bute her share of mind, of labor and of expense to the improvement 
of those parts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach of individual 
acquisition ; and particularly to geographical and astronomical science. 
Looking back to the history only of the half century since the declara- 
tion of our independence, and observing a generous emulation with 
which the governments of France, Great Britain, and Russia, have de- 
voted the genius, the intelligence, the treasures of their respective na- 
tions, to the common improvement of the species in these branches of 
science, is it not incumbent upon us to inquire whether we are not bound 
by obligations of a high and honorable character, to contribute our 
portion of energy and execution, to the con;mon stock ? The voyages 
of discovery, prosecuted in the couise of tliat time, at the expense of 
those nations, have not only redounded to their glory, but to the im- 
provement of human knowledge. We have been partakers of that im- 
provement, and owe for it, a sacred debt not only of gratitude but of 
equal or proportional exertion in the same common cause." 

Extract 4th. 

*' It is with no feeling of pride, as an American that the remark may 
he made, that on the comparatively small territorial surface of Europe 
tiiere are existing upwards of one hundred and thirty of these light 
houses of the skies; while throughout the whole Amercan hemisphere, 
tiiere is not one. If we reflect a moment upon the discoveries, which, 
in the last four centuries, have been made in the physical constitution 
of the universe, by the means of these buildings, and of observers sta- 
tioned in them, shall we doubt of iheir usefulness to every nation .'* And 
while scarcely a year passed over our heads without bringing some new 
astronomical discovery to light, which we must fain receive at second 
hand from Europe, are we not cutting ourselves off from the means of 
returning light for light, while we have neither observatory nor obser- 



60 

vers upon our liaif oi" ilie globe, and liie earih revoives in perpetual 
darkness to our unsearching eyes." 

Extract 5th. 
"The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates 
the heart, and sharpens the (acuities, not of our fellow-citizens alone, 
but of liie nations of Europe and of their rulers. While dwelling with 
pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence af our political insti- 
tutions, let us not be unmhidful that liberty is power ; that the nation 
blest with the largest portion of liberty, must in proportion to its num- 
bers^ be the most powerful nation upon earth ; and that the tenure of 
power by man, is, in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon condition 
that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve the condition 
oj himself and hi^ fellow men. While foreign nations, less blessed with 
that freedom which is power than ourselves, are advancing with gigan- 
tic strides in the career of public improvement, were we to slumber in in- 
dolence, fold up our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied 
by the ivill of our constituents, xoould it not be to cast away the bounties 
of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority.^^ 

Extract from the Ohio Letter. 
The opinion of John Qu.ncy Adums, on the subject of Internal Improvement — 

1824. 

"The question of the power of Congress to authorise the making of 
intrrnal improvements, is in other words, a question whether the peo- 
ple of this IJnion, in forming their common social compact, as avowed- 
ly for the purpose of promoiing their general welfare, have performed 
their work in a manner so ineffably stupid as to deny themselves the 
means of bettering their own condition. 1 have too much respect for 
the intellect of my country to believe it. The first object of human as- 
sociation is the improvement of the condition of the associated. Roads 
and canals are among the most essential means of improving the con- 
dition of nations, and a people, which should deliberately, by the or- 
ganization of its authorised power, deprive itself of the faculty of mul- 
tiplying its own blessings; would be as wise as a creator who should 
undertake to constitute a human being without a heart." 

[OAi'o JYational Crisis. 
Extract from Message — 1825. 

" But, if the power to exercise legislation in all cases whatsoever, 
over the District of Columbia; if the power to lay and collect taxes, 
duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the com- 
mon defence and general welfare of the United States; if the power to 
regulate commerce with foreign nations and an)ong the several states, 
and with the Indian tribes; to fix the standard of weights and tnea- 
sures; to establish post offices and post roads; to declare war, to raise 
and support armies; to provide and maintain a navy — to dispose of 
and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or 
other property belonging to the United States — and to make all laws 
which shall be necessary and proper for carryirig these powers into ex- 
ecution ; if these powers and otiiers enumerated in the constitution, 
may be eflectually brought into action by the laws promoting the im- 
provement of agriculture, comnierce and manufactures, the cultivation 
and encouragement of the mechanic and of \hf e'^^tr^"' ■^••♦s. the ?»d- 



61 

vancement of literature and the progress of the sciences, ornamental 
and profound — to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the 
people themselves, would be to hide in the earth the talent committed 
to our charge — would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts." 

Again, from his late message of the 5th : 

" In the present instance, it is my duty to say, that if the legislative 
and executive authorities of the State of Georgia should persevere in 
acts of encroachment upon the territories, secured by a solemn treaty 
to the Indians, and the laws of the Union, remain unaltered, a super- 
added obligation, even higher than that of human authority will com- 
pel the Executive of the United States to enforce the laws and fulfil the 
duties of the nation, by all the force committed for that purpose to his 
charge." 

The government only can direct the aggregate industry of a natibn, 
and, to enable it to do so, must be entitled to liie proceeds of that ag- 
gregate industry. 

The President asserts this principle in the following words: 

Extract from his Ohio Letter. 

"The question of the power of Congress to authorise the making of 
internal improvements, is, in other words, a question whether the peo- 
ple of this Union, in forming their common social compact, as avowed- 
ly for tiie purpose of promoting their general welfare, have performed 
their work in a manner, so ineffably stupid, as to deny themselves the 
means of bettering their own condition. 1 have too much respect for 
the intellect of n)y country to believe it." 

These means can be nothing short of the whole property of the na- 
tion. 

Mr. Speaker,— May I be permitted, sir, to justify myself for this 
great consumption of time in long quotations.'' My justificatian will 
be found in the magnitude of the subject. It is a question involving 
all human rights, all human liberties. It is all important, that it should 
be well understood. Let us not then, sir, grudge a little time, nor even 
much deep, profound reflection; nor a lavish waste of words, pen, ink 
and paper; besides, 1 fear the possibility of doing injustice in repre- 
senting the opinions of your President, and therefore, determined that 
he shall make his own representation, of his own doctrines; and, sir, 
to what do they amount ? Precisely to Raymond's doctrines. The un- 
limited will of the government controling the whole property of the 
nation for the purposes of beneficence. For the purposes of bettering 
the condition of the people, regardless of their will. If you, sir, will 
give your own attention to these doctrines of your President, proclaim- 
ed as fundamental laws, for the observance of the practical govern- 
ment, vou cannot avoid seeing claims set up, in various forms, to un- 
limited power, derived from sources paramount to the constitution. In 
that case no farther analysis from me could be necessary. But, sir, I 
cannot now lake leave of this quotation, without emphatically calling 
your attention to an analysis of the following most extraordinary expo- 
sition, proclaimed in the message. It requires some analysis, it i» 
impossible iliat it can be understood by the American people at this 
time. 



62 

"Let us not be unmindful thai liberty h power; that the nation, 
(alias government, not individuals,) blest with the largest portion ol 
liberty, must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation 
upon earth, and that the tenure of poiver by man, is, in the moral pur- 
poses of his Creator, (tenure of power again by divine right,) is, upon 
condition that it shall be exercised to acts of beneficence, to improve the 
condition of himself and his fellow men— (power from the Creator, un- 
restrained in will, to be exercised in beneficence, not carrying into 
effect the objects of the constitution.) While foreign nations less bles- 
sed with that freedom, which is power, than ourselves (a decoy duck) 
are advancing with gigantic strides, in the career of public improve- 
ment; were we to slumber in indolence, fold up our arms, and proclaim 
to the world that we are palsied by the will of otir constituents, ivould it 
not be to cast away the bounties of Providence and doom ourselves to 
perpetual inferiority ?" 

Here, then, sir, we see the will of our constituents ofticially proclaim- 
ed, as the great obstacle to the best administration of our government. 
Twist it and turn it as you can, it still amounts to the same thing. It 
is true, this sentence is couched in terms of the most sophisticated ab- 
straction. The best evidence that could be given both of the design, 
and fears of the author; but its terms cannot be mistaken. The Presi- 
dent is comparing the organization of other governments of unlimited 
power, with ours, of limited power ; and substantially declares, that 
so long, as our practical government, will condescend to be palsied by 
the will of our constituents, so long it will be inferior to governments 
not thus condescending. ,'* Inferiority" is a term of comparison. What 
are the things here compared .'' Unlimited, with limited governments. 
The limited government will be doomed to perpetual inferiority, pro- 
vided the administrators shall suffer themselves to be palsied by the will 
of their constituents, i defy the veriest casuist to put any other intelli- 
gible construction upon this sophisticated sentence. It will be farther 
confirmed by criiicaiiy attending to the previous quotations, most art- 
fully contrived for this result. Here, then, is seen the President's doc- 
trinal notions for his practical administrative policy — nnlimited will, 
unpalsied by the constitutional will. — Raymond identified — God's vice- 
gerents upon earth. 

The following claims to power are taken from Mr. Rush's Report of 
1825 — approved by the Cabinet : 

" To give perfection to the industry of the country ; 

"To draw out its obvious resources and seek constantly for new 
ones; 

" To augment the number and variety of occupations for its inha- 
bitants ; 

•'To hold out to every degree of labor, and to every modification 
of skill, its appropriate object and inducements; 

"To organize the whole labor of the country; 

"To entice into the widest ranges its mechanical and intellectual 
capabilities ; 

" To call forth, whatever hidden, latent ingenuity, giving to effort, 
activity, and to emulation, ardor; 

" To create employment for the greatest amount of numbers, by 



63 

adapting it to the diversified faculties, propensities and situation of 
men, so that every particle of ability, every shade of genius, may come 
into requisition ; 

" To lift up the condition of the country ; 

"To increase its fiscal energy; 

"To multiply the means and sources of its opulence; 

" To imbue it with the elements of general as well as lasting strength 
and prosperity." 

Mr. Speaker, were the American people ever before insulted with 
such monstrous and preposterous doctrines ? Do they not amount to 
converting man from a natural being, endowed with rights and attributes 
from his God, into a mere governmental machine, to be bandied about 
at the fantastical will and pleasure of the government? This flighty 
ephemeral -^ronaut, claims not only the control over all the property 
of the nation, but over the occupations of individuals, over mind and 
body, with power to lash up his obedient subservient slaves to the exer- 
tion of " every particle of ability, every shade of genius" at the gov- 
ernmental beck; — and when all this is done, then says the ^ronaut— 
"The farmer of the United States cannot but perceive that the mea- 
sure of his prosperity is potentially full! !" Poor deluded, insulted far- 
mer! ! Ask thyself, is the measure of thy prosperity potentially full:' 
Will it ever be under such fantastical notions and gilded promises? 
The farmer's prosperity potentially full ! ! Mr. Speaker ! What poten- 
tial nonsense ! ! What poieniial mischief! ! What potential despotism ! ! 
Mr. Speaker! You cannot but perceive, sir, the general tenor and spi- 
rit which characterises the whole of these administrative quotations. 
You cannot but perceive the identity of the doctrines with those of the 
tariff encomiasts — -to wit: The derivation of powers from sources pa- 
ramount to the constitution — the utter subversion of all its wholesome 
restraining provisions, and the substitution of unlimited governmental 
will in their stead. 

Sir, when I look at this vast subject — when I feel my appalling phy-; 
sical debility — when I look to the lime already consumed, merely in 
getting through this exordium — and the arduous and perplexing task 1 
have before me, 1 am led to despair of my capacity for accomplishing 
it. But, sir, I consider this the last expiring effort I shall ever be per- 
mitted to make, for bringing back tlie American people to the contem- 
plation of their own first principles — to the contemplation of their own 
original fundamental laws — for saving American liberties, and with 
them the liberties of the whole human race. Impelled by the invigo- 
rating occasion, 1 must sir, proceed to exert in this great cause the last 
particle of mental and physical energy, now left me by an all-wise and 
indulgent Providence. 

Let me, then, call your attention to the doctrines of the tariff bill, as 
ushered forth by Mr. Clay in his sublimated doctrinal speeciK 

Before 1 enter minutely into the examination of the particular parts 
of Mr. Clay's speech. I beg to be indulged in a few critical observa- 
tions upon its general characteristics. In the first place, then, notwith- 
standing Mr. Clay had taken the precaution, to send up the most fer- 
vent invocations to the "Most High," for his divine inspiration, his 
burning incense seemed not to be an acceptable, holy offering, since his 



i4 

anxious pra^'crs proved unavailing; for after all tliese devotional ef- 
forts, I consider Mr. Clay's speech not to be the speech of a statesman 
— still less the speech of the Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
The speech of the dignified Speaker of the House, should itself, be dig- 
nified. It should be liberal, candid and impartial. It ought to pre- 
sent a fair view of the question on both sides; and the grounds of the 
balance of his own motives, in favor of the side he deemed the right 
one. This speech partakes nothing of dignity, liberality, impartiality, 
or candor. It is below the level of the speech of dignified counsel, 
learned in the law, who feel a due regard for their honorable profes- 
sional standing. It is the speech of a pleading lawyer, who has en- 
gaged with his client for a high fee, in a bad cause, to gain it right or 
wrong; and who feels himself under an obligation to call, into the 
most active exertion, all his powers of chicanery, and special pleading: 
Accordingly, Mr. Clay condescends to resort to false names, to misre- 
presentations, to concealment of parts of a connected system of facts, 
and of every other device to gain liis cause, which his inflated imagina- 
tion could invent. Mr, Clay's fee was great, though contingent — no 
less his prize than thePresidenllal Chair. As one conspicuous exam- 
ple of these devices, Mr, Clay nick names his speech in the very jroni- 
ispiece. He calls it, " Speech in support of an American System, for 
the protection of American Industry," Mr. Clay well knew that this 
was a false-nomer. That it was not an American system, for the pro- 
tection of American industry, that he was reconnnending ; but a dis- 
carded British system of British indvstry, he was recommending, to be 
introduced into the United Stales for the first time. That it was not 
^^ a genuine American system,^' as he soir.etimes calls it, but an imita^ 
tive system, drawn from British example, and grounded in British po- 
licy. Many other examples of insincerity, and chicanery may be re- 
ferred to in this most extraordinary speech ; some of which will be ex- 
posed in its more detailed examination. The present one will suffice, 
in this general sketch. Its second general characteristic is, that of 
false coloring, or misrepresentation. Upon a critical investigation, it 
will be found to be deceptive, and illusory throughout; and, in some 
instances, the artifices are too slender, to impose upon the plainest un- 
derstanding — candor is the first quality of true oratory. It will always 
b« in vain, for the orator to attempt to win the hearts of his auditors, 
whilst ihey are acting under the conviction, that the orator himself is 
not sincere — that he does not believe himself — that he is practising up- 
on his own convictions, of his own superior intelligence, and of their 
ignorance, and credulity. Even such a suspicion would steel the minds 
of the auditory against conversion, or conviction. 

The style of this speech is most peculiaj;ly characteristic. Whilst it 
violates many of the nitist obvious rules of criticism, it is so sonorous, 
turgid and bombastic, that it seems, in its first impressions, to bear down 
every thinf^ before it, and to cheat tlie mind of the just exercise of its 
convnion faculties. There is a peculiar selection, collocation and ar- 
rangement of the words composing each sentence, which produce the 
loudest and coarsest music. 1 hope to be excused for the comparison. 
It nvay be de'-med a coarse one. it is recommended, however, because 
its intrusion is always involuntary, and therefore must be impelled by 



65 

some natural impulse of resemblance. I never commence reading tliis 
speecli, but llic (joarse music of llie chiming of well regulaied clmrcli 
bells instanlly appears lo strike the tympanum of the ear, and to bewil- 
der the mindwilii its coarse, sounding, gmgling, harmony. But, sir, 
llie resemblance exisis only in the music. The coarse music of iho 
chiu-ch bells passes away, and leaves no trace of njischief behind it. 
Wliilst Mr. Clay's gingling, sonorous speech is said to have produced 
the tarill' — and with it, the lolal obliteralion of evevy restraining pro- 
vision in the Constitution, If so, it lias produced a mischief, both de- 
pltiraWe, and irremediable; and llie gingiing, successful orator, will 
probably live to see the day that he will lament and weep over the fatal 
success of his own artifices — over tiie destruction of a federative govern- 
ment, vvhicli had, for nearly twenty- five years dispensed the best politi- 
cal blessings over a great nation, now wantonly torn lo atoms, by the in- 
troduction of warring elements, or moulded into an odious, consolidat- 
ed mass of despolisu). The next characteiistic of this gingling speech, 
consists of its duration, its contiimation. It occupies above eight and 
thirty pages in close print, of a large pamphlet size. Tiiese pages form 
my text. With above 38 pages for my text, what must be tiie length of 
my sermon ? It happened to be my fortmie in early life, to be placed for 
my education, tnider the care of the late celebrated Dr. Witherspooii 
of Princet;»n College. The Doctor, ahhough liighly learned, was as 
much celebrated for llie simplicity and elegance of his style, and for 
the brevity of his orations, as for the extent and soliciity of his erudi- 
tion. He lectured the class, of which 1 was a member, upon eloquence 
and criticism, and was always delighted with the exercises in that branch 
of science. Amidst all the refinement of the Doctor's learning, he re- 
tained much of tlie |jrovincial brogue of his native town (Paisley in 
Scotland). Tiie Doctor generally approaciied his class with great fa- 
miliarity, with " How do ye do lads.'"' to wliirli the reply was. " braly, 
sir, braly." He commenced his lectures in the simplest style of con- 
versation. " Lads, if it should (all to the lot of any of ye, as it may 
do, to appear upon tiie theatre of public life, let me impress upon your 
minds two rules in oratory, that are never to be departed from upon 
any occasion whatever — -'jVe'er d : ye speak unless ye ha' something to 
say, and when ye are done, be surf arsd leave olF." Fiighlful restraints 
upon modern oratory ! The Doctor would jiroceed most methodically 
lo impress upon the class, the sacred inviolability of each of these rules, 
and the imiispensable necessity of liieir strict observance, "by every pre- 
tender to oratory. Without positively asserting, that our untiring ora- 
tor has violated both of these old fashioned oratorical rules, I hazard 
nothing in saying, that lie lias said a great deal more than he ought to 
liavesaid ; and lie certainly did not leave ofl' when he was fairly done. 
After saying a great deal more tiian Ise ought to have said, and much 
of whicli, I think he did not understand himself, lie lias made ten dis- 
tinct points, for very liitie purpose as far as I can comprehend their 
meaning, except for continuation — for duration. The untiring orator 
seems to have cleared out on a voyage of many ports, with a determi- 
nation to preserve its continuity, how^ever unprofitable. Mr. Speaker, 
I find, sir, at this last stage of life, 1 am, myself, about to violate, I fear, 
both these sacred precepts of my beloved and revered preceptor. I 
9 



find, for the first lime in my life, I sliall have to call for an adjourned 
speerli. 1 find abomuliess ocean before me; but, sir, like liie untiring, 
sonorous orator, 1 clear out for a voyage through this whole immeasur- 
able ocean, and will instantly set sail. Let me then, call your attention 
more particularly lo Mr. Clay's speech. The first eight or nine pages 
of itj are occupied with exaggerated descriptions, of the sufferings, dis- 
tresses, and even degradations of the Anjerican people ; of the depres- 
sion of prices, and of the vast difference of the advantages of our com- 
merce with European nations, when they are in a state of war; and 
our comnieice with them, when in a state of peace; and finally comes 
to the profound conclusion, in substance, that our European market in 
lime ot peace, is not as good, as it is in time of war. A position which, 
1 suppose, no man of common sense ever doubted, without deriving his 
information from fantastical statements, founded on delusive statistics. 
I will here briefly notice a few remarks, introduced by our orator, with- 
out designating his object, because, whilst liiey will furnish one exam- 
ple, of his many equivocations, ihey leave ns in some doubt, as to his 
notions of tiie banking system as a necessary desideratum in his politi- 
cal tconoiiiy. 

Extract — JJOge 12. 
" Let us suppose, Mr. Cliairmaii, that Europe was again the theatre 
of sucii a general war as recently raged throughout all her dominions, 
such a Slate of war as existed in her greatest exertions and in our great- 
est prosperity : instantly there would arise a greedy demand for the 
surplus produce of our industry, for our commerce, for our navigation. 
The languor which now prevails in our cities, and in our sea-ports, 
would give way tu an animated activity. Our roads and rivers would 
be crowded with the produce of the inierior. Every wiiere we should 
witness excited industry. Tiie precious metals would re-flow from 
abroad upon us. Banks, which have maintained their credit, would re- 
vive iheir business; and new banks wuuld be established, to take the 
place of those ichich have sunk beneath the general pressure. For it is 
a misiakc to suppose that they have produced our present adversity ; they 
may have somewhat aggravated it, but they were the effect and the evi- 
dence of our prosperity." Now permit me lo ask you, iMr. Speaker, 
or tiie splendid orator's most partial (riend, whether lie really dues con- 
sider banking as one of the necessary desiderata in his political econo- 
my.'' He seems to think, but most equivocally to express the opinion, 
that new banks oiigiit to be established, t*) take place of those which 
have sunk under the general pressure. Tiiis would seem to place the 
orator among^^t ilie supporters of the Kentucky relief schemes, even 
after they had turned the nnnals of Kentucky topsey turvey. — Although 
it is admitted that his meaning is too vaguely and deceptively express- 
ed, 'o jii>tify any certain coiicku>.ion respecting it. .But let that be ad- 
mitted under these laborious diinonstrations, which 1 believe was never 
deni'fd, that oin- l^urupean peace market is not as good as our Euro- 
pean war market, will that admi-sion afford an argument in favor of 
laying a high tariff on European goods .'' Mr. Clay says yes — common 
sense says no. Will not increasing the tariff make the bad European 
market worNe.^ Would not common sense say, that it would be true 
policy to make it better, if it were policy to tamper with it at all .'' But 



G7 

all just inferencps srem lo be inverted by ilie eiiclianleci, sonorous ora- 
tor. Because tlie European peace market is bad, therefore the sagaci- 
ous orator would make it worse. This he would do by lessening its 
capacity to purchase ; ikerefore common sense would say it ought t(» be 
made better by enlarging its capacity to purchase. But, sir, all these 
artificial contrivances tend to invert all just inferences. The chiming 
orator would doubtlessly conceive he had achieved a wonderful manoeu- 
vre lor bettering the condition of the people, by placing the nation in 
the artificial attitude of "heels over head," instead of permitting it to 
retain the natural one of "head over heels." He doubtlessly thinks the 
nation would be placed in a much better condition in its artificial tlian 
in its natural attitude; to exert its faculties in the application of its la- 
bor, for increasing the national wealth and prosperity, by artificially 
placing manufactures at the head, and agriculture at the iieels, of all oc- 
cupations in society, instead of leaving agriculture in its natural posi- 
tion, "head over heels." Without further attention to the collateral, 
incidental points, contained in the first nine pages, I will proceed at 
once to the examination of the principal errors which, most unfortu- 
nately, led to the adoption of this most fatal measure, and into the still 
more fatal doctrines upon which it is founded. 

Extract — page 19. 

\ "But Britain is herself the most striking illustration of the im- ? 
J mense power of machinery. Uposi what otlier principle can you ? 
S account for the enormous weallh which s!ie isas accismulated, and? 
J which she annually produces.^ A statistical writer of that country,^ 
J several years ago, estimated the total amount oF the artificial or s 
5 machine labor of the nation, to be equal to tliat of one hundred? 
J millions of able-bodied laborers. Subsequent estimates of her ar- < 
jtificial labor, at the present day, carry it to tite enormous height j 
?of two hundred millions. But the popidation of the three king-^ 
^doms is 21,500,000. Supposing that to furnish ;d)le-b(.died la- ^ 
I bor to the amount of four iriillions, the natural labor will be but^ 
Mvvo per cent, of the artificial labor. \'a the production of wealth,^ 
5 she operates, therefore, by a power (incliuling the whole popula- ? 
^ tion) of 221,500.000; or, in other words, by a power eleven linies ^ 
^greater than the total of her natural power. If we suppose^ 
J the machine labor of the United Stales to be equal to that of? 
\ 10,000,000 of able-bodied men, the United States will operate, in^ 
5 the creation of wealth, by a power (including all their popnlation) f 
J of 20,000,000. In tl-.e creation of wealtli, therefore, the power of j 
^ Great Britain, compared to that of the United States, is as eleven? 
J to one. That these views are not imaginary, will be, I think, evinc- ? 
sed, by contrasting the weallh, i!ie revenue, the power of the two? 
4 countries. Upon what other hypothesis can we explain those al-^ 
\ most incredible exertions which Brilai-.i made during the late wars > ^ 
*< of Europe.? Look at her immense subsidies ! Behold her stan^.>" 
^ing, unaided and alone, and breasting the storm of Napoleon'- *-y" 
\ lossal power, when all continental Europe owned and a-^'"'' *^.' " ^ 
\ irresistible swav; and fi.iallv contemplate her viff-'-''>"S prosecut.on , 



G3 

^ of tlie war, with nnd without allies, to its splendid termination, on j 
' the ever menjorable field of VVaterh)o !" J 

J} gain — page 21. 



I 



I "If we looli at the commerce of Kntijhind, we shall perceive tiiat< 
S its prosperous condition no less denotes the iaimensiiy (»f iter riches. ? 
sTlie average of three yt-ars exports, ending in 1789. was between? 
? 13 and 14 millions. Tiie ave:ap,e for the same term ending in 1822, J 

< was 40 millions sterling. Tite average of the imports for tinee ; 
^ years, ending in 1789, was seventeen niillioDS. The average for j 
J the same term, ending in 1822, was thirty-six millions, showing a j 
J favorable balance of four mdlions. Thus, in a period not longer^ 
5 than thut wiiich has elapsed since the establishment of our consti- J 

* tution, have the exports of that kingdom been tripled; and this has: 
J mainly been the effect of the power of machinery. The total ^ 
I amount of the commerce of (Jreat Britain is greater since the^ 

* peace, by one fourth, than it was during the war. The average of? 
5 her tonnage, during the most flourishnig period of the war, was J 
I two million four hundred thousand tons. !ts average, during the? 
^ three years, 1819, 1820, and 1821, was 2,600.000; exhibiting an ^ 
i increase of 200,000 t(ms. if we glance at some of the more pro- 1 
Jminent articles (if iier inantilaclures. we sliali be assisted in com- ^ 
j prehending the true nature of the sources of her riches. The amount ^ 
sofcottitn fabrics exported, in l!ie most prosperous year of the war, J 
5 was eighteen mil'ion sterling. In the year 1820. it was. IG. GOO. 000;^ 
^in 1821, 21,500,000; iti 1822. 21,639000/. sterling: preventing? 

< tiie astonishing increase in two years of upwards of five millions. | 
I The total amotnit of imports in Great Britain from all foreign parts, s 
J of the article of cotton wool, is five millions sterling After sup- « 
J plying most abundantly the consumption of cotton fabrics within j 
J the country (and a people better (i^d and clad and housed, are not ^ 
I to be found under the sun, than the British nation,) by means of her ^ 
J industry, she gives to this cotton wool a new value, which enables, 
Mier to sell to foreign nations to the amoinit of 21.639,000/., mak-' 
Sing a clear profit of upwards of 16,500,000/. sterling! In 1821,? 
Mhe value of the export of woollen manufactures was 4,300,000/.^ 
I In 1822, it was 5,500,000/." I 

Jjgnin — pnge 21, 22. 

I " The amount of lier wealth annually produced, is three hundred ^ 
^ and fifty millions sterling; bearing a large proportion to all of her j 
^ pre-existing wealth. The ygricidtural portion of it is said by the , 
^gentleman from Virginia, to be greater than that created by any? 
i 'her braiich of her industry. But that llovvs maiidy from a po- J 
i ny s-i.„;|^p jj^ jIj.jj proposed by this bill. One-third only of her ^ 
^population Is oiiQraged in agriculture; the other two-thirds fin-nlsh-^ 
|ing a market for ttir. produce of that third. Withdraw this mar-? 



? 



69 

? Uet, and what becomes of her agriculture? The power and the| 
I wealth of Great Britain cannot be more strikingly illustrated, than j 
I bv a comparison of her population and revenue with those of other ^ 
I countries and with our own. [Here Mr. Clay exhibited the follow- | 
' ing table, made out from authentic materials.] ^ 

^ Population. Taxes and public Taxation per \ 

< burthens. capita | 

< Russia in Kiirope, 37.000,000 / 18.000.000 /O 9 9 < 
\ France, inckuling Corsica, SO.rOO.OoO /.37,000,000 /.I 4 > 
\ Great Britain, exclusive of"^ * 
\ Ireitind (tlie taxes compii- i .„,.,„ 5 
t ted accordini^ to the vah.e )^ 14,500,000 Z 40,000,000 /.2 15 . 
> of money on the Knrope- | J 
\ an Continent,) J ^ 

< Great Mritain and Ireland, > 21,500 000 ?.4!,000.000 12 \ 
t collecuvelv, 5 ' r, » -. S 
^ F.no-land alone, 11,600.000 /,36 000.000 t'.3 2 J 
<Sp-tn 11,000,000 i 6,000 000 /.O 11 5 
^jrelan'd 7,0jO 000 /.4,000,OjO /.O 11 j 
SrheUnitedSlatesofAmenca, 10,000,000 /.4,500,OOQ 10 9 \ 
I 5 

dlSt_ 

Jigain^page 23. 

^J V\^V'X'VXA-^V''X/X.%>%/VVV^VV^VVX*V'VVVA/X.V'V^VV'VV"V^V'VVV-VA.V'VX<V^^ «Sfc' 

^ "The views of British prosperity which I have endeavored to ^ 

I present, show that her protecting policy is adapted alike to a state ^ 

I of war and of peace. Self-poised, re.sting upon her own internal j 

\ resources, possessing a home market, carefully cherished and guard- ^ 

^ed, she is ever prepared for any emergency. We have seen her^ 

?cominp: out of a war of incalculable exertion, and of great dura-| 

< tion, with her power unbroken, her means undiminished. We have^ 

\ seen, tliat almost every revolving year of peace has brought along ^ 

\ with it an increase of her manufactures, of her commerce, and con- ^ 

^ sequenlly, of her navigation. We have seen that, constructing her < 

\ prosperity upon the solid foundation of her own protecting policy, j 

^ it is unaffected by ti)e vicissitudes of other states. What is our own \ 

5 condition .^ Depending upon the state of foreign powers — confi-^ 

J ding exclusively in a foreign, to the culpable neglect of a domes- \ 

^ tic, policy — our interests are affected by all their movements. — \ 

I Their wars, their misfortunes, are the only source of our prosperity, e 

I In their peace, and otn- peace, we behold our condition the reverse J 

? of that of Great Britain — and all our interests stationary or de-l 

5 dining. Peace brings to us none of the blessings of peace. Our ^ 

g system is, anomalous; alike mifitted to general tranquillity, and to f 

i a slate of war or peace, on the part of our own country. It can ? 

^succeed only in tlie rare occurrence of a general state of war 5 

I througiioiit Europe. I am no eulogist of England. I am far from 5 

i recouintending her systems of taxation. 1 have adverted to them I 

\on\y as manifesting her extraordinary ability." S 

lexity, aiuV 
Mr. Speaker,— Look back, sir, at the m"'t'P''C'^Vr,r^'\c tl^ey are not 
extent of these sonorous statistics; and ask yoiy:^^'^ ' 



70 

amply suflicient to bewilder, and confound the mind, even in the ordi- 
nary exercise of its faculties? What then, is to be expected from their 
effects upon a mind, already inflated, and sublimated by the glittering 
prospects before it? With the dazzling prize of the Presidential chair 
in view; and witli the fondest hope of possession, by the happy success 
of splendid, brilliant displays of oratorical flourishes? Little short of 
delirium could be expected from a mind in such a state of enchantment. 
It would surely be quite unreasonable to expect the accuracy of ariih- 
tnetical results; accordingly, the splendid orator seems to be borne aloft 
by the fascination of the occasion; and to exhibit the wildest, most un- 
founded, and inconsistent results. It is this wonderful fascination, pro- 
duced by the external grandeur, and splendor of the British nation, 
which has led, so many superficial observers, ardently to desire, the in- 
troduction of the British system of policy Into this country, in the san- 
guine, patriotic hope, of producing a similar state of things liere. Bui, 
sir, these superficial observers, have not looked into the interior condi- 
tion of the British nation and population: — When tills is done, all 
their delusive enchantments, arising from the splendor, tlie wealth, the 
prosperity, and the happiness of the British people, will vanish; and they 
will awake to th(j reality; (hat the population of the British nation. Is 
more wretched and miserable, according to numbers, than the popula- 
tion of any nation in Europe. But, before I enter into this investiga- 
tion, 1 cannot avoid calling your attention to a few remarks of our ora- 
tor, which are entirely unaccountable to me. After (he high wrought 
enloglums, which fill two or three pages, upon the British nation, peo- 
ple, and government, the orator asserts — " 1 am no eulogist of Eng* 
land." — No! Mr. Orator! What then are you in relation to England? 
What then, is the meaning of all the eulogiums, you have pronounced 
upon England ? J^ook i)ark upon (hem, sir; and ask yourself If it be 
possible to add aught to the eulogiums already pronounced? Why 
then deny the charaetcr you have just played ofl' with so much point 
and efiVct? If the sonorous, glowing orator, be no eulogist of England, 
I should like to see one. I should like to see one, that could outstrip 
him, not only in portraying the blessings of her incalcidable riches, 
prosperit}' and happiness; but for her glorious feats in arms, particu- 
larly, when contemplating her vigorous prosecution of (he war, with 
and without allies, to its splendid termination on the ever memornhle 
field of Waterloo I — with a note of admiration, to mark his wonder, 
and his pleasure. But still more extraordinary, the orator asserts; — 
*' I am far from recommending her systems of taxation ! !" Is that 
jiossible, Mr. Orator? Wonderful to be (old!!! Whyno(? Look at 
(he comparative views of her systems of policy, and taxation, with om- 
own, and tell us, why was it made ? If not for (he purpose of recom- 
mending the British system of policy and taxation, why was the dis- 
honorable, and disadvantageous contrast, made in favor of Great 
liritain against ourselves? I cannot devise any otluM- rational object ; 
and sure 1 am, if such contrast really do exist; (hat the s|)Iendid 
„ orator ought to recommend both policy, and taxadon, with all the 
■j,y^un)ents at his command — Sure I am, that failing to do so, under 
and to I •'■,'' '^"S would be little short of treachery to his constituents, 
"^"^ "•V. 1 had supposed, until I was wonder-struck with 



71 

this assertion, that the whole force of these unparalleled eulogiums, 
was urged with the sole view of recommending that policy for adop- 
tion, to whose effexts, all these blessings were ascribed, and particularly, 
when in the page preceding, 1 observe this remark: "The agricul- 
tural portion of it is said by tlie gentleman from Virginia, to be great- 
er, than thai created by any other branch of her industry. But that 
flows mainly from a policy similar to that proposed by this bill," This 
seems to me to be a direct declaration, not an inference; that the poli- 
cy proposed by tiiis bill, is similar to the preexisting British policy ; 
of course, imitative — recommended by it, and deducible from it. 1 
should like to know what the splendid orator meant by the introduc- 
tion of the following observations; if not for the purpose of recom- 
mending the imitation of this most wise and beneficial policy, as he 
describes it to be ^ Surely, if such be its beneficial efl'ects, it ought not 
oniv to be recommended, but the whole mental powers of the orator 
ought to be exerted in favor of its adoption. Is there nothing seen 
here like insincerity ? like duplicity f urging the strongest possible ar- 
guments, for the adoption of a measure. The measure proposed to 
be adopted, then under consideration, and the assertion made, that he 
is far from recommending an imitation of British policy, of British 
systems of taxation. For what other object could these observations 
have been introduced ? 

"The object of wise governments should be, by sound legislation, so 
to protect the industry of their own citizens against the policy of for- 
eign powers, as to give to it the most expansive force in the production 
of wealth. Great Britain has ever acted, and still acts, on this policy. 
She has pushed her protection of British interest further than any other 
nation has fostered its industry. The result is, greater wealth among 
her subjects and consequently greater obstacles to pay their public bur- 
thens. 

"The Committee will observe, from that table, that the measure of 
the wealth of a nation is indicated by the measure of its protection of 
its industry ; and that the measure of the poverty of a nation is mark- 
ed by that of the degree in which it neglects and abandons the care of 
its own industry, leaving it exposed to the action of foreign powers. 
Great Britain protects most her industry, and the wealth of Great Bri- 
tain is cr.nsequently'the greatest." 

But, Mr. Speaker, look back at the whole comparison made between 
the British and American nations and population, and ask yourself if 
you would not conclude, that the British is the wealthiest, the happiest, 
and most dignified nation — and the American the poorest, the most mis- 
erable, and liie most degraded nation in the world. Such, certaiidy, 
is the picture drawn by the splendid sonorous orator. Under these fas- 
cinating descriptions of the unparalleled blessings, enjoyed by British 
subjects, would yon not expect, Mr. Speaker, that the wiiole American 
population would fly from their own impoverished and degraded coun- 
try, and hail with '\oy iheir arrival on British sliores, to participate in 
all the liberties and blessings, enjoyed by British subjects in Britisli— - 
land. And, yet, sir, such is not the actual course of emigrati'^ 
directly the reverse. Tiie British population are, at \\\\^ 
ing from all ihese unexampled Briiisii blessings; \y 



72 

orator sees llie British subjects enjoying, he is uiiwilliiig that Ameiican 
citizens should participate in them. He is so cruel, as not to mean to 
" recommend" the British system, producing all these ineffable bles- 
sings, to tlie adoption of the American people. Here, sir, will be found 
the orator's great mistake in his deduction tVoni his incomprehensibie 
statistics. The British people are the most miserable and wretched 
people in Europe, according to numbers; and this misery and wretch- 
edness have arisen iiom the restrictive policy — to which policy, the 
mistaken orator erroneously ascribes all the glittering, fallacious pros- 
perity, and happiness of the British nation. 1 will go farther and say, 
that the American people, if not the tnost wealthy, according to num- 
bers, are the most independent and happy people — and always will re- 
main so, until cheated out of iheir political blessings by huckstering 
and bargaining, if such should turn out to be tiie case, how unfortu- 
rlate must the splendid orator have been, in his deductions from his son- 
orous complicateil statistics. Jt is not difficult to account for the un- 
fortunate misconceptions and delusions of the superficial sounding ora- 
tor. He has looked to the whole British population in mass, witiiout 
taking the trouble of separating them into different classes and orders, 
conformably to the practical organization of the British government. 
Let me, then, perforcn this task, which lias been omitted by the orator, 
and it will be found that the British population, consisting of 21 milli- 
ons in the whole, are divided into nabobs and paupers. The middling 
class being aln)osl ainiiliilated by unwise governmental tampering, and 
intermeddling in varitms ways; and nothing has been more instru- 
mental in producing this result, than the extensive and long continued 
restrictive system. Of this large mass of population, 280,000 possess 
all the income of the country, whilst 20,720,000, are in a state of pau- 
perism in various degrees. What a mass of liuman misery, compared 
with the mass of human prosperity ! Perhaps, almost as little real hap- 
piness is to be found in one of these extreme conditions as the other. 
1 am so fortunate as to speak witli some degree of certainty upon this 
point. I liave, within a short time, received a very able expose, upon po- 
pular education, from the Whig Society of Piinceton, delivered by Mr. 
C. F. Mercer, at the request of both of the Societies of that College, 
which contains the substance of a report made by a society of gentle- 
men in London, upon the actual condition of the British population; 
Headed " every line a moral" — " Every page a history" — I now beg 
leave to read from it a copious quotation. Its contents are all iujpor- 
tant to the American people at this moment, before they are hurried by 
fallacious appearances, and false calculations, to the adoption of the 
antiquated, destructive British restrictive system. 

'■There were retmiied to the British Parliament in 1824, for Eng- 
gland and Wales, but 120,000 qualified jurors out of a population 
which exceeded twelve and a half millions. Of the funded public debt 
due fi-tnn the twenty-one millions of people iiihabiiing Great Britain 
and Ireland, amounting to seven huiulred and thirty-seven, out of eight 
liundred atid thirty-eight miliions of pounds sterling, or to 3,275 mil- 
lions of dollars, 280,000 persons are entitled to the whole, and conse- 
quently to the ainmally accruing interest upon it, of 113,500,000 dol- 
lars. Tliesc classes are not composed of distinct persons, since llie 



73 

tundliolrler is often a freeholder too, and tliey logether ovvn tlie faf 
greater proportion, not only of tlie unfunded debt of nearly 450 milli- 
ons more, but of all the moveable property of the nation. Behold in 
these particulars, therefore, a part of the evidences of the overgrown 
wealth of the rich. 

"Of the number and indigence of the poor, sum up the melancholy 
testimony, that at the period of the last British census, the occupants 
of three fourths of the inhabited houses of England and Wales, were 
unable to contribute to direct taxation— that for a series of years, more 
than two-fifdis of all the families who dwell in those habitations, 
amounting to five millions of people were dependent for permanent or 
occasional relief upon the constrained charily of the residue — that irt 
some counties the relieved paupers comprised three-fourths of the entire 
population, and of the whole number of paupers provided for, more 
than ninety thousand families were actually in work houses. 

" In the eight years next preceding this c^Misus, the committals for 
crime among this population mounted up from six thousand five 
hundred and seventy-five, to thirteen thousand one hundred and fifteen, 
or very nearly doubled; and in 1823, or two years after that census, 
the total county levy for the maintenance of jails, and houses of cor* 
rection, approached in amount near a million of dollars. 

"From the prevalence of pauperism and crime in a country, in 
which, of an annual expenditure of near three hundred millions of 
dollars, not one cent is bestowed on public education; the slate of 
knowledge among the great body of the community might be confi- 
dently inferred, if a yet more remarkable fart was not supplied in the 
extent and application of the only leg;d provision for the poor them- 
selves. In addition to the preceding national expenditure, for a series 
of many years, an average annual sum amounting to near twenty-sis 
millions of dollars, has been levied in the several counties of England 
and Wales, for the clothing and subsisteuce of their indigent poor, 
while of this fund no part whatever has been bestowed upon their in- 
struction. During this period the annual average of all the charitable 
donations from every other source to this object, has not much 
exceeded $330,000." 

Mr. Speaker, — I sincerely regret, sir, to be compelled to inform you, 
that I am physically exhausted, and reading, whilst engaged in speak- 
ing, is at all times particularly embarrassing to me : at present, sir, it is 
almost insupportable. Reading this long quotation, has absolutely 
put it out of my power to proceed. May I then ask the indulgence 
of the House, for the first time in my life, to postpone the discussion 
'till to-n)orrow. 

Mr. Speaker: I find myself this morning, in an unaccustomed di* 
lemma. I find myself sir, progressing vvitti a speech, which has al- 
ready nearly exhausted the preceding day. I find too, sir, a great 
portion of the task, marked out for myself, still unaccomplished ; 
and, sir, I acknowledge, that it appears too much like presumption 
on my part, to ask your kind indulgence for time to complete it» 
But, sir, 1 am impelled to proceed, from the conviction ; that the 
subject is of the deepest interest to us all; to the whole human race; 
and at the same time, I labor nnder an equally strong conviction j 
10 



74 

that the momentous subject has not been satliciently considered j 
and that it is not generally understood by the American people. 
The most glimmering light, therefore, that could be thrown upon it» 
ought not to be withheld from them. 1 read you sir, yesterday, an 
authentic document, containing the most important information, bear- 
ing directly upon this subject. It is, information recently obtained, 
and but little known, even to the well informed in this country. I, 
therefore, presume it would not be unacceptable to the House, that 
I should read it again, connected with some additional sections. 
These sections, are as follow : 

"If, therefore, an unparalleled accunnilation of riches and power 
in all the forms most attracting to ordinary ambition, were a just 
standard of national happiness, the people of Great Britain, and es- 
pecially of England, who govern the residue of this mighty empire, 
would be the most blessed on earth. Their present lot does indeed 
present the most splendid exhibition that the world has ever wit- 
nessed of the triumph of commerce in amassing wealth, but at the 
same time it is tiie most alarming evidence of the possible inequality 
of its distribution, and of the consequent prevalence of want, igno- 
rance, vice, and misery." 

It cannot escape observation, that here, the astonishing wealth of 
Great Britain, is ascribed to the operations of commerce ; not to the 
restrictive system, which is at open war, with every attribute, and 
principle of commerce. 

"There were returned to the British Parliament in 1824, for Eng- 
gland and Wales, but 120.000 qualified jurors out of a population 
which exceeded twelve and a half n)iUions. Of the funded public debt 
due from the twenty-one millions of people inhabiting Great Britain 
and Ireland, amounting to seven hundred and thirty-seven, out of eight 
hundred and thirty eight millions of pounds sterling, or to 3,275 mil- 
lions of dollars, 280,000 persons are entitled to the whole, and conse- 
quently to the annually accruing interest upon it, of 115,500,000 dol- 
lars. These classes are not composed of distinct persons, since the 
fundholder is often a freeholder too, and they together own the fai' 
greater proportion, not only of the unfunded debt of nearly 450 
millions more, but of al! the moveable property of the nation. Be- 
hold in these particulars, therefore j a part of the evidences of the 
overgrown wealth of the rich. 

"Of the number and indigence of the poor, sum up the melan- 
choly testimony that, at the period of the last British census, the 
occupants of three-fourths of all the inhabited houses in England 
and Wales, were unable to contribute to direct taxation : — that for a 
series of years, more than two-fifths of all the families who dwell in 
those habitations, amounting to five millions of people, were depen- 
dent for permanent or occasional relief upon the constrained charity 
of the residue: — that in some counties the relieved paupers compri- 
sed three-fourths of the entire population, and of the whole number 
of paupers provided for, more than ninety thousand families were 
actually in work-houses. 

"In the eight years next preceding this census, the committals 



75 

for crime among ihis population mounted np fVoui six thousand five 
hundred and seventy-iive, to thirteen thousand one hundred and fif- 
teen, or very nearly doubled; and in 1823, or two years after that 
census, the total county levy for the maintenance of jails, and houses 
of correction, approached in amount near a million of dollars. 

"■ From the prevalence of pauperism and crime in a country, in 
which, of an annual expenditure of near three hundred millions of dol- 
lars, not one cent is bestowed on public education; the state of know- 
ledge among tiie great body of the comminiity might be confidently 
inferred, if a yet more remarkable fact was not supplied in the ex- 
tent and application of the only legal provision for the poor them- 
selves. In addition to the preceding national expenditure, for a se- 
ries of many years, an average annual sum amounting to near twen- 
ty-six millions of dollars, has been levied in the several counties of 
England and Wales, for the clothing and subsistence of their indi- 
gent poor, while of tliis fund no part whatever has been bestowed 
upoG their instruction. During this period the annual average of 
all the charitable dotiations from every otiier soiirce to this object, 
has not much exceeded three hundred aiul thirty tiiousand dollars. 

"It is not therefore at all surprising that the number of uneduca- 
ted children in England and Wales, between the ages of five and fif- 
teen years, computing those of the relieved poor, exceeds eleven hun- 
dred and fifty thousand, while the total number cannot fall far short 
of two millions. These, but for untimely deaths from accident, 
famine, and disease, or t!ie fatal penalty of a bloody code of laws, 
would arrive at maniiood untaught, and might die of age without 
reproof or consolation from tlie perusal of the oracles of God, which 
so much is annually expended by the same people, and so usefully 
loo, in translating into foreign languages, and publishing to heathen 
lands. Amidst this scene of pauperism, ignorance, and crime, but in 
the absence of foreign vviir, or of scarcity from ungenerous seasons, 
in the plenitude of commercial prosperity, and after a great reduc- 
tion of those taxes hitherto charged on tlie necessaries of life, spec- 
tacles are at this moment presented in Englaiid of hunnui calamity 
more awful than the pestilence which walks unseen by day, and usu- 
ally sparing the country, smites only towns and cities with death 
and mourning. Having filled South Britain with distress and alarm, 
they have extended their awful visitation, though in less threatening 
forms, to hardy, laborious, and frugal Scotland. 

" No augmentation of mechanical power has counteracted, in the 
least, the dangerous consequences of this inequality of wealth and 
knowledge. Although the application to the arts of a single agent 
has superadded the effective operation of a hundred million of hands 
to the labor of the people of England, and diversified and cheapenr 
ed the luxurious gratifications of the rich, it has not sensibly increas- 
ed the leisure, nor multiplied the visible comforts of the poor. 

" Machinerjs the joint production of wealth and ingenuity, has 
given new employment to accumulated capital, and much enlarged 
its vast acquisitions. Aided by the growth of numbers, it has cheap- 
ened the wages of labor more than it has added to the enjoyments of 



the laborer, by reducing' their cost. By tnis combined agency, it 
has increased at ilie same moment the weahh of the rich, and the in- 
digence of the poor. It has accumulated poverty iu greater masses, 
aggravated its misery, and rendered it more terrific. " 

Mr. Speaker, let me implore you, sir, to look steadfastly, at the 
real picture of the actual condition of the British nation, and popula- 
tion ; and compare it, with the brilliant, delusive, factitious one, ex- 
hibited by the splendid orator. Then, mark the contrast ! You can- 
not then, avoid seeing, sir, either, that the orator was himself gross- 
ly misinforned, of the actual condition of the British nation, and po- 
pulation ; or that, lie had oniilled to give that information, which 
was most material, to enable others to make a just estimate of it: 
That his statistics, however sonorous, and redundant, have failed to 
present its most material features, to the public view. For, suppose 
the actual condition of the British nation, and population, be such, 
as is here described by an authentic document, which will not be 
disputed, would it not add a new, deplorable, and destructive fea- 
ture, to the brilliant, enchanting picture, drawn by our orator.'*— 
Would not this feature totally deface all the pristine beauty, and 
symmetry of the original; and strip it of all its fascinating charms? 
Would you desire, sir, that the American nation and people should 
change their present condition for that of the British, under its true, 
instead of its factitious representation ? l*ray, sir, examine well, and 
see, what the condition of the British nation, and population is, 
which is recommended to our adoption. To save time, take a sin- 
gle feature. Of 21,000,000 of people, 280,000 only, own all the 
property in the nation ; whilst 20,200,000 are destitute of income ; 
and nearly the whole of that iiHmense mass, suffering pauperism, in 
some degree or otiier. About 1,500,000 are technically paupers; 
and five millions, in England and Wales, depend "for permanent or 
occasional relief upon the constrained charity of the residue." Is this 
condition of the British population, so desirable, that you wish to 
assimilate that of the United States to it? Tl\at you so ardently 
wish it, as to sacrifice for these ineflable British blessings, brilliantly 
pourtrnyed and recommended to you by our Orator, all your fun- 
damental laws? AH your sacied ramparts, raised for protecting 
your own greater blessings; and amongst the rest, your own blessed 
liberties? Yet, sir, you cannot but see, that pauperism, misery, 
wretchedness, and vice, are largely commixed with the glittering, de- 
lusive blessings, promised you through the adoption of the Tariff, 
The Orator G»yp, in substance, that this condition of the British 
nation, and [jcople, which he describes as superlatively blessed, is 
mainly to be ascribed to her restrictive system. The orator says : 
" Great Britain protects most her industry, and the wealth of Great 
Britain, is consequently the greatest." Admit the fact, as to the as- 
tonishing degree of wealth, what distribution of this mass of inde- 
scribable wealth, is made by this protecting policy ? By this restric- 
tive system ? By the great desideratum of political economy ? — "the 
aggregate wealth of the nation, distributed at the capricious will of 
the government!" The whole mass, distributed amongst two bun- 



died and eighty thousand, whilst twenty million two hundred thou- 
sand are left to starve ! What a mass of human misery, compared 
with this mass of human luxury ? Twenty millions, two hundred 
thousand of wretches, steeped to the lips in poverty — two hundred 
and eighty thousand noblesse, overwhelmed with luxuries, and rich- 
es ! Such is the inevitable result of the long continuation of the 
restrictive, monopolizing system. Its perpetual tendency is, to make 
the rich richer, and the poor poorer; so much has this been the case, 
under the natural operation of the British system in the course of 
two hundred years, that the rich have become so rich, tliey do not 
know what to do with their riches; whilst the poor are stript of eve- 
ry comfort, and enjoyment of life, and whilst the middling class of 
society is almost annihilated. So far then, from the condition of 
the British people being superlatively blessed, I think it superlative- 
ly wretclied. It is to tliis deplorable, miserable condition that you 
are advised to bring the American population, by the adoption of 
the same unwise, wicked, and despotic policy, which has produced 
this effect in Great Britain ? It is the simplest thing imaginable to 
see ; how this effect has been produced by British policy. It has 
been done by assuming a control over all the proceeds of the labor 
of the country ; and distributing them, in such a vvay, as to take 
from the productive, and give them to the unproductive laborers; to 
take from one man, that which he labors for, and give it to another, 
who labored not for it. 

But in Great Britain, at the present day, there it not only a reason, 
but a necessity, for taking from the productive laborer, the whole 
produce of his labor; and giving it to the unproductive laborer, 
who does not labor for it; neither this reason, nor necessity does, as 
yet, apply to this country. The British government, therefore, is 
under an indispensable obligation to take the whole productive labor 
of society, fo rgovernmental purposes; and is, consequently, excusa- 
ble for the ruinous plunder; whilst the real legitimate purposes of 
our government, do not call for the whole productive labor of socie-. 
ty; our government, therefore, would be without pretext, or excuse* 
were it to plunder the whole. But the practical government, not 
having neceesary demands, seems to be engaged in inventing artifi- 
cial demands, for the purpose of affording a pretext to plunder the 
whole proceeds of productive labor, as the great desideratum, in 
their political economy; as the great desideratum, for their individual 
aggrandisement. In Great Britain, the distribution of the proceeds 
of labor, is made by tythes, and taxes; and most deplorable for the 
laboring class, when all the demands for the tythes, and taxes, be- 
come satisfied, there is not sufficiency left to furnish the poor opera- 
tive, with food, and raiment. These demands are said, however, to 
be indispensable to pay for loans heretofore made, or for services 
now rendering. After one tenth of the whole productive labor is 
given to the Priesthood — one million pounds sterling for the King, 
and his civil list, the expenditures for army and navy, and interest 
upon the public debt, defrayed, the whole proceeds of the productive 
labor are gone, so that there is no hope for bettering the condition 



78 

of the British people, so long as the present order of things shall 
remain in that country; a state of things, brought on, mainly, by 
the restrictive system. The great mass of population must be doom- 
ed to pauperism, and starvation. The demands upon tlie people of 
the United States, are not yet equal to the vi'hole proceeds of the 
productive labor of the nation; but the practical government is deter- 
mined to make it so, by artificial expenditures, and variations in the 
distributions of labor; by taking from one man, the product of his 
labor, and giving it to another, who does not labor for it, withoxit 
compensation, and not for public use; by splendid schemes for in- 
ternal improvements; and by every other species of profligacy, which 
their imaginations can invent, and which, they believe, the people 
will bear. Whenever the demands upon the labor of society here, 
shall absorb the whole proceeds, then will the condition of the popu- 
lation become assimilated to that of the British. Is this the condi- 
tion, so devoutly wished for .^ If not, avoid the British restrictive, 
monopolising system, which has produced it there, and wiiich will 
produce the same effects in every country, that shall make the expe- 
riment. The difference here, then, between the splendid orator and 
myself, in relation to one point, is reduced to a simple matter of 
fact. He represents the condition of the British nation, and popu- 
lation, as the most wealthy, the most prosperous, the most splendid, 
the most powerful, and the most happy in Europe. I represent it, 
as the most miserable, the most wretched, and the most oppressed 
people in Europe. His statement applies to 280,000 souls. Mine 
to 20,200,000 — Estimating human happiness, by numbers, which 
representation is then the true one.** Surely, that which goes to de- 
scribe the condition of the greater numbers. So eager has the 
splendid orator been, to make, his description of the perfectibility 
of the British population, complete ; that he has liot failed to notice 
their houses, food, and clothing, "and a people better fed, and clad, 
and housed, are not to be found under the sun, tlian the British na- 
tion !" 20,200,000, I presume, excepted out of the general mass of 
21,000,000. Surely 1,500,000 technical paupers ought to be ex- 
cepted — and the 5,000,000 living upon constrained charity. Now, 
what sa^s the authentic report, as to food, and raiment ? 

" In addition to the preceding annual expenditure, for a series of 
many years, an average annual sum, amounting to near twenty-six 
millions of dollars, has been levied in the several counties of England, 
and IVales, for the clothing, and subsistence of their indigent poor, 
while of this fund no part whatever has been bestowed upon their in- 
struction. ^ During this period the annual average of all the charita- 
ble donations from every other source to this object, has not much 
exceeded $ 330,000." 

Can it be believed, that a population can be well fed, clad, and 
housed, whicli requires twenty-six millious of dollars annually, of 
forced contributions, to furnish food, and raiment to the indigent, 
and destitute poor.^ Our Orator, sir, must have confined his brilli- 
ant representation, exclusively to the rich. It is readily admitted, 
(hat the rich are so rich, that they have not genius enough to know 



79 

how to spend their riches; and instead of making tliemselves happy, 
have, by hjxurious indulgencies, efteminated their mental, and their 
physical faculties. 

Upon a review of all these facts, can you avoid drawing the con- 
clusion, sir, either, that our splendid Orator did not understand the 
actual condition of the British nation, and population, himself; or if 
he did understand it ; that he has withheld from others, the most 
material facts, to enable them to understand it? I think one of 
these conclusions must be undeniable, even by the splendid Orator 
himself. But I will leave this part of the subject, although far from 
being exhausted, and proceed to the examination of part of the same 
statistics, introduced by our Orator for another object; and to prove, 
still more evidently; that he misconceives, their most obvious bear- 
ings, and results. 

Extract from Speech, — pages 21, 22. 

\ " The amount of her wealth annually produced, is three hundred \ 
I and fifty millions sterling; bearing a large proportion to all of lier| 
; pre-existing wealtii. The agricultural portion of it is said by the j 
I gentleman from Virginia, to be greater than that created by any? 
mother branch of her industry. But that flows mainly from a po-^ 
5 licy similar to that proposed by this bill. One-third only of her ^ 
\ population is engaged in agriculture; the other two-thirds furnish- f 
^ing a market for tlie produce of that third. Withdraw tiiis mar-? 
\ ket, and wiiat becomes of her agriculture .'' The power and the J 
\ wealth of Great Britain cannot be more strikingly illustrated, than I 
^ by a comparison of her population and revenue with those of other I 
\ countries and with our own. [Here Mr. Clay exhibited the follow- j 
I ing table, made out from authentic materials.] * 

? Fopulation. Tuxes and public Taxation peri 

5 Inirthens. capita. 5 

i Russia in Europe, 37,000,000 / 18,000,000 /O 9 9 ? 

*t France, including- Corsica, 30,700,000 /.57,O00,00O / 1 4 j 

J Great I3ritain, exclusive of^ i 

\ Ireland (tlie taxes compu- | ? 

i tedaccording-to the value )► 14,500,000 Z.40,000,000 /.2 15 ^ 

/ of money on the liurope- | ; 

» an Continent,) J J 

I Great Uritajn and Ireland,? 21,500,000 Wl,000,OCO 12 Q I 

< collectively, 5 * 

5 England alone, 11,600,000 /.o6 000,000 ^3 2 | 

SSpain, 11,000,000 / 6,000,000 /.O 11 > 

S Ireland, 7,000 000 /.4,000,0o0 WHO ? 

^ The United States of America, 10,000,000 Z 4,500,000 ;0 9 j 

5 "From this exhibit, we must remark, that the wealth of Great | 
5 Britain, (and consequently her power,) is greater, than that of any i> 
5 of the other nations, with which it is compared. The amount of^ 
5 the contributions which she draws from the pockets of her sub-? 
5 jects, is not referred to for imitation, but as indicative of their 5 
\ wealth. The burthen of taxation, is always relative to the abili- ? 
\ ty of the subjects of it. A poor nation, can paj' but little. And I 



80 

I the heavier taxes of British subjects, for example, in consequence j 
I of their greater wealth, may be easier borne, than the much j 
i Ughter taxes of Spanish subjects, in consequence of their extreme 5 
I poverty." i 

And again — pag^ 23. 
"The Committee will observe, from that table, that the measure 
of the wealth of a nation is indicated by the measure of its protec- 
tion of its industry ; and that the measure of the poverty of a nation is 
marked by that of the degree in which it neglects and abandons the 
care of its own industry, leaving it exposed to the action of foreign 
powers. Great Britain protects most her industry, and the wealth of G. 
Britain is consequently the greatest ; France is next in the degree of 
protection, and France is next in the order of wealth. Spain most neg- 
lects the duty of protecting the industry of her subjects, and Spain 
is one of the poorest of European nations. Unfortunate Ireland^ 
disinherited, or rendered in her industry subservient to England, is 
exactly in the same state of poverty with Spain, measured by the 
rule of taxation. And the United States are still poorer than either." 
The object of our splendid, deluded orator, in introducing this ta- 
ble of statistics, is, " most strikingly to illustrate" the superior compa- 
rative power and wealth of Great Britain over all other nations com- 
prehended within the table. For, says our orator, "from this ex- 
hibit, we must remark, that the wealth of Great Britain (and conse- 
quently her power) is greater than that of any other nation with 
which it is compared. The amount of the contributions, which she 
draws from the pockets of her subjects, is not referred to for imita- 
tion, but as indicative of her weaUii ;" and he states, in the next page, 
the test of this comparative wealth to be taxation — " measured (says 
our orator) by the rule of taxation." I have heard of the rule of 
three, and other rules of proportions, but never before heard of the 
rule of taxation, as a measure of wealth. But sir, however wealthy 
and powerful Great Britain may be, I pereniptorily deny that taxa- 
tion, and particularly the taxation contained in the statistical table, 
is any test whatever, either of that wealth, or of the relative wealth 
and prosperity, of the several nations mentioned in the table ; or of 
the relative ability of the inhabitants of each to pay taxes. The 
table does not state the fact, that any one af the governments mention- 
ed in it, has taxed its subjects to the ivhole extent of their ability to pay ; 
nor does our splendid orator assert that fact; and, until that fact is 
added, taxation is no measure whatever, of what the inhabitants of a 
nation can pay. I had thought that there was not a clodhopper in 
the U. Stales who could not see that tlie taxation imposed by gov- 
ernments upon their subjects, was no test whatever, of the whole those 
subjects could pay, until it was conceded that the governments had 
drawn from them every thing they could pay. Until this be conced- 
ed, it is self-evident that taxation atlords no rule nor test, nor indi- 
cation whatever, of the whole abitity of the people to pay. This 
fact is not asserted, and, it is devoutly to be hoped, that it has no 



81 

existence. That governments, with the exception of the British gov- 
ernment, do not draw from their subjects all they can pay, but only 
so much, as will answer their governmental purposes. To demon- 
strate the palpable fallacy of our splendid orator upon this point, 
suppose one of the nations included within the statistical table, France 
for instance, were to tax French subjects double the amount called 
for in the statistical table, and the French subjects were to pay the 
whole amount ; then, according to our orator's measures, and indica- 
tions, France would be proved to be double as wealthy as she is now 
represented to be under the table, and her sui)jects double as able to 
pay taxes as they now are, after their pockets had been rifled of dou- 
ble the amount that they were before. According to our orator's 
rule of measuring, or indicating wealtir and prosperity, — the rule oj 
taxation, — the poor United States have shared a hard but undeserved 
fate. Now there has been an experiment made upon the ability of the 
people of the United States.to pay taxes. During the late war, they 
were greatly augmented — yet they were paid. To do the people 
of the United States justice, then, the measure of their ability ought 
to be changed to the amount of their war taxes. The rule of taxa- 
tion, then, according to tiie bewildered orator's logic, would prove, 
that the people of the United States could pay most when they had 
the least ability to pay; and that even under the pressure of a most 
destructive war, they would pay, perhaps, double the amount they 
could pay in time of profound peace. 

The resort to the war taxes would have spared something of the 
impoverishment and degradation, erroneously thrown upon the peo- 
ple of the United States, by our bewildered orator, in his compari- 
son of them with foreign nations. Here again it will be clearly 
seen, that all just inferences are completely inverted by our orator. 
According to his inferences, the more that is drawn from the pockets 
of the individual, the more is he enabled to pay; and the amount 
drawn is, at the same time, the evidence of Isis prosperity, or his in- 
creased capacity to pay. To pursue this course of inference, it must 
be concluded, that when the last cent is taken from the individual's 
pocket, then is the acme of his wealth and prosperity ; or, to use 
the striking metaphor of Mr. Secretary Rush— " That the measure 
of his prosperity is potentially full," The statistical table, introdu- 
ced by our orator, if properly taken, will prove that the inhabitants 
of the several nations comprehended in it, can pay the amount of 
taxes drawn from them respectively ; but it neither proves nor indi- 
cates that the same inhabitants could not pay more taxes, if more 
were demanded of them; and God forbid that all governments should 
take from the inhabitants respectively, all they can pay. Until this 
is done, it cannot be told how much the inhabitants of either can 
pay — The actual taxation, v.'hatever it may be, short of the whole 
ability to pay, affords no test, nor indication whatever, as to their ex- 
treme ability to pay. Mr. Speaker, I am extremely dissatisfied, sir, 
with this mode of estimating the relative wealth, and prosperity of 
nations; because of the despicable, degraded position, assigned the 
United States, in their connexion with this family of nations. Our 
11 



S2 

splendid, sonorous aspirant, places the United States — his own coun- 
try, and ours, — at the tail of the " tag-rag and bobtail," of nations. 
For, says our splendid, sublimated orator — "Unfortunate Ireland, 
disinherited, or rendered in her industry, subservient to England, is 
exactly in the same state of poverty with Spain, measured by the 
rule of taxation, and the United States are still poorer than either /.'" 
Poor United States!! The poorest pf all!! " Still poorer than ei- 
ther!" Really, sir, I think our aspiring orator ought to have been 
more sure of the correctness of his own statistics, before he could 
have consented to doom liis own country to a degraded state of po- 
verty and wretchedness, even lower than poor unfortunate, disinhe- 
rited Ireland, or indolent, bigotted, superstitious Spain ; and, conse- 
quently, to put her rank, in the family of nations, lower than either. 
But, sir, I derive great consolation from observing at the same time, 
that the rule of taxation happens to be no rule at all — for measuring 
the relative wealth and prosperity of nations ; and that the degraded 
position assigned by the splendid orator for the United States, is 
founded in his own misconceptions of his own statistics ; and I am 
sure, the aspiring orator will himself rejoice at being awakened from 
his humiliating, delusive dreams, to the reality, that liis own country 
is not the most impoverished and degraded in the world. Here, 
tlien, sir, you find that all this grand parade of sonorous statis- 
tics, has been introduced as tests of facts, when it turns out to be 
no test at all. But, sir, this table of statistics is not without its use, 
admitting it to be true. It does prove, that the people of Great Bri- 
tain pay more taxes than any other people in the world, and, conse- 
quently, are the most oppressed people in the world. I am disposed 
to think, that the table presents a tolerably correct view of the rela- 
tive degrees of oppression, of the different governments compre- 
hended in it, allowing for the actual relative wealth of each ; and 
accordingly you will find, sir, the relative effects of these oppressi- 
ons upon the condition of the people of the different nations respec- 
tively, in their relative numbers of paupers. In this respect, Great 
Britain indeed is superlatively pre-eminent. 

Think not, Mr. Speaker, that these statements and remarks, are 
made from any prejudice, or any invidious feeling whatever, against 
the British nation, or people ; very far from it — I indulge no such 
feelings, sir, towards any nation or people whatever ; and surely, 
not against the British nation, or people. I esteem the British na- 
tion and people, whatever may be the profligacy and oppression of 
their government, as amongst the most honest, industrious, skilful, 
independent, high-minded, and gallant in the world. I conceive too, 
that they have carried the inventions of saving-labor macliinery, to 
a higher pitch than any other people. But the astonishing produc- 
tions of both their natural, and artificial labor combined, have been 
found quite incompetent to save them, from the deprecated destructi- 
on of governmental oppression. How cautious then, sir, ought we 
to be, against plunging into a system of policy, which has doomed 
to vice, misery, wretchedness and pauperism, seventy-nine eightieths 
of the people of one of the noblest nations upon earth ? Sir, there 



83 

are three circumstances, accompanying the movements and remarks 
of our splendid orator, upon this occasion, which I acknowledge, have 
excited my utmost astonishment. — First ; that in pronouncing his 
prize speech, our aspiring sublimated orator, should have condes- 
cended to have put himself in the hands of a prompter, to play the 
part of a parrot; as I believe our orator has done on this occasion. 
Secondly; that he should have permitted himself to have been led 
into such palpable errors, and above all, that he should, without suf- 
ficient examination, have indulged himself in ushering forth the same 
errors to the world, which are, as dishonorable, and degrading to the 
United States; as they are obvious and palpable in themselves, whilst 
he was aspiring to the sublime station of their presidency. — "Unfor- 
tunate Ireland, disinherited, or rendered, in her industry, subservient 
to England, is exactly in the same state of poverty vvitii Spain, mea- 
sured by the rule of taxation — And the United States are still poorer 
than either." — Poor United States ! ! ! How deplorable is thy condi- 
tion! !! How much to be deprecated! ! ! Doomed to take thy sta- 
tion at the tail of the lowest of the "tag-rag and bobtail" of nations!!! 

A few plain, obvious reflections, on the pari of our bewildered ora- 
tor, arising from facts perpetually before his own eyes, might have 
caused him, at least to doubt, of the justice of placing ilie United States 
below every civilized nation in Europe. — Tlie vast proportion of the 
middling class of society in tlie United Slates, and the small proportion 
of niiserable poor, compared with any nation in Europe, particularly 
with Great Britain, ought to have admonished him against placing the 
United Slates, in the most degrading condition in the family of na- 
tions. Their exemption tVom tlie extremes of wealth and poverty, 
which characterize all Europe, in a greater or lesser degree, consti- 
tutes die great superiority of ilieir condition, if not in relation to wealth, 
at least in relation to real grandeur, and to every social and political 
blessing. Accordingly, noiwitlisianding our bewildered orator's arith- 
metical demonstrations, from his statistical table, we find the people flee- 
ing, from all those delusive, European blessings, and practically throw- 
ing themselves within the arms of the United States, according to our 
orator, to participate in their poverty, degradation and wretchedness; 
this, particularly, is the case with the people of Great Britain. These 
reflections alone, ought to have stayed the cruel hand of the bewilder- 
ed orator, from striking so deadly a blow against his own country : but 
let the enchanting prize before him; and the sublimated state of his 
own mind, plead his excuses, or at least, palliate his errors. 
But says our Orator, — page 1 9. 

" But Britain is herself the most striking illustration of the immense 
power of machinery. Upon what other principle can you account 
tor the enormous wealth which she has accumulated, and which she 
annually produces.^ A statistical writer of that country, several years 
ago, estimated the total amount of tlie artifirial or machine labor of 
the nation, to be equal to that of one hundred millions of able bodied 
laborers. Subsequent estimates of her artificial labor, at the present 
day, carry it to the enormous height of two hundred millions. But the 
population of the three kingdoms, is twenty one million five hundred 
thousand. Supposing that to furnish able-bodied labor to the amount of 



84 



four millions, tlie naliirai labour will be but two per cent, of tlie uriiii- 
cial labor. In the production of ucalili she operates, therefore, b}' a 
power (including the whole pc^pulation) of two hundred and twenty 
one millions five hundred thosisaiul ; or in other words, by a power 
eleven times greater than the total of her natural power. If we sup- 
pose the machine labor of the United States to be equal to tl.at of ten 
millions of able-bodied men, the United States will operate, in the cre- 
ation of wealth, by a power (including all tlieir population) of twenty 
millions. In the creation oi wealth, therefore, the power of Great 
Britain, compared to that of the United States, is as eleven to one," 

May 1 be permitted then to a^k, Mr. Speaker, what then, IMr. Ora- 
tor.'' Are these sounding bewildering statistics, in favor of, or against 
.the tariff.'' 1 cannot see any necessary affinity, nor connexion between 
them; and our sublimated orator has flown off without showing an}'. 
The obvious purpose of our orator, for introducing these, as well as 
other similar statistics, is to show the importance, the splendor, and 
the grandeur of governments. For, he seems to give the merit of all 
these mighty effects from the invention of labor-saving machinery, to 
the government; thus to magnify its blessings, and to enamour the 
people with its power, its splendor, and its grandeur. You cannot 
but observe, sir, that tlie whole tenor and spirit of the doctrine, of the 
fashionable economists, and particularly of the administration, is to 
produce the conviction, that the governn)ent is every tiling, and the 
people nothing. ^Vherea?, the very reverse of this position is true, 
to wit: — That the people, in their individual characters, are almost 
every thing, the government very little. The real energies of society 
exist in the individuals. ■ Legitimate government has very little origi- 
nal, active energy. Government, rightly understood, is a passive, not 
an active machine. The great object oi' its institution is to administer 
justice amongst individuals, and to protect the nation from externa! 
violence; after these duties are performed, and provisions of a general 
nature are made, which individuals cannot make for themselves, the less 
government has to do with the concerns of society, the better. But 
let the enquiry be made, in the present case, as to the merit of the 
invention of the whole labor saving machinery of Great Britain. Is 
it the merit of the government; or of individuals.'' Government, I be- 
lieve, never invented a spinning jenny ; nor spun a spool of cotton. 
The merit, then, is all to individuals ; and none to the government. 
Perhaps, a more illustrative example, could scarcely be furnished, to 
demonstrate the relative ability, and importance of the people over the 
government, than the one here presented by our orator. But, not- 
wiiiitsanding all these wonderful productions of individuals, they have 
been no match for the protTigacy of the government. A vast propor- 
tion of the people, noiwiihstanding their almost incredible exertions, 
are doomed to vice, misery, wretchedness and pauperism : But I ask 
again, for the arguments, afforded by these statistics, in favor of the 
tariif. Do they not most eloquently admonish every wise government, 
to let the people and their occupations alone. Not plunder, and then 
squander, the whole of the hard earnings of the productive laborer.'' 

Ijtt n)e now, sir, call your attention to some further statements and 
remarks, made by our orator, not less extraordinary in some respects. 



85 

ihan those which have just passed in review. In page 15, after giving 
a statistical account of the exports of the United States, without its 
having, as far as I am able to judge, any bearing whatever upon 
the question of the tariff, our bewildered orator remarks: "The dis- | 
tributlon of the articles of our exports throughout the United States, " 
cannot fail to fix the attention of the committee. Of the $47,155,408, 
to which they amounted last year, three articles alone, (cotton, rice 
and tobacco,) composed together $28,549,177. Now, these articles 
are chiefly produced to the South. And if we estimate that portion of 
our population who are actually engaged in their culture, it would 
probably not exceed two millions. Thus, then, less than one fifth of 
the whole population of the United States produced upwards of one 
half, nearly two-thirds of the entire value of the exports of the last 
year." May 1 be again indulged, sir, in asking, what then, Mr. Ora- 
tor.? are these statements and remarks, for, or against the tarifl'.'' Why 
make them.? You have skipped off without giving their moral; or 
even pointing, to their tendencies. Are they intended to intimate a 
threat from the physical force of 8,000,000, against 2,000,000.? and 
are you bringing here into practical operation, your doctrine of " the 
great desideratum of political economy.?" Suppose the 2,000,000. do 
produce and export to the amount of $28,519,177, and the 8,000,000 
do not produce half as much— What then.? Is this to be the signal for 
the 8,000,000 to plunder the 2,000,000? or do the 8,000,000 claim an- 
equal right in the produce of the 2,000,000, with the 2,000,000 theni- 
selves .? According to your doctrine of the " great desideratum in politi- 
cal economy," that the whole proceeds of the whole productive labor, 
belong to the whole 10,000,000; to be distributed by the federal gov- 
ernment at its own uncontrolled will and caprice.? Is it intended here 
to carry into practical effect the doctrine, that the whole proceeds of 
the labor of the American people belong to the whole people ; in ex- 
clusion of the great American principle, that each part of it belongs to 
the laborer who produced it, subject only to fair, necessary contribu- 
tions for legitimate governmental objects.? If this be not your object, 
would it not be well to enquire, to whom does the cotton, tobacco and 
rice belong .? and would it not then become a question, whether you 
have a right to take any part of it from the owners, and give it to those, 
who own it not.? You have not a right to take it for public use, without 
just compensation. For private use, you have no right to take it at 
all. If you have, there is an end to the right of private property. Its 
constitutional security is gone. It is perfectly immaterial by what art 
of hocus pocus you may do this : if you can do it at all, the right ot 
private property is gone. But it seems not to form any part of the 
great desideratum of our orator's political economy, to enquire into 
right, into justice, into morals, into meum et tuum; but to seize the 
whole productive labor of society, and to distribute it regardless of 
right or wrong, by the fallacious standard of his capricious notions, of 
the mode in which it can be made to produce " the greatest sum of 
national wealth." This is the essence of ultra despotism. But, sir,, 
it will not be difficult for the most superficial observer to discover the 
fallacious and deceptive artifices practised by our orator in making this 
representation. Admitting it to be true, it is far from containing the 



86 

whole truth ; very far Crom containing the most material truths, to 
enable the mind to comprehend and decide upon the true character of 
the whole subject. The first important omissions, are the articles oi 
wheat and flour. Why not introduce these articles to share the sjjJTie 
fate under the tariff, with cotton, tobacco and rice.' They are equa'y 
burthened under the tarift', with cotton, tobacco and rice, for the prd- 
tection of manufactures. Why not introduce their growers then, ituc 
the company of tlie growers of cotton, tobacco and rice .'' V\ hy exclude 
them from the threats, thrown out against their associates in interests t 
There could be but two assignable motives with our orator for the ex- 
clusion. As far as I am able to discover, the one was, to give this 
cunning tarifl' scheme, a sectional cast, upon which its success maiidy 
depended. Whenever the wheat-growers throughout some of tlie 
manufacturing states, New-York, Pennsylvania, i\laryland ano Dela- 
ware, for instance, shall discover their true interests ; that notwith- 
standing their residence in the manufacturing stales, their interests are 
as much affected by the tariff as the growers of cotton, tobacco :,nd rice, 
they will rise in the majesty of their strength, and crush the unprincipled 
artifice to atoms, if our orator had included the wheat-growers witii 
their other agricultural associates and sufferers, his insolent ilireat 
would lose all its horrors, and of course, its intended effects. Instead 
of five against one, the majority would have been with the agricultu- 
rists ; and its sectional bearing would also have entirely disappeared. — 
Hence, the motives for the exclusion of the wheat-growers fr'.>m his 
formidable, threatening, statistical statements. Suppose the wheat- 
growers included, would not that fact alone have varied the whole 
character and bearing of the terrific statistical representation.? as well 
in relation to its pecuniary results, as to its relative, sectional bearings, 
and its formidable threatenings .? I think, tliis cannot be denied by any 
sound, well-organized mind, even in spite of prepossessions and preju- 
dices. 

But, sir, this is not the most fallacious bearing and effect of this state- 
ment of statistics, under its present aspect. Tiie statement gives only 
the value of the exports produced from cotton, tobacco, and rice. The 
imports from cotton, in its manufactured state, and from other foreign 
manufactured articles, are entirely omitted. The growers of cotton, 
tobacco and rice, consume imported articles nearly to the amount of the 
exported. Whilst, therefore, they are credited with the whole amount 
of their exports, they ought to be debited with the whole amount of 
their imports ; and the balance only carried to their credit as clear pro- 
fits — whereas, from the aspect of the statistical statement, as it now 
stands, they are credited with the whole amount of their exports, as 
clear profits, without any deductions for the imports. With respect to 
the article of cotton, there is a characteristic of peculiar hardship, pro- 
vided the conslilulion is to be at all regarded as the test of principle 
and right. Tiiis constitution prohibits the government from laying any 
export dut3' whatever; and of course, no export duty can be laid on 
cotton. — When, therefore, the cotton grower is placed under the neces- 
sity of consuming fi)reign manufactured cotton fabrics, the high impost 
duty, upon the importation, will operate upon him precisely as an ex- 
port duty would do upon the original article: that is, would lessen the 



87 

value of the article to the consuming grower, precisely in the same man- 
ner as an export duty upon the original article would do. Tliere is 
another important fact excluded from the statement, which will still fur- 
ther serve to show its fallacious and deceptive aspect: — that is, that a 
proportion of the proceeds of the exports of cotton, tobacco and rice, is 
transported from the South to the North, and expended in the purchase 
of domestic manufactured goods; and, therefore, so much of tiie pro- 
ceeds of the exports as are tlius expended, should be carried to the cre- 
dit of the manufacturer, and not to that of the consuming grower of the 
article. And, at llie same time, the manufacturer should never cease to 
recollect, that he is placed under an obligation to the cotton grower for 
the original fabric ; — cotton, which constitutes the great fund for a great 
portion of all his industry. Besides, it should also be recollected, that 
from the superior density of the population to the North, and other 
causes, a vast portion more of labor is applied there, to objects of do- 
mestic consumption, compared vvith the objects of production for ex- 
portation, than to the South : and, therefore, it is not possible, from any 
statistical table, to ascertain the relative productiveness of the applica- 
tion of labor to the North and to the South. Certainly not by the ex- 
tremely deceptive one furnished by our bewildered orator. The whole 
bearing, therefore, of this part of our orator's statistical statements, so 
far as it is comprehensible, is demonstrated to be deceptive and falla- 
cious. 

You have now in review before you, Mr. Speaker, with as much cer- 
tainty and accuracy as I can give it, the whole contents of our orator's 
formidable, sonorous, bombastical, statlsiical statements: and, after all 
this grand parade, to what do they amount.^ Do they present any in- 
ducements for abandoning the American system of principle, of com- 
petition, and of freedom, for the European one of caprice, of monopo- 
ly, and of despotism ? On the other liand, sir, do they not furnish the 
most awful admonitions against this great change of principle.'' x\nd 
have 1 not made good my promise, sir, in demonstrating either that 
they were too incomprehensible for the brilliant, superficial mind of 
our orator — that in fact he did not understand them — or, that he has 
availed himself of their complexity and incomprehensibility, deceptive- 
ly to practice upon tlie understandings of others, by withholding from 
them the most material facts, to enable them to judge correctly,^ 

[About this time, the debate was suspended, for above an hour, in 
consequence of the roaring of cannon on tiie Capital Square, in com- 
memoration of the birth day of Washington.] 

The House having resumed its session in the afternoon, the Speaker 
asked, whether I was ready to proceed with the debate.^ Answering in 
the affirmative, I rose and proceeded to remark; — I cannot help dis- 
closing to the house, that the state of my feelings becomes more 
embarrassed, as 1 progress in the discussion of this question, from 
the recollection of the great portion of time 1 have already occupied, 
as well as from the anticipation of the portion of it, which will still be 
necessary to enable me to present the whole of my views of the whole 
subject. But, sir, permit me to assm-e you, that the subject has lost 
notliing of its magnitude, nor interest, from examination, and con- 
sideration. No. sir, so f;\r from it, I become more impressed with its 



^8 

importance, upon every step I advance in its discussion. Still impelled 
then, sir, by the invigorating impulse vvhicli induced me to introduce 
the subject, I proceed with its thorough developemeut; and, sir, 1 have 
now arrived at a point, in this perplexed, and complicated speech, 
which has something more of affiuily, and connexion with the doc- 
trines of the tariff; than could be found in the remote, expansive field 
of our brilliant orator's sonorous statistics. Indulge me too, sir, with 
observing here, that although, as I think, the misconceptions, miscal- 
culations, and want of comprehension, on the part of our bewilder- 
ed orator, have before been demonstrably made to appear, in rela- 
tion to the whole of his statistics, his deceptive promises, preposte- 
rous absurdities, and palpable contradictions, embraced in the pre- 
sent quotation, will be rendered still more evident. They will be 
found too, to relate to the git of the question. They present the 
splendid orator's views of the whole promised protection of agricul- 
ture ; pretended to be one main object of this tariff scheme — his 
political panacea, for curing all the ills of all the occupations in so- 
ciety. That our brilliant Orator may have the full benefit of the 
whole of his views, and promises to the agriculturists, I will present 
the whole in one compact form. Here permit me to protest, sir, 
against an imputation, often brought against me ; that I have here- 
tofore misrepresented gentlemen, in the public prints. So far from 
it, I have ever made it an invariable ride, where reference could 
be had to written documents, to quote them, in the author's own 
words; so that, in every instance, he shall tell his own tale upon 
himself; and 1 have, at all times, taken this course, from the fear of 
doing, by possibility, unintentional injustice to the object of my 
commentaries. I am induced, by the same fear of possibly doing 
unintentional injustice to our brilliant orator, by my recital, to quote 
his speech in a connected form in its own words, in reference to each 
point, to which it applies — 

Extract from Speech — Page 14. 

5%VV\/Vv\*vx/\iVvvx/v\»V'vv\/vvvv-vvx/x.vvvvvx*vx/v\/vvvvx-vvx»X'vv v^/^-vvvvx-vvww^w^vwvwvwb^ 

I "What sort of a figure would a member of the British Parliament J 
^ have made; what sort of a reception would his opposition havef 
I obtained, if he had remonstrated against the passage of the Corn | 
\ Law, by which British consumption is limited to the bread-stuffs of? 
I British production, to the entire exclusion of American, and stated? 
I that America could not and would not buy British manufactures, ? 
i'lt' Britain did not buy American flour .^" s 

Jigain — page 16. 

j " Our agricultural is our greatest interest. It ought ever to be? 
j predominant. All others should bend to it. And in considering j 
\ what is for its advantage, we should contemplate it in all its varie- J 
' ties, of planting, farming, and grazing. Can we do nothing to in- j 
5 vigorate it; nothing to correct the errors of the past, and to? 
5 brighten the still more unpromising prospects which lie before us.'"'! 



89 

I 
Kxtrnct — page 18. 

i "But this home market, highly desirable os it is, can only be | 
? created and cherished by the protection of our own legislation | 
s against the inevitable prostration of our industry, which must en- | 
J sue from the action of boueign policy and legislation The effect | 
jand the value of this domestic care of our own interests will be| 
5 obvious from a few fects and consideratiosis. J^et us suppose that? 
J half a million of persons are now employed abroad in fabricating < 
2 for our consumption, those articles, of which by the operation of| 
i this bill a supply is intended to be provided within ourselves.; 
*That half a million of persons are, in effect, subsisted by us; but| 
> their actual means of subsistence are drawn from foreign agricul-| 
\ ture. If we could transport them to tliis country, and incorporate | 
5 them in the mass of our own population, there would instantly* 
\ arise a demand for an amount of provisions equal to that which ? 
\ would be requisite for their subsistence throughout the whole year. ? 
^That demand, in the article of flour alone, would not be less than ^ 
\ the quantity of about 900,000 barrels, besides a proportionate \ 
^quantity of beef and pork, and other articles of subsistence. But? 
I nine hundred thousand barrels of flour exceeded the entire quantity | 
^exported last year, by nearly one hundred and fifty thousand bar- | 
I rels. What activity would not this give, what cheerfulness would S 
< it not communicate, to our now dispirited farming interest ! But J 
^ if, instead of these 500,000 artisans emigrating from abroad, we| 
5 give by this bill, employment to an equal number of our own < 
J citizens now engaged in unprofitable agriculture, or idle, from the 5 
J want of business, the beneficial effict upon the productions of ouri 
\ farming labour would be nearly doubled. The quantity would be I 
^diminished by a subtraction of the produce from the labour of all s 
5 those who should be diverted from its pursuits to manufacturing! 
5 industry, and the value of the residue would be enhanced, both by^ 
5 that diminution and the creation of the home market to the extent! 
S supposed. And the honorable gendeman from Virginia, may re- 5 
5 press any apprehensions « Inch he entertains, that the plough will \ 
J be abandoned, and our fields remain unsown. For, under all thef 
J modifications of social industry, if you will secure to it a just re- 5 
^ ward, the greater attractions of agriculture will give to it that^ 
^ proud superiority which it has always maintained." 



Jigain — page 22. 

\ " The agricultural portion of it is said by the gentleman from \ 
I Virginia, to be greater than that created by any other branch of ^ 
i her industry. But that flows mainly from a policy similar to that? 
^ proposed by this bill," J 

12 



t 



9ti 

jjgain — poge 3i>. 

I "The best security against tiie demoralization of society, is the ^ 
I constant and profitable employment of its members. Tiie greatest ? 
^danger to public liberty is from idlet)ess and vice. If manufac- S 
Mures form cities, so does commerce. And the disorders and vie- 1 
* ience whicli proceed from the contagion of the passions, are as de- i 
Iquent in one description of tliose communities as in the other. < 
There is no doubt but tliat the yeomanry of a country is the safest I 
depository of juiblic liberty. In all time to come, and under any j 
I probable direction of the labour of our population, the agricultu- 5 
5 ral class must be much the most numerous and powerful, and will;; 
Sever retain, as it ought to retain, a preponderating influence in our^ 
J councils. The extent and the fertility of our lands constitute an ^ 
5 adequate security against an excess in manufactures, and also^ 
I against oppression on the part of capitalists towards the labouring^' 
I portions of the community " j 

^^ ^'^^ ^■'^^'^■'^'^'^'^'^ ^'^^ ^^^^ '^'^^ V**-^ V%A X/V\ A/VX X>XA X/V^ X/VA -^^ 

Mr. Speaker, attentively review these quotations, sir, and ask 
yourself if they do not furnish the most reluctant reflections; that 
when the human mind, once becomes enamoured of an object, daz- 
zled with a prize, it is rendered incapable of doing itself justice by 
the proper, and unbiassed exercise of its own faculties. Our subli- 
mated orator, dazzled with the prize of the presidential chair, was 
speaking to please every body ; All things, to all men ; but the great 
object of his speech, would seem to have been, to bribe the voters of 
the manufacturing states, and to risk his chance with the agricultu- 
ral states, upon expressions of affectionate wishes, and smypathetie 
interests. Hence his delusive language to the agriculturists, whilst 
he is actually plundering them, to make up his bribe to the manufac- 
turers. His protection to the ynanufacturers, is made to consist of the 
money of others ; whilst no money of any body's, is given to the 
agriculturist for his protection. In lieu of it, he is paid off with fairy 
tales, and delusive promises. Let me beg your attention then, sir, 
to t[)is highly interesting branch of the subject. Let us coolly, and 
calmly make the enquiry, what the agriculturist actually pays, what 
he gets, and what he is promised, by our orator .'* First, then, as to 
our aspiring orator's promises to the agriculturists. In page 21, our 
orator says: "The agricultural portion of it (the productions of 
labor,) is said, by the gentleman from Virginia, to be greater than 
that created by any other branch of her (British) industry; hut that 
Jloios mainly from a policy similar to that proposed in this bill.^' Here 
our aspiring orator asserts; that the great productions of agricul- 
ture in Great Britain, have accrued in that country, "from a poli- 
cy similar to that proposed in this bill." It is of course concluded, 
tliat the agriculture of this country, is intended by the tariff bill, to 
be put upon at least as good a footing, as British agriculture is, by 
tlieir tariff laws. This assurance is made doubly sure, by an ex- 
press declaration of the splendid orator: For, although he declares 



91 

expressly, and i believe repeatedly; that he had no intention of re* 
commending the British system of policy for imitation, and adop- 
tion here; that he was no eulogist of England ; in page 36, he says 
— " Let our arts breatlie under the shades of protection — lei them be 
protected as in England, and we shall then be ready, as England is 
now said to be, to put aside protection, and to enter upon the freest 
exchanges. To what other cause than to their whole prohibitory poll' 
cy, can you ascribe British prosperiiyT^ Here our orator expressly 
ascribes the prosperity of England to the whole of her prohibitory 
policy. The protection of her agriculture is the foundation of the 
whole, and is carried to a greater, and a more eflicient extent, than 
any other. Here, this whole prohibitory policy, is expressly recom- 
mended for imitation; and it was but reasonable to expect; that 
American agriculture would be let in for its full siiare of protection 
by the tariff bill. Let us now see how this imitative policy is carried in- 
to effect, in relation to American agriculture? The protection in 
Great Britain, is founded, in what is called their corn laws; and 
which are triumphantly' referred to b}' our orator in page 14. 

" What sort of a figure would a member of the British Parliament 
have made .^ What sort of reception would his proposition have at- 
tained, if he had remonstrated against the corn law ;" and in page 
16, our orator most kindly observes; "our agriculture is our great- 
est interest. It ought ever to be predominat. All others should bend 
to it; and in considering what is for its advantage, we ought to con- 
template it in all its various branches of planting, farming, and gra- 
zing. Can we do nothing to invigorate it.'"' In page 18, our orator 
observes; "For under all the modifications of social industry, if 
you will secure to it its just reward, the greater attractions of agri- 
culture will give to it that proud superiority which it has always 
maintained." In page 39, "There is no doubt but that the yeoman- 
ry of a country is the safest depository of public liberty. In all 
time to come, and under any probable direction of the labor of our 
population, the agricultural class must be much the most numerous and 
powerful, and will ever retain, as it ought to retain, a preponderating 
influence in our public councils." Mr. Speaker, after all these plau- 
dits, and promises, did you not expect that something would be 
done for the protection of agriculture .f* That one main object of the 
tariff, was to put it, in relation to other occupations, upon at least, 
as good a footing as British agriculture, in relation to the other oc- 
cupations of that country .'* Let us now see, sir, how these gilded, de- 
ceptive promises, have been carried into effect, by the tariff bill. This, 
sir, is the main point of enquiry ; and I therefore beg your most par- 
ticular attention to it — I most earnestly entreat the best attention of 
the whole agricultural class, but most particularly of the wheat- 
growers, to this enquiry. Its results will be rendered too plain, not 
to be understood, b}' every attentive mind. What then are the corn- 
laws of Great Britain, which afford protection to the agriculturists, 
there .'' What is the tariff here, which was avowed to be intended, 
to correspond with the British corn laws there ? Let us critically 
ejcamine this imitative policy, between Great Britain and the United 



y2 

States. The coin laws of Great Britain absolutely prohibit the inl- 
portation of foreign corn, until the price of wheat shall amount to 
80 shillings sterling, a quarter, of eight bushels; or eight shillings 
sterling per bushel. The tariff law imposes a duty of 25 cents up- 
on the importation of foreign wlieat. So begins, and so ends, the pro- 
tection to the wheat growers ! Wliat are the relative local circum- 
stances in regard to bread stuffs between Great Britain, and the 
United States, upon which, this imitative policy is founded ? Great 
Britain is an importer of bread stuffs, to a great amount every year. 
A prohibition, therefore, upon the importation of foreign grain, 
leaves the agriculture of Great Britain to its own rivalship. Ir ex- 
cludes all foreign competition. Not growing bread stuffs enough, 
for home consumption, a good price for graiu is thus always insur- 
ed to the agriculturists; and the other classes of society are com- 
pelled to pay the monopoly price, which is generally double the 
price of the article in foreign countries. Under the tyranny of the 
corn laws, all other classes pay double as much for their bread, as 
they could purchase it for, from foreign countries, but for this tyran- 
nical prohibition. In Great Britain then, the corn laws are found to be 
so operative, as to ensure an enormous bounty to the corn growers, 
:!nd is the foundation of the xvholc monopolizing, or restrictive system. 
The United States are an exporting country of bread stuff' of all 
kinds, but particularly of wheal. No foreign country, therefore, can 
compete with us in that article, in our own markets. Yet, as a pro- 
tection to American wheat-growers,'a duty of 25 cents is laid upon 
tlie importation of foreign wheat — that is the whole protection under 
ijur aspiring orator's, flattering, gilded promises. That provision 
Is perfectly inoperative, and of course, the promised protection, nom- 
inal. No foreign wheat is ever imported into the United States, and 
of course, no duty is ever paid. This was precisely the case before 
she passage of the tariff; and it now is. In the ordinary condition 
of the country, therefore, the tariff protection of agriculture, is 
merely nominal, and inoperative. There is but one condition of 
the country, in which, it could be operative. That would hap- 
pen, only in case of scarcity ; in which case, the wheat-grower, 
^v•)uld be more biirthened with the impost upon wheat, than any 
other class in society. In the event of a scarcity, the farmer would 
require more imported grain — relatively than an}' other class of the 
community for his seed, and for his consumption, in consequence of 
his greater number of hands, and beasts of labor; and the farmer of 
foiuse, woukl have more of the 25 cents duty to pay, than persons 
of any other occupations. 

Oi" what then Av.C'i i[\Q protection of agriculture consist? In the 
oriiiiiary condition of tlie countr}-, it consists of nothing. In the 
c\ii ^ordinary case of scarcity, which in all human probability ne- 
scf v. ill happen, it consists of a duty, mainly upon the agriculturist 
iiiiijself. Of what does the protection of manvfactories consist under 
the Tariff'.'* What is this protection made of. It consists of other peo- 
ple's money. It is made of other peo2)le\'i money. The protection of 
agriculture, then consists of burthens upon agriculture. The protec- 
tion of manvfactories consists, mainly of burthens upon agriculture-^ 



9-3 

iiii^h intolerable burthens upon agriculture. Is this reciprocity.'* Is 
it justice ? Is it not the most intolerable injustice? Can it be borne f 
Ought it to be borne? In regard to its imitative character with 
British policy, it would be quite laughable, were it not for its mis- 
chievous, and destructive eflects upon agriculture — The best inter- 
ests of the country. By the British protection, the British agricul- 
turists are now receiving from the other classes of society, double pri- 
ces for bread-stuffs, beyond the prices of prohibited foreign bread- 
stuffs ; whilst the American agriculturists receive nothing ; and pay 
double prices to the manuAicturer for every article of consumption 
— even for the implements of husbandry, which are used to raise 
the bread for the manufacturer. Here then, is a policy, professed 
to be imitative of British policy, recommended for the adoption of 
the United Slates ; in a case, in which, the condition of the two 
countries, stands, not only without resemblance ; but in direct con- 
trast, with each other — vvliat then, can be expected ; but contrasted, 
instead of imitative, results!!! — As far as my knowledge extends, 
agriculture, in no civilized country under the sun, is placed by gov- 
ernment in such a state of oppression, and degradation, and deterio- 
ration, as that of the United States. Done, too, by the tariff regu- 
lations ! Whilst they promise every thing for the protection of agri- 
culture ! I have sometimes reluctantly been led to the conclusion ; 
that there must have been some unaccountable carelessness, and in- 
attention in the organization of the Tariff bill ; otherwise, it could 
not be possible, that a majority , of Congress could have placed agri- 
culture in such a plundered and degraded condition ; and the ridi- 
culous attempt to gull, and appease the wheat-growers with 25 cents 
upon the importation of foreign wheat, whilst it affords him no bene- 
ficial relief whatever, is an inexcusable insult to his understanding. 
I beg, I entreat, the earnest, and unbiassed attention of the wheat- 
growers particularly, to these plain demonstrations. But it is often 
asked, what harm has the Tariff done ? Is not this a most extraordi- 
nary question ? Look at its effects in the depression of the prices 
of agricultural productions, and the consequent depression in the 
prices of lands from the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico ; indeed, 
throughout the whole agricultural country of the United States ? 
Look at the impoverished, sinking farmers ? Ask the farmer — let 
every farmer ask himself— -whether under the operations of this Ta- 
riff, he receives for the productions of his labor a cent more than tho 
labor of producing them actually costs him? Ask whether the an- 
nual productions of his farm actually defray its annual expenditures .^ 
If he should indulge in imported articles, either foreign or domestic ? 
whether he is not compelled to apply a portion of his capital to pay 
the current expenditures of the year? I know it is my own case, 
and I believe it is with most of my neighbors. This state of things 
cannot last long. Bankruptcy must be the consequence. Agricul- 
ture could not stand the burthens, if it would. No, sir! With the 
best possible disposition to support the Tariff, agriculture could not 
do it — It would inevitably sink under the effort. The burthen is in- 
tolerable. 



t)4 

But, ^Ir. Speaker, with all our flattering orator's deceptive pro- 
mises to the agriculturist, he seems himself to intend to impose upon 
liim the most intolerable burthens ; at the very moment he is promi- 
sing him a just reward for his industry. For, says our Orator, — 
"But, if instead of these 500,000 artizans emigrating from abroad, 
" we" give, by this bill, employment to an equal number of our own 
citizens, now engaged in unprofitable agriculture, or idle from the 
want of business, the beneficial eflect upon our farming interest 
would be nearly doubled." What are the means pointed oat, in the 
bill, by the sagacious orator, for converting 500,000 farmers into as 
many manufacturers.'' The only means consist of burthens, so heavy 
upon the agriculturist, that he will be willing to escape from his own 
chosen calling, without the benefit of apprenticeship — no politech- 
nic schools having been provided by the bill, to participate in the 
protection of the favored manufacturing class. And, in this way, the 
sagacious orator proposes to give to agriculture ; " that proud supe- 
riority which it has always maintained." Can there be more pre- 
posterous absurdities than these.'' In almost a single aspiration, our 
bewildered orator, speaks of our now dispirited farming interest ; of 
unprofitable agriculture; and of agriculture, always maintaining a 
proud superiority — promised to be bottomed upon a just reward to 
social industry. But this proud superiority, is to be obtained by 
giving to agriculture its just reward, with all the rest of social in- 
dustry ; \v\nhi ilns just reward, is to consist of such heavy impositions 
upon agriculture, as to drive 500,000 of its class, into the manufac- 
turing class, to participate with them in the protection nffovded by the 
bill; and which constitutes, the very just reward to the agriculturist. 
Can there be collected together, more ridiculous absurdities, more 
incoherent conceptions, and more palpable contradictions, than are 
huddled up together, in tlie foregoing quotations.'' But there is one 
expression in the group, which stands pre-eminently distinguished; 
and serves to demonstrate, more than any other, the sublimated, in- 
toxicated state, of our aspiring orator's enchanted mind. 

But, says the orator; asif " Jovein his chair of the sky Lord Mayor." 
" If we' give by this bill, employment to an equal number of citizens." 
Had the buoyant orator ever thought or inquired what employment 
•' we" have to give.'' Suppose "we" have no employment to give by 
this bill, or in any other way; vvliat then will become of his brilliant 
promises.'' I presume, that our enchanted orator has found out by this 
time, that " we" have no enjployment to give. Governments have no 
employment to give. What employments can they have to give.'' 
They may vary occupations by tyrannical measures, always believed 
to be for the uorse, but they can create none. Our orator, however, 
seems to think, that, " we" can do every thing. Jehovali's lords on 
earth, — or, at least, God's vicegerents on earli).— "We" have the whole 
world in a sling ; and although, according to oar great prototype, good- 
for-nothing fellows, "we" are ruling and fixing the destinies of the 
wor\(\y for purposes of bcnificcnce, for bettering the condition of the 
people; our standard, our own unlimited pleasure, or caprice. Pro- 
lific invention! ! — Filling the world with experimental schemes, with 
despotic restrictions upon the liberties of the people — varying their 



9S 

occupations, and the distributions of their labor. Listen now, sir, 
to some of the delusive misconceptions and miscalculations of our be- 
wildered orator, which although then standing on conjecture, are 
now reduced to experience. Our buoyant orator triumphantly asks 
in page 14 — " What sort of a figure would a member of the British 
parliament have made ; what sort of a reception would his opposition 
have obtained, if he had remonstrated against the passage of the corn 
law, by which British consumption is limited to the bread-stufTs of 
British production, to the entire exclusion of American.'"' Might not 
this question, " now," witii much more propriety, be reverberated, upon 
our short-sighted orator ? What sort of a figure, would a member of 
the British Parliament " now" make ', if " now" he did not remon- 
strate, against the corn laws.^ What sort of a figure, does our buoyant, 
deluded orator, himself, '• now" make ; after having placed the policy 
of his tarifl* scheme, upon the whole policy of the British restrictive 
system, and particularly upon the corn laws, as its main pillar, when 
the policy of the whole system has been denounced, by the British 
ministry, and, as far as practicable, abandoned f No man, I presume, 
ever was silly enough, however, to suppose, that upon the moment of 
the discovery of the mischievous tendency of measures, which were 
transfused through all the ramifications of society, a competent remedy 
could be instantly applied, and the evil instantly corrected. No, sir, 
corrections of these complicated evils are not to be easily, and instantly 
effected ; and the difficuhies in providing the corrections, ought most 
strongly to admonish us against their original adoption. But with our 
enchanted, infatuated tariff-schemers, every consideration which ought 
to have insured delay, caution and circumspection, was urged in favor 
of precipitation. Let me, sir, again entreat you to behold the con- 
trast between the British corn laws, as affording protection to British 
agriculture, and the American tariff laws, as affording protection to 
American agriculture. The British corn laws, in effect, give a bounty 
upon bread-stuffs of double its actual price, on a fair principle of 
general competition. The American tariff gives no efiective botinty 
or reward whatever. Is that all i* Oh no. The American tariff makes 
the grower of bread-stuffs pay, perhaps, double price, upon almost all 
imported articles which are necessary for the consumption of agricul- 
ture, not excepting the very implements of husbandry themselves, em- 
ployed in making bread for the subsistence of the maniifactin'ers. 
Hence, whilst the British shoemaker, pays the British agriculturist^ 
double price; and receives, only the lowest price of labor for his shoes; 
the American agriculturist, pays the American shoemaker, double 
price for his shoes ; and receives nothing, from the shoemaker, but, 
the most depressed price for his bread. — The case equally applies, to 
every article required for the consumption of the American agricul- 
turist. — Behold the contrast, in the practical operations of this pre- 
tended imitative policy! ! ! It is impossible, however, not to yield to a 
necessity which strikes at the very salvation of the nation. l.n Great 
Britain, under this unjust, cruel, tyrannical system, the manulacturers 
are compelled to give to the British grower for all his bread-stuffs, 
double the price he could get them for from foreign countries. The 
Britisli manoi'acturer, tb.ercfure. subsists himself at double the cost of his- 



96 

foreign coiupeiitois ; of course, lie must ultimately sink, in all loreigij 
markets, and necessarily become stripped of employment at home. 
But, sir, our orator denies that the British goverunient !ias in fact 
abandoned the restrictive system. He asserts, that her restrictive 
system continues to a great extent. This is readily admiited. I never 
heard the contrary asserted — But the fact, 1 assert, is, that the British 
ministry have denounced the whole doctrines of il)e restrictive system; 
and that the denunciation has been made from the thorough conviction, 
that they are radically wrong in theory, and infinitely mischievous in 
practice: t)iai they have denounced the principle of the corn laws, and 
called for their repeal or modification. Do you believe, sir, that the 
British landliolders would tolerate sucli an unjust, unequal, and wicked 
burthen, a'* that imposed upon agriculture by the American tariff for 
one moment.'' No, sir, such a measure there, would not be tolerated for 
one instant, and it is wonderful to me, that it should have been tolerated 
here for three whole years; whilst its effects have been, using a figura- 
tive expression, to grind the agriculturists into dust and ashes — Our 
buoyant orator, still upon his high ropes, his power omnipotent, ob- 
serves, page 18th. "Let us suppose that half a million of persons 
(qtiite moderate — down to lialf millions, instead of whole millions and 
hundreds of millions^ are now employed abroad, in fabricating for our 
consumption, those articles of which, by the operation of this bill, a 
supply is intended to be provided for ourselves. That half a million 
of persons are in effect, subsisted b}' us, and th.eir actual means of sub- 
sistence are drawn from foreign agriculture. If we could transport 
them to this country, and incorporate them in the mass of our own 
population, there would instantly arise a demand for an amount of pro- 
vision equal to that which would be requisite for their subsistence 
throughout the whole year " Here, our sagacious orator resorts to 
a common artifice in argument — putting suppositious cases. The 
suppositious cases are generally grounded upon impossibilities, as is 
the present cunning device of our orator. Suppose, says he, a half 
million of persons employed abroad should be brought to this coun- 
try. To which supposition I reply by putting another — Suppose 
they were not. In the event of my supposition being founded in 
fact, the whole argument, founded upon his fictitious case, would, in- 
stantly become idle and unavailling. It happens in this case, that our 
orator's supposition did not only not happen, but could not happen. 
It is beyond the powers of government to transport a half million of 
persons from one country to another, situated three thousand miles 
apart, in any short time, and without great expense. Our orator's 
supposition is not only fallacious, but impossible in itself. My sup- 
position is true. His great error therefore consists in this : — He is 
providing a remedy for a suppositious case which never can iiappen, 
instead of applying his remedy to a case in actual existence. But, 
says our buoyant orator: "If "we" could transport them to this 
country." But what is to be done, and why was the subject intro- 
duced ; if " we" cannot transport them to this country .'' Now, I as- 
sert, that "we" — our omnipotent rulers — cannot transport them to 
this country ; consequently, this "if" is perfectly inoperative, and 



97 

the consequences which have been deduced from it, false and un- 
founded. Our orator, in the plenitude of governmental power, as- 
serts, in page 15: "One third only of her population (G. Britain) 
engaged in agriculture ; the other two-thirds furnishing a market for 
the produce of that third. Withdraw this market, and what becomes 
of her agriculture?" Permit me to tell 30U, Mr. Orator, that the 
government of G. Britain, with its omnipotence, united with all its 
wealth and physical force, cannot withdraw this market. It is essentially 
incorporated with society, and cannot be withdrawn by the whole 
power of the most powerful government on earth. Mr. Speaker, 
upon reviewing this part of the subject, are you not surprised, sir, 
at the numerous errors of our orator, both in regard to facts and 
doctrines ? Have they not greatly exceeded your expectations both 
in point of numbers and demonstrations.'' and sir, is it not a subject 
of the most profound regret, that our fundamental institutions 
should be crumbled into dust — our union hazarded — our people set 
together by the ears ; different sections of the country put to war 
against each other, by the misconceptions and miscalculations of as- 
piring, thoughtless, superficial, political empyrics ? Permit me now, 
sir, to call 3'our most serious attention, to another prominent quota- 
tion from our orator. 

Extract — pages 24, 25. 

*' And what is this tariff. f* It seems to have been regarded as a sort 
" of monster, huge and deformed — a wild beast, endowed with tremen- 
" dous powers of destruction, about to be let loose atnnng our people 
*' — if not to devour them, at least to consume their substance. But 
*' let us calm our passions, and deliberately survey this alarming, this 
*' terrific being. The sole object of the tariff is to tax the produce of 
*' foreign industry, with the view of promoting American industry. The 
"tax is exclusively levelled at foreign industry. That is the avowed 
'* and direct purpose of the tariff. It it subjects any pirt of American 
•'industry to burthens, that is an effect not intended, but is altogether 
" incidental, and perfectly voluntary. It has been treated as an impo- 
"sition of burthens upon one part of the community by design, for the 
" benefit of another; as if, in fact, money were taken from the pockets 
" of one portion of the people and put into the pockets of another. But, 
** is this a fair representation of it ? No man pays the duty assessed on 
^' the foreign article by compulsion, but voluntarily; and this volunta- 
" ry duty, if paid, goes into the common exchequer, for the common 
"benefit of all. Consumption has four objects of choice: 1. It may 
"abstain from the use of foreign articles, and thus avoid the paytnent 
"of the tax. 2, It may employ tlie rival American fabric. 3. It may 
"engage in the business of manufacturing, which this bill is designed 
" to foster. 4. Or it may supply itself from household manufactures." 

Here our orator tauntingly inquires, "and what is a tariff.''" He 
then answers : " It seems to have been regarded as a sort of monster, 
huge and deformed — a wild beast, endowed with tremendous powers of 
destruction, about to be let loose amongst our people — if not to devour 
them, at least, to consume their substance." A most excellent descrip- 
tion of the tariff in question — a better figurative one could scarcely be 
given— I, surely, cannot attempt to better it. That it will produce, 
13 



9$ 

and as far as the experimeiu has gone, has produced, precisely the el- 
fects upon the ap;ricuhural part of the community, described by our 
glowing orator, I think, cannot be denied ; and, if I should not be ve- 
ry much mistaken, amidst its destructive influence upon the substance 
of the agriculturists, our aspiring orator will himself become one of its 
surest victims. 1 am perfectly satisfied, that he must, himself, ultiniale- 
ly, be devoured by this huge monster of his own creation. Now, sir, 
let us see our consolation, for the introduction of this destructive mon- 
ster amongst us. Our deluded orator says : — " The sole object of the 
tariff is to tax the produce of foreign industry, with a view of promoting 
American industry^'' — no doubt, thought a very cunning contrivance by 
its author; — but he is entirely mistaken in the intended effect; his sole 
object is utterly mistaken. It is a tax, and a most onerous and unjust 
tax, upon Jlmerican industry, and not upon foreign industry, the mis- 
taken object of it. Who pays the tax ^ Is it paid by foreigners ? Cer- 
tainly not. Do not Acnericans pay it.'' Do not we, here present, pay 
our full proportion of it.'' If so, the sole object of the tax is utterly 
mistaken ; it is a tax, in effect, whatever be its object, upon American, 
not foreign, industry, whatever may have been the kind intention of its 
author. But now comes our consolation. Our deluded orator con- 
soles us, by carelessly and tauntingly informing us — ".(/' it subjects any 
part of American industry to burthens, it is an effect not intended, and 
is altogether incidental and perfectly voluntary." Indeed, Mr. Orator, 
are you so kind as not to intend the mischief.'' But here we have the 
consolation, that if our industry should be subject to burthens, the effect 
was not intended; it would, of course, be done through ignorance, not 
design ; and, therefore, ought to be borne without a murmur. — Of what 
practical benefit is it to the sufferer, that his sufferings have been pro- 
duced by ignorance, and not design ? Now, it turns out upon experi- 
ment, that American industry is extremely burthened, though by igno- 
rance, not by design, in direct contradiction of the sole, avowed object 
of the bill ; and as the tariff, in that most important respect, has entire- 
ly missed its own original aim, it surely ought to be abandoned, accord- 
ing to the avowed declarations and doctrines of our miscalculating ad- 
venturous orator. — But, wonderful to be told! our dashing orator ob- 
serves, " It has been treated as an imposition of burthens upon one part 
of the community, by design, for the benefit of the other; as if, in fact, 
money were taken from the pockets of one portion of tlie people, and 
put into the pockets of another. But is that a fair representation of 
it.'"' Most certainly it is — as fair, as plain, as simple, as can possibly be 
made. I ask you, in turn, Mr. Orator, is not that the fact f Is not that a 
fair representation of the case.'' Have yon the hardihood to deny that 
fact.'* I should suppose it to be impossible. Who has more frequently 
asserted, and proved the fact, than our interrogating orator.'' What is 
the burthen of his song, from the frontispiece, to the conclusion of his 
speecli.'' Does he not vamitingly tell us — Protection to manufactures.' 
Protection to a great amount, and the word "Protection" written in 
Roman characters, to enhance the influence of the word upon superfi- 
cial observers.'' Of what does this protection consist.'' 1 presume the 
deluded orator would not answer — of nothing. It consists, then, of 
something. — What, then, is that something.'' Is it not money.'' If so. 



99 

whose money ? Not the manufacturer's money. — The manufacturer 
would not thank you, for a jDrolection made out of his own money. 
This protection then, is made out of otiier people's money. — The be- 
wildered orator tells you, mainly out of the money of the growers of 
cotton, tobacco, and rice — he ought to have added the growers of 
wheal. — Nor is any class of society exempted, but the manufacturers 
themselves. — They are the receivers, not the payers of this vast pro- 
tection — Now Mr. Speaker, let me ask you, sir, if there be not some- 
thing here, more than a want of candor."* a want of sincerity? Is there 
not soinething like hardihood in this question, and answer, of our be- 
wildered orator ? After he had, from the beginning of his speech, to the 
end of it, magnified the value, and importance of this protection to 
the manufacturer, and proved that it was paid by others ; but, mainly, 
by the growers of cotton, tobacco and rice, for him to put this ques- 
tion, and back it by this suppositious denial, is really unexpected and 
unaccountable. " As if, in fact, money were taken from the pockets 
of one portion of the people, and put into tlie pockets of another." — 
Is not this the most extraordinary suppositious denial of a fact, wliich 
he had himself asserted, and proved, over and over again ? But our 
puzzled orator, does not deny the fact, absolutely. It is done, by his 
own peculiar logic — by his assertion of a collateral fact. By his com- 
mon artifice of shifting a question. Instead of an absolute denial that 
the tariff does take the money out of one man's pocket and put it into 
another, our orator says — "No man pays the duty assessed on the 
foreign articles, by compulsion, but voluntarily." Here is another 
subterfuge, as uncandid, and disingenuous, as the last. The payment 
is not voluntary, and it is scarcely possible to suppose, that our orator 
did not know that it was not voluntary. — Physical compulsion, it is 
true, is not applied for the enforcement of the law. But a penally, 
growing out of the nature of the law, is applied to its enforcement, 
upon the ordinary principle of penalties. No physical compulsion is 
applied by law to prevent one man from murdering another — but the 
penalty of the murder is death. The law leaves it perfectly voluntary 
with every man to murder his fellow— -provided he will incur the penalty. 
But, says the law, if you do commit murder, you shall die. So, says 
the tariff, if you purchase imported articles, although of the first ne- 
cessity, you shall pay double price for them. Let me illustrate this 
position, by reference to one case, taken from the British, and one from 
the American tariff laws. The British tariff laws prohibit the impor- 
tation of foreign bread stuffs j till the price amounts to an enormous 
sura ; and leaves it perfectly voluntary with the British subject, to pur- 
chase British bread stuffs, or not. Suppose the British subject should 
avail himself of this volition, he must necessarily starve. — The penal* 
ty is unavoidable, upon exercising the volition. — Surely sufficient, to 
give the character of coercion, to the law. The like consequence would 
attend the American citizen under the American tariff law, who should 
refuse to purchase domestic shoes — (British shoes being excluded.) In 
the exercise of his volition, he must go without shoes;— frost bitten feetj 
or worse, would be the unavoidable penally. — Surely suffirient to en- 
force the purchase of domestic shoes; and to strip the citizen of all vo- 
Vstion under the law, — But, our orator has pointed out four ways of 



loa 

avoiding the penalt}-. For, says he, " consumption has four objects of 
choice. 1st. It may abstain from the use of foreign articles, and thus 
avoid the payment of the tax." No! consumption has no choice. It 
is placed under a necessity to use foreign articles. But if the article 
be bouglit, the tax must be paid; or the penalty, consisiing of the tax 
incurred, and the compulsion imposed upon consumption is, that it 
must have foreign articles. " Secondly — It may employ the rival Ame- 
rican fabric." But then the penalty, equal to ilie duty on the foreign 
article, must be paid to the American manufacturer for his protection^ 
amounting in most cases, to double the actual value of the article : The 
very penalty, the very evil, and the very injustice complained of! — 
"Third — It may engage in the business of manufacturing, which this 
bill is intended to foster." May it, Mr. Orator f IIou- Uind is that con- 
solation ! It is admitted, that in this way it may escape the penalty. 
But it will be admitted, I presume, that this mode of escaping the pen- 
alty, is partial. — All cannot avail themselves of this mode of escape. 
Mr. Orator heretofore seemed to think, if he could drive 500.000 far- 
mers from agriculture to manufacturing, it would be enough. Now, 
all are to find refuge under the protected manufacturer's wing, against 
the unjust and intolerable impositions upon others. What nonsense!! 
What mischief!! Fourth — " Or it may supply itself from the house' 
hold manufactures." A sufticient reply to this suggestion is, that all 
cannot supply themselves from household manufactures, if they would. 
Even if they could, there are not materials in the southern country suf- 
ficient to enable the people to do so. But, sir, one material part of the 
consolation, offered by our mistaken orator, is not yet noticed. If the 
agriculturist should, from ignorance, be made to pay the tax, it should 
be a consolation to him to know, that it " goes into the common ex- 
chequer for the common benefit of all." Some alleviation, to be sure, 
if there were any security against its being expended in profligate 
schemes of disbursement, and for gratifications to unprincipled para- 
sites and favorites ; but where is the consolation in cases of paying the' 
bounty, equal to tlie duty, to the manufactures upon the purchase of 
domestic articles ? There is no consolation held out in the soothing 
balm of our deluded orator in those cases. The money in those cases 
goes not into tlie common exchequer, but into the manufacturer's pock- 
et. The only consolation, then, must consist, of the knowledge of the 
unprincipled plunder, of the insupportable injustice of such discrimina- 
tion between the different classes of society. But, Mr. Speaker, accord- 
ing to our orator's own avowal, that no tax was intended upon Ameri- 
can industry, since the most enormous tax lias actually occurred, have 
not the injured a right to demand an abandonment of the injurious 
measure, so soon as the mischievous mistake is discovered; and is not 
our orator bound by every principle of honor, and honesty, to use his 
best efforts for that purpose? And can a doubt exist of the destructive 
efiects of the tariff.'' Look at the price of lands, and their products 
throughout the whole farming country ; but particularly, from the Po- 
tomac, to the Gulf of Mexico. Look at the impoverished farmer, be- 
hold his gloom, and despondency, and hear his tale of his pecuniary 
distresses ; and it is not possible that a doubt should exist, as to its most 
extensive de&truction, over a most extended country, whilst our atten- 



101 

(ton is dazzled, by holding np to it, the eictreme wealth and splendor ot' 
a few manufacturing districts, — an effect not at all to be wondered at, 
when the vast amount drawn from an extensive impoverished country, 
is expended in these comparatively limited districts. But these facts 
prove, rather than disprove, the extreme injurious effects of the tariff 
upon the great mass of society. The partial benefit to a few over- 
grown rich stockholders, cannot compensate the injuries to the great 
mass of society. Let me now, Mr. Speaker, call your most serious 
attention to another quotation from our bewildered orator, which may 
incidentally serve further to illustrate this important part of the subject. 

Extract — page 35. 

"The relaxation from the colonial policy, in the instance of our 
•■'trade and navigation with the West Indies, is a most unJbrtunate ex- 
" ample for the honorable gentleman; for it is an illustrious proof of 
'• the success of our restrictive policy, when resolutely adhered to. — 
'' Great Britain had prescribed the terms on which we were to be gra- 
*' ciously allowed to carry on that trade. The effect of her regulations 
•' was to exclude our navigation altogether, and a complete monopoly 
" on the part of the British navigation, was secured. We forbade it, 
'' unless our vessels should be allowed a perfect reciprocity. Great Bri- 
" tain stood out a long time, but finally yielded; our navigation now 
"fairly shares with hers in the trade." 

Mr. Speaker, the contents of this quotation, are of no ordinary in- 
terest. They ought to attract the attention of every intelligent Ameri- 
can citizen. They ought to be well understood by all. Our sublima- 
ted, gasconading orator, seems here to have placed himself in a most 
awkward, and unfortunate dilemma. He had before spoken in the same 
taunting manner, of the British corn laws. He exhibited them as the 
solid and durable foundation and bulwark of the landed British restric- 
tive system ; and almost before the breath which poured forth their eu- 
logies, and- predicted their duration, had stayed its enchanting sounds, 
the abandonment of these laws is called for by the British ministry, 
and nation ; and that too, upon the grounds of their intolerably de- 
structive effects upon the British population. The principle itself had, 
by woeful experiment, been demonstrated to have been originally, ra- 
dically wrong, and with it, the whole doctrine of the British restrictive 
system. There again, our orator, in his best gasconading manner, ob- 
serves — " We forbade it, unless our vessels should be allowed a perfect 
reciprocity. Great Britain stood out a long time, but finally yielded, 
and our navigation "nou;" fairly shares with hers in the trade." — 
" Now", was then, March, 1824. "Now," is February, 1827. May 
not this question, ^^noiv,^' be triumphantly reverberated upon our de- 
luded, gasconading orator.'' Does our navigation faiily share with her 
"nowV Who stands out longest, "now," February, 1827? Great 
Britain, or our gasconading orator? — "Now," Great Britain has with- 
drawn this reciprocity, and excluded the United Slates from the trade 
altogether. But, says our gasconading orator, " The relaxation of the 
colonial policy in the instance of our trade and navigation with the 
West Indies, is a most unfortunate example for tlie honorable gen- 
deman." "For it is an illustrious prool" of the success of our re- 
strictive policy, tvhen resolutely adhered to." Does the present condi" 



102 

tion of our trade with the West Indies " now," afford this illustrious 
example of the success of our restrictive system, when resolutely ad- 
hered to f What is " noiu^^ the condition of that trade r A total ex- 
clusion of the United Slates from that trade; whilst European nations 
are invited to a participation in it. Is it possible!! How came this sad 
reverse? Where was the prophetic spirit of our scheming orator? Did 
the United States fail resolutely to adhere to the restrictive policy? or 
was this exclusion produced by a most resolute adherence to the same 
restrictive policy? It seems to have been produced by neither one 
course nor the other — but by the gross mismanagement of our bewil- 
dered orator, in not resolutely adhering to either. No intelligent, re- 
flecting man can doubt but that tlie loss of the West India trade has 
arisen i>om the tariff; nor can he fail to foresee an entire loss of the 
whole British trade, from the same cause, and possibly the gain of a 
British war. The British policy, since the passage of the tariff bill, 
has been as wise, as liberal, and as consistent, as that of the United 
States has been weak, selfish and fluctuating — until her determiucnion 
upon her present retaliatory system. — The British doubtlessly foresaw, 
that if the tariff should be persevered in, retaliation would be the inevi- 
table consequence. 

Yet, it being a mere municipal regulation, she had no right to make 
a formal objection to it ; but she determined, in lieu of remonstrance, 
to try the effect of a liberal policy towards the United States. In this 
liberal spirit, she relaxed her colonial restriction towards the United 
States, in the hope, no doubt, of exciting a reciprocal spirit on the part 
of the United States. Such a spirit might have led to an extension of 
the trade between the two countries. The American administration 
instead of reciprocating this liberal spirit, first postponed accepting the 
British proposition, and then rejected it. After Great Britain had 
waited with unexpected patience, and finding her proposition rejected, 
contrary to all reasonable calculation, she withdrew her proposition 
and indicated a system of retaliation. As soon as the American ad- 
ministration became apprised of this determination on the part of Great 
Britain, not resolutely adhering to, they instantly abandoned the restric- 
tive system; and immediately ofl'ered to accept the rejected British pro- 
position : But it then had become too late. The British government 
having taken the retaliating ground, resolutely adheres to it — and thus 
have the United States not only lost the West India trade, but, in all 
probability, will lose the whole British trade; whilst Great Britain is 
inviting European nations to trade upon reciprocal principles. The 
loss of the West India trade alone, is nothing compared with the loss 
of the whole British trade, and the gain of the commercial dissatisfac- 
tion of all Europe. This is one of the most obvious effects of the tariff 
— was predicted before its adoption, and is now verified. 

Here, then, is offered the best evidence of the destructive effects of 
the tariff, both abroad and at home ; and in losing this trade, could 
our orator have placed himself in a more pitiable condition ? First, 
boasting of the irresistible eflects of our restrctive system, if reso- 
lutely adhered to, then sneeringly reproaching Great Britain for refu- 
sing to yield at first; but being unable to resist the American res- 
trictive policy, finally yielded to it — ancj the n^omeni he found Greal 



1Q3 

Britain had resisted his system and put it at defiance, iastead of re- 
sohitely adhering to it himself, he abandoned it; and, in effect, beg- 
ged to be permitted to accept the rejected proposition. He is, in turn, 
rejected, and likely to continue so. For, Great Britain now reso- 
lutely adheres to her rejection. What an illustrious proof of the suc- 
cess of our restrictive system, when resolutely adhered to!!! What 
an unfortunate example for the gentleman from Virginia ! 1 ! How 
fortunate for our gasconading orator ! ! ! After all this taunting, 
and gasconading, to prove recreant himself — to beg pardon in ef- 
fect ; and to be refused forgiveness ! ! ! Could any attitude be more 
pitiable, and humiliating ! ! ! Now, Mr. Speaker, let me ask you 
in a spirit of mercy and moderation, what does the American admi- 
nistration deserve at the hands of the American people, for the loss 
of the West India trade alone — whether lost by ignorance or super- 
ciliousness, or carelessness, or by all together ? Certainly the least 
punishment that can be awarded them, is the loss of their offices. 
It seems to me that they ought to have the grace to resign, and beg 
the people to forgive them, for bringing so great a loss upon them, 
when they had it perfectly in their power to have avoided it: per- 
haps to have placed our commerce with Great Britain on a better 
footing than it ever had been before. For, Mr, Speaker, let us sup- 
pose, for one moment, instead of all this miserable huckstering about 
the protection of domestic manufactures, the American government 
had reduced the duties upon British manufactures, particularly her 
cotton manufactures, to a fair revenue standard — say 10 per cent, 
ad valorem — what would have been the difference in the commercial 
intercourse between the two countries, from what it is under the un- 
wise, unprincipled course which has been pursued ? and what would 
have been the relative wealth and prosperity of the United Slates 
from what they now are, under this impoverishing, restrictive, crip- 
pling system f 

Is it not highly probable, Mr. Speaker, that if revenue alone had 
been sought after, and the impost reduced. Great Britain might have 
been Influenced by a reciprocating spirit, to have reduced her tariff 
upon American productions.? In that case, the reciprocal benefits of a 
fair commercial intercourse between the two countries, would have been 
substituted in place of the present retaliatory, crippling system : a most 
unwise, unprofitable trial, of who could do the other most harm. Do 
you not think, sir, that a trial, of who shall do the other most good, 
would be far more advantageous to both ? But, says our plotting, 
deluded orator — " The sole object of the tariff is to tax the produce 
"of foreign industry, with a view of promoting American industry." 
A most unwise contrivance for promoting American Industry! It 
can never be promoted by crippling foreign Industry. Surely the 
wiser plan to promote American industry, would be to promote fo- 
reign industry. This would be easily effected by a liberal, recipro- 
cal, commercial intercourse. This would be in the true commercial 
spirit, which always tends to benefit all nations, which act under its 
benign influence. The principle of commercial intercourse, consists, 
in the interchange of goods between diftcrent nation?, so a? to supply 



104 

the reciprocal wants of each other. !Mone\' is tised only to make up 
ihe difl'erenceof the value of the interchanged goods. The capacity 
of one nation, to purchase of another, therefore, depends upon the 
amount of goods, supplied by that one nation, for the other. If the 
government of the United States had taken freely British manufac- 
tured goods, the capacity of Great Britain to purchase our articles, 
would have been increased : and of course. Great Britain would pur- 
chase more of our goods, and at better prices, than can be done, 
when British goods are either prohibited, or heavily dutied. Sup- 
pose, instead of the commercial warfare, now waging between the 
United States, and Great Britain, evidently having its original foun- 
dation in the tariff, a free commercial intercourse were going on ; 
such as was contained in the British overture, with such further con- 
cessions, as Great Britain would probably have made, upon a relax- 
ation on our part in the duties upon her manufactures ; what would 
be the difference in the relative wealth, and prosperity of the two 
countries, growing out of that intercourse, compared with itnow.^ 
It could not be possible to estimate it ; our miscalculating orator, 
with all his arithmetical results, from his sonorous statistics, could not 
come within hundreds of millions of dollars of the diflerence of the 
two cases. Here then, sir, is seen, one of the great errors, in the re- 
strictive system ; as well as one of its greatest evils. But, our gas- 
conading orator looks for American prosperity, in the depression of 
foreign nations, and he never fails to enforce his ungracious policy, 
upon foreign nations, without gasconading, without tilt, and tourna- 
ment. Our gasconading orator, once carried this disposition of his, 
for tilt and tournament so far, that, as well as I recollect, in another 
of his prize speeches in favor of the Greeks, overflowing with pathos, 
and sublimations, he held up one million of glittering American bay- 
onets, in terror, to astonished Europe. Equally unfortunate has our 
deluded orator been, in the selection of another article, as an illus- 
trious exemplification of the wisdom of the British restrictive sj'stem. 
It is the article of silk. It is not possible, that he could have hit 
upon any single article, which could have so completely put down 
liis reasoning from the British restrictive policy, as the article of silk ; 
because Great Britain, raising less silk, than sufficient for her home 
consumption, stands in relation to foreign nations, respecting the ar- 
ticle of silk, precisely as the United States do, respecting the article 
of cotton, as regards the supply of the home market. But hear the 
dashing, mistaken orator, in his own words, from pages 21, 22 : — 
" The success of her restrictive policy, is strikingly illustrated, in 
" the article of silk. In the manufacture of that article, she labors 
'* under great disadvantages, besides that of not producing the raw 
" material. She has subdued them all ; and the increase of the manu- 
** facturc, has been most rapid. Although she is still unable to main- 
•' tain in foreign countries, a successful competition with the silks of 
" France, of India, and of Italy, and therefore exports but little, she 
" gives to two millions of the raw material, which she imports, in va- 
" rious forms, a value often millions, which chiefly enter into British 
" consumption. Let us suppose, that she was dependent upon foreign 



105 

''nations for these ten millions, what an injurious effect would it not 
*' have upon her commercial relations with them ? The average of 
" the exports of British manufactures, during the peace, exceeds the 
" average of the most productive years of the war." Let me first 
meet the scheming orator's supposition, with another supposition. 
Suppose the unprofitable labor employed in Great Britain in giving 
£10,000,000 value, to £2,000,000 silk, under British bounty, was 
profitably employed, in some occupation, more suited to Great Bri- 
tain, than manufacturing silk; and were to exchange the proceeds of 
this more profitable labor, for the silks manufactured in other coun- 
tries, belter suited to its manufacture, than to Great Britain ; would 
there not be a reciprocal advantage to both countries, by this more 
profitable mode of employing their respective labor.'* Most certainly 
there would be; and in this omission of the extension of his suppo- 
sition, will be found all the errors of the mistaken schemer upon this 
most important point. A mistake which will be found to pervade his 
whole mistaken scheming projects — in relation^o the depression of 
the industry of foreign countries. It is now well known, that the 
British government has actually reduced the prohibitory duty of fo- 
teign silks, to a mere revenue duty ; utterly denouncing the policy 
of protecting duties, particularly in regard to silk. The people en- 
gaged in that business made doleful wailings, as to the injurious ef- 
fects of reducing the duty; but the repeal of the laws, for its reduc- 
tion, has been refused ; and the policy of the repeal re-asserted, and 
proclaimed by the British ministry, and nation. Here, then, is ano- 
ther most conspicuous example of the delusive errors, into which our 
miscalculating orator had fallen ; as well as of his total destitution 
of the gift of prophecy. But, Mr. Speaker, lamentable is the re- 
flection, that notwithstanding the clearest demonstrations of the de- 
structive efiect of the tariff, it is not oidy to be persevered in, in this 
country, but to be enlarged and extended to other objects. Now, 
Mr. Speaker, leaving these foreign, complex subjects, let us hear our 
sublimated orator, upon our own constitution. I propose to give the 
whole of his remarks upon that subject, because, having before ex- 
pressed my views of the invidious spirit of those remarks, others may 
have the same opportunity of judging in that respect, with mj'self. 

Extract — page 39. 
*' The last objection, with a notice of which, I shall trouble the 
" committee, is, that the constitution does not authorize the passage of 
" the bill. The gentleman from Virginia does not assert indeed, that 
*' it is inconsistent with the express provisions of that instrument, but 
" he thinks it incompatible with the spirit of the constitution. If we 
" attempt to provide for the internal improvement of the country, the 
" constitution, according to some gentlemen, stands in our way. If 
" we attempt to protect American industry against foreign policy and 
" the rivalry of foreign industry, the constitution presents an insupera- 
" ble obstacle. This constitution must be a most singular instrument ; 
" it seems to be made for any other people than our own. Its action 
" is altogether foreign ; Congress has power to lay duties and im- 
" posts under no other litnitation whatever than that of their being 
H 



10(3 



" uniform throiigliout llic United States. But they can onlj be im- 
" posed, according to the lionorabie pcnlleman, for the sole purpose 
"of revenue. This is a restriction which we do not find in the con- 
" stitution. No doubt revenue was a principal object with the fram- 
" ers of the constitution in investing Congress with the power. But 
"in executing it, may not the duties and imposts be so laid as to se- 
" cure domestic interest ? Or is Congress denied all discretion as 
" vo the amount or the distribution of the duties and imposts.^ The 
'* gentleman from Virginia has, however, entirely mistaken the clause 
" of the constitution on which we rely. It is that which gives to 
"Congress the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations. 
" The grant is plenary without any limitation whatever, and includes 
" the whole power of regulation of whicli the subject to be regulated 
" is susceptible. It is as full and complete a grant of the power aS that 
" is to declare war. What is a regidation of commerce ? It im- 
'* plies the admission or exclusion of the objects of it and the terms. 
" Under this power some articles, by the existing laws, are admitted 
" freely ; others are subjected to duties so high as to amount to their 
*' prohibition, and various rates of duties are applied toothers. Un- 
" der this power, laws of total non-intercourse with some nations, and 
" embargoes, producing an entire cessation of commerce with all fo- 
" reign countries, have been from time to time passed. Tliese laws 
" I have no doubt met with the entire approbation of the gentleman 
" from Virginia. [Mr. Barbour said tliat he was not in Congress.] 
"Wherever the gentleman was, whether on his farm, or in the pur- 
" suit of that profession, of whicli he is an ornament, I have no 
" doubt, that he gave his zealous support to the laws referred to." 
Mr. Speaker, the efibrt of reading, has nearly exhausted my ph3sl- 
cal power. I must, therefore, make short work of this long quota- 
tion. One general reflection will almost suffice — Can you believe, 
sir, that any gentleman could speak with such contemptuous levity, 
of the constitution, as the quotatioii exhibits, who felt for it a sincere 
afTection, and veneration ? The first part of it is scarcely worth a 
remark. It is introduced to mark tlse taunting disrespect, with 
which the sublimated orator speaks of the constitution of his coun- 
try. Indeed, sir, it is a subject of regret, and even indignation, to 
observe in the common course of Congressional debate, the con- 
temptuous disrespect, with which all arguments drawn from the con- 
stitution of the United States, are treated by the dominant party : a 
debater who resorts to the constitution for an argument, seems to 
consider himself compelled, to accompany it with an apology, to 
screen himself from the reproach of his antagonist. The party 
seems to consider the constitution as an odious, old stumbling block 
in its way, whenever an usurped power is wanted to effect a favorite 
object, and seems determined to strip it of all energy, and through 
ridicule, to reduce it to contempt. Sir, I cannot help expressing my 
great surprise, at seeing our aspiring orator amongst the foremost in 
this kind of remark; and the more so, because when I first had an 
opportunity of seeing him in a political character, I really thought 
him the most ardent, and wildest democrat, I had ever seen. It was 



107 

in the jear 1806 or 1807, wlicii our splendid orator first made his 
ajjpearauce in tlie Senate of the United States. He came, sir, as I 
thought, with his whole soul enamoured of liberty. He seemed iii 
his passage through the mountains, to have filled his imagination 
with brilliant metaphors, drawn from Alpine scenery, for the decora- 
iion of his adored goddess. 

After reaching the Senate of the United States, upon the first oc- 
casion that occurred, he poured them forth in profusion, and in the 
first style of theatrical action, to the utter amazement of every be- 
holder. He appeared to me to be a disciple of the first order of 
tlie old school of " liberty and equality, Thomas Paine and the 
rights of ftian" — The people's devotee. How changed!!! In 1824, 
our enchanted orator exhibits himself in the brilliant habitude of go- 
vernmental liberty, governmental power, governmental grandeur, and 
governmental splendour — the governmental devotee, completely con- 
verting the liberty' of the people, into tlse libert}' of the government. 
He was then as close as wax, in the interpretation of the constitu- 
tion, and would not allow a hair-breadth of departure from the spe- 
cified powers. His most favorile clause then was, " The powers not 
delegated to the United States by the Constitution nor prohibited by 
it to the States, are reserved to tlie States respectively, or to the peo- 
ple." In 1824, our constitutional orator, of iSOG, calls fiar express 
written restrictions, in the constitution, against the exercise of power 
by the practical government. For, says our metamorphosed orator, 
♦' This is a restriction which we do not find in the consiitntiony — • 
But, sir, the most unaccountable error, into which our orator has fal- 
len will be found in tljcse words : " Under lliis power, laws of non- 
intercourse with some nations, and embargoes, producing an entire 
cessation of commerce with ail foreign countries, have been from 
time to time passed. These laws, I have no doubt, met with the en- 
tire approbation of the gentleman from Virginia. (Mr. Barbour 
said that he was not in Congress.) Wherever the gentleman was, 
v^hether on his farm, or in the pursuit of his profession, of which he 
was an ornament. I have no doubt he gave his zealous support to 
the laws referred to." Our deluded orator says, " under the power 
(to regulate commerce) laws of non-intercourse, and embargoes, 
producing an entire cessation of commerce with all foreign coun- 
tries have been, from time to time, passed." I never heard, to the 
best of my recollection, before 1S24, u'hen these new lights were 
first shed upon the constitution, that the embargo, and non-inter- 
course laws were grounded upon the power to regulate commerce ; 
and surely it would have been a most extraordinary mode of carry- 
ing that power into effect. These laws grew out of the belligerent 
acts of foreign nations, and were grounded u[)on the war power. — 
They were expressly declared to be intended, as acts of resistance 
against the aggressing belligerents. As soon as those belligerent acts 
were committed against the United States, they became invested 
with all the rights of war. They had a right to judge of their own 
interests in regard to the aggressing belligerents, and to pursue their 
Qvvn policy for redress. They did so : and determined upon a com- 



108 

mercial, mitigated warfare, in ilie first instance, grounded upon the 
rights of war, instead of an open war at arms. The deluded orator 
is therefore, entirely mistaken in supposing that the embargo and 
non-intercourse laws were founded upon the power to regulate com- 
merce. It is not at all necessary to go into a critical definition of 
the extent of the power to regulate comn)crce. It is sufficient to 
say ; it does not involve the power to protect manufactures, nor any 
other original, substantive, independent power. Powers of that de- 
scription have nothing of the incidental derivative character in tiiem ; 
and whenever it is proved that a power, is an original, substantive, 
independent power, it is proved, that it cannot honestly he exercised 
as a power incidental to, or derivative from, any other power. Tlie 
power to protect manufactures is an original, distinct, substantive, and 
independent power, and paramount, in its practical effects, to the pow- 
er to regulate commerce ; and, therefore, cannot be usurped as inci- 
dental to the subordinate power. But, Mr. Speaker, this constitution- 
al discussion is perfectly useless; and I wonder, for that reason, that 
our daring, dashing orator, should have wasted the little breath he has, 
upon so unimportant a subject. He has set up a claim to powers para- 
mount to the constitution, involving the power to protect manufactures 
and all other governmental powers. — Powers unlimited, and therefore 
it was perfectly idle : a mere waste of time, to examine the provisions 
of the constitution. Our orator says — "The great desideratum in 
political economy, is the same as in })rivate pursuits ; that is, what 
is the best application of the aggregate industry of a nation, that 
can be honestly made to produce the largest sum of national wealth. 
Labor is the source of all wealth; but it is not natural labor only." 
Now, Mr. Speaker, suppose you give our aspiring orator, his great 
desideratum of political economy — the produce of the whole labor, 
and industry of the country, to be distributed at his own uncon- 
trolled will, for national objects, would it be necessary for him 
to look to the constitution for the derivation of powers ? Certainly 
not : Because his claims to power include all powers. Why then 
look to the constitution, for a moment, in search of any power .'' — - 
Equally unnecessary would it be to look to the constitution for writ- 
ten restrictions against the exercise of any power whatever; because, 
the general, unlimited, paramoiuit power, would obliterate the whole. 
Once surrender the power to the practical government, here claimed 
by our orator, and your written constitution is gone ! ! Its forms 
may be preserved for a time, but its organized departments, instead 
of being checks to each other, would instantly coalesce, and be- 
come combined for the purposes of personal aggrandizement. The 
first Roman Emperors carried on their absolute government, under 
the name of the Senate, for three hundred years, after all the pow- 
ers of the Senate had been completely usurped by the Emperors, 
and nothing was left to the Senate but its name — the Roman Sen- 
ate. So the American President, at this moment, often most irreve- 
rently invokes the name of the constitution, after he has usurped, as 
I think, all powers, and reduced the constitution to an unmeaning 
nullity. If the President's claims to unlimited power be awarded t« 



109 

him by the people, his successors will, probably lor some time, fol- 
low his example; but all the protections for the liberties of the Ame» 
iican people, intended by the constitution, will be utterly disregard- 
ed, and blotted out forever. Mi*. Speaker, if any doubt could exist, 
after all these extraordinary declarations of our dashing, sublimated 
orator, as to his determination to obliterate every vestige of consti- 
tutional restrictions, upon the powers of the general government, 1 
think none can remain, after reading the following bold and daring 
avowals, in which the federative feature of the constitution, is refus* 
ed to be recognized, and the whole of our fundamental institutions, 
asserted to be consolidated into " one government." 

Extract — page 41. 
"Mr. Chairman, our c;>nlederacy comprehends, within its vast 
limits great diversity of interests, agricultural — planting — farm- 
ing — commercial — navigating — fishing— manufacturing. No one of 
these interests is felt i': aie same degree, and cherished with the same 
solicitude, throughout all parts of the Union. Some of them are 
peculiar to particular sections of our common country. But all 
these great interests, are confided to the protection of " one" govern- 
ment, to the fate of ^one* ship; and a most gallant ship it is, mith a 
noble crew. If we prosper, and are happy, protection must be ex- 
tended to all ; it is due to all. It is the great principle on which 
obedience is demanded from all." Yet agriculture is excluded. — 
In its main branches, it gets no protection whatever. God forbid ! 
that all these great interests should be confided to the protection, of 
" one government' — Raj'mond's government, I presume, " one and 
indivisible." And when by this great principle ^^ protection'^- — govern- 
ment has a right to obedience from all. Bold doctrine this!! Until 
now, I really hoped and understood that all these great interests 
were confided to the protection of five and twenty governments, and 
were most wisely distributed amongst them by a federative constitu 
tion. But now it is asserted, for the first time, as far as I recollect, 
that all the great interests of agriculture, planting, farming, com- 
mercial, navigating, fishing, manufacturing, and all others embraced 
by the confederacy, are confided to the protection of " one govern- 
ment." If so, what interests are confided to. the protection of the 
State government .'* " None at all ! !" All interests vi:hatever, are con- 
fined to one General Government. The States are reduced to empt}-; 
corporations, stripped of every atom of sovereignty. Is it not won- 
dei-ful, that when the people of 24 States, in their associated charac- 
ters, as States, are made parties to the Federal Government by their 
written constitutions, that all the diversified interests embraced by 
our confederacy, are confided to one government? Particularly 
when in the same constitution, there is an express written reservation, 
of sovereign rights to the States, and to the people. Until lately., 
it seemed to be almost the universal opinion, that the great value, 
and beauty of the federative principle, consisted, jn confiding the 
protection of local interests, to local authorities; and confiding the 
general interests, to the protection of some general authority. The 
same pretension to universal power is since set up by the President. 



110 

He claims jurisdiction over all "the mechanical, and elegant arts;'' 
and, in short, over every object of governmental j3o\ver. According to 
these administrative claims to power, is it not idle to talk of the reser- 
vation of rights to the states, or to the people! ! ! and is not the ques- 
tion, most alarming, but evidently, now put, to the American people, 
to determine loheiher or not, they prefer their own written constitu- 
lion, in no constitution at all 9 and to submit all their rights, with- 
out any deunition whatever, to " one government ?" It cannot escape 
observation, that, byway of asserting, more strongly, the indivisible 
character of this " one government," our enchanted orator, figurative- 
ly, according to custom, likens this " o?ie government" to "one ship." 
For, says the orator, " to the fate of one ship, and a most gallant 
ship it is, with a noble crew." It is not possible to have chosen a 
figure, more emblematical of the "unity, and indivisibility" of the 
government, than the fate of one ship, " and a most gallant ship it 
is, with a noble crew." This could not possibly, however, be the 
same ship and crew which our thoughtless, dashing orator, was des- 
cribing, when contrasting them with the noblest ship and crew, in the 
world, according to our sublimated orator — "Old England." — Not 
the same which was put below, disinherited Ireland, and indolent, 
bigolted Spain ! i — With this view of the powers of the practical gov- 
ernment, is it not perfectly unavailing to look to the constitution of 
the United States for the distribution of powers, or for restraining 
provisions against the exercise of these powers. So our enchanted 
orator must iiave considered it, when in this discussion, he first 
tauntingly sported with, and then skipped over the constitutional 
question. But, Mr. Speaker, as if our dashing orator was deter- 
mined that not a vestige of doubt should remain of his opinion, as 
to the utter incompetency of our federative constitution, in its pre- 
sent form, for the present objects of the American people in their 
new relations, and organizations, in page 44, he proceeds to remark 
—"And is not government called upon, by every stimulating mo- 
tive, to adapt its policy to the actual condition, and extended growth 
of our great Republic.^ At the commencement of our constitution, 
almost the whole population of thetJnited States was confined between 
the Alleghany Mountains and the Atlantic Ocean. Since that epoch, 
the Western part of N. York, of Pennsylvania, of Virginia, all the 
Western States and Territories have been principally peopled. Prior 
to that period we had scarcely any interior. An interior has sprung 
up as it were by enchantment, and along with it neiv interests and neiv 
relations, requiring the parental protection of government. Our po- 
licy should be modified accordingly, so as to comprehend all, and sacri- 
fice noncy What, Mr. Speaker, is the meaning of all this.^ Can a 
doubt exist as to our dashing orator's meaning.'' That under the 
new interests and relations, recently sprung up among the people of 
the several states of the United States — the original constitution is 
found to be entirely incompetent; and that the only relief against 
the mischief of that incompetency, must be found in the parental 
protection of " one government." " Our policy, says our orator, 
should be modified so as to comprehend all interests, and sacrifice 



Ill 

none." No convention is to be called to remed}' the evils, if they 
exist, by a written constitution, adapted to these new interests and 
new relations; but the j^oUcy of the " one^^ general erovernment, 
grounded upon its parental protection, is to be modified, so Ki'ity,- 
comprehend the interests of all, and sacrifice the interests of none, 
and this governmental policy is d^eemed perfectly competent to reme- 
dy the evils. Mr. Speaker ! does this not amount to a poiver claimed 
in the part of this " o?ie" ^^arental government to legislate in all cases 
for the good oj the whole, as policy may dictate, without any reference 
tvhatever to written constitutional distributions of poiver '7 If so, can 
any thing be more alarming to the friends of written constitutions, 
than these claims to undefined, unlimited power, actually practised 
upon by the administration of the general government.'' Believe me, 
sir, if these claims to power, so baldly set forth, should not be cor- 
rected by the interposition of tlie American people, and I most seri- 
ously /ear it is too late, the philanthropist, tlie lover of liberty, the 
patriot, and the friends of the rights of man, have all to fear, and 
nothing to hope, from the once vaunted discoveries of the great Ame- 
rican principles in governmental science. Mr. Speaker, 1 believe it 
is past the usual hour of adjournment, and sir, it is uith most un- 
pleasant and mortifying leelings that I am now compelled to tell you, 
that I am physically exhausted. Yet I have one interesting point, 
which I wish to present to the views of the house. It is too, sir, a 
subject I have deeply at heart. May I tiien once more trespass upon 
your liberal indulgence in asking for another adjournment of the 
debate f 

Permit me this morning, Mr. Speaker, to congratulate yourself, and 
this honorable house, and to felicitate myself, upon approaching so far 
in this discussion, as to see the end of the laborious, and perplexed 
task which an irresistible sense of duty had imposed upon me; a task, 
which, so far, has been executed under every possible disadvantage. — 
Under a r-tate of physical debility, which has barely left me the power 
to stand here before you, sir, long enough to express the opinions I en- 
tertain upon this momentous subject; laboring too, sir, every moment 
under apprehensions of being rendered absolutely unable to proceed, 
and at the same tinie, embarrassed with the most unpleasant recollec- 
tion of the time I had consumed in the discussion; so nuicii, sir, were 
my sensibiliiies excited from this consideration, that I would have spar- 
ed you the indulgent attention, 1 am now receiving, were it not for the 
peculiar character of that portion of the subject remaining yet unex- 
amined, — its sectional bearings. I have designedly reserved that inter- 
esting part of the subject for the last, widi a view of presentiug it in 
one compact form, and of giving our splendid orator the full benefit of 
his several views of it, scattered over the different parts of his multifa- 
rious, complicated speech. The essential parts of them will be found 
in the following quotations: 

Extract — page 15. 

"The distribution of the articles of our exports throughout the 
United States, cannot fail to fix the attention of the committee. Of 
the $47, 155,403, to which they amounted last year, three articles alone, 
(cotton, rice, and tobacco, j composed together .^28,549, 1 77, Now 



£> 



11 

4hese articles are chiefly priiducecl to tlie South. And it' \vc entiiii~»ie 
that portion of oui population who are actually enga/iiffd in their cul- 
ture, it would probably not exceed two millions. Thus, then, less tlian 
^r.VJj1h of the whole population of tlie United Slates produced up- 
\vard3 of ouC half, nearly two-thirds, of the entire value of the ex- 
ports of the last year." 

Extract — page 25. 

"The circumstance of its degradation ujifits it for the manufactuf' 
ing arts. The well being of the other, and the larger part of our 
population, requires the introduction of those arts. What is to be 
done in this conflict? Tlie gentlenrian would have us abstain from 
adopting a policy called for by the interest of the greater and fieeT 
part of our population. But is that reasonable.'* Can it be expected 
that the interests of the greater part should be made to bend to the 
condition of the servile part of our population.'' That, in effect, would 
be to make us the slaves of slaves. 1 went, with great pleasure, along- 
with my southern friends, and I am ready again to unite with them in 
protesting against the exercise of any legislative power, on the part of 
Congress, over that delicate subject, because it was my solemn con- 
viction, that Congress was interdicted, or at least not authorized by 
the constitution, to exercise any such legislative power. And 1 ai« 
sure that the patriotism of the South m^ty be exclusively relied upon 
to reject a policy which should be dictated by considerations altogether 
connected with that degraded class, to the prejudice of the residue of 
our population. But does not a perseverance in the foreign policy, 
as it now exists, in fact make all parts of the Union, not planting, 
tributary to the planting parts .?" 

Extract — page 36. 

"Is it true, that the interests of these great sections of our country 
are irreconcilable with each other ? Are we reduced to the sad and 
afflicting dilemma of determining which shall fall a victim to the pros- 
perity of the other? Happily, 1 think, there is no such distressing al- 
ternative. If the North, the West, and the East, formed an indepen- 
dent state, unassociated with the Souili, can there be a doubt that the 
restrictive system would be carried to the point of prohibition of 
every foreign fabric of which they produce the raw material, and 
which they could manufactiu'e ."^ Such would be their policy', if they 
stood alone; but they are fortunately connected with the South, which 
believes its interest to require a free admission of foreign manufactures. 
Here then is a case for mutual concession, for fair compromise. The 
bill under consideration presents this compromise. It is a medium 
between the absolute exclusion and the unrestricted admission of the 
produce of foreign industry. It sacrifices the interest of neither sec- 
lion to that of the other ; neither, it is true, gels all tliat it wants, nor 
is subject to all that it fears. But it has been said that the South ob- 
tains nothing in this compromise. Does it lose any thing '' is the 
first question. 1 have endeavoured to prove that it does not, by show- 
ing that a mere transfer is effected in the source of the supply cf its 
consumption from Europe to America: and that the loss, whatever it 
may be, of the sale of its great staple in Europe, is compensated by 
the new market created in America. But does the South reall}' gain 
nothing in this compromise .'"' 



113 

Extract — jjages 45, 46. 

"Behold the mass of petitions which He on our table, earnestly and 
anxiously entreating the protecting interposition of Congress against 
the ruinous policy which we are pursuing. Will these petitioneio', 
comprehending all orders of society, entire states and communities, 
public companies and private individuals, spontaneously assembling, 
cease in their humble prayers by your lending a deaf ear? Can you 
expect that these petitioners, and others, in countless numbers, that 
will, if you delay the passage of this bill, supplicate your mercy, 
should contemplate their substance gradually withdrawn to foreign 
countries, their ruin slow, but certain and as inevitable as death itself, 
without one expiring effort? You think the measure injurious to you ; 
we believe our preservation depends upon its adoption. Our convic- 
tions, mutually honest, are equally strong. What is to be done? I 
invoke that saving spirit of mutual concession under which our blessed 
constitution was formed, and under which alone it can be happily ad- 
ministered. I appeal to the South — to the high-minded, generous, 
and patriotic South — with which I have so often co-operated, in at- 
tempting to sustain the honour and to vindicate the rights of our 
country. Should it not ofier, upon the altar of the public good, some 
sacrifice of its peculiar opinions? Of what does it complain ? A pos- 
sible temporary enhancement in the objects of consumption. Of what 
do we complain ? A total incapacity, produced by the foreign policy, 
to purchase, at any price, necessary foreign objects of consumption. 
In such an alternative, inconvenient only to it, ruinous to us, can we 
expect too much from Southern magnanimity.'*" 

Before I enter into the examination of the character of the proposi- 
tion of mutual concession, proposed by our bewildered orator, between 
the North, West and East, as one section, and the South as the other, 
permit me merely to point to two or three instances of that spirit of in- 
sincerity and disingenuousness, which characterises various parts of 
this glittering speech. The bewildered orator observes in page 25 — 
" The circumstance of its degradation (slave population) unfits it for 
the manufacturing arts. The well being of the other, and larger part 
of our population requires the introduction of those arts. What is to 
be done in this conflict ? The Southerns would have us abstain from 
adopting a policy called for by the greater and freer parts of our popu- 
lation. But is that reasonable ? Can it be expected that the interest of 
the greater parts, should be made to bend to the servile parts of our 
population ? That in effect ivould be to make us slaves of slaves." Is 
not this, sir, a'most invidious statement, and preposterous conclusion .'' 
Is there one gentleman here present, who can believe, our intrepid ora- 
tor believed himself? What was it, which was to make " us slaves of 
slaves ?" Abstaining from adopting a policy called for by the greater, 
and freer part of our population. What policy is that? Abstaining 
from passing the tariff bill, the policy in question. Abstaining, then, 
from passing the tariff bill is to make the freer and greater part of our 
population " the slaves of slaves." Is that possible ? Is there one hu- 
man being who believes, that our orator, most intrepid in assertion, did 
himself believe so? Were the greater, and freer part of our population 
« the slaves of slaves," at the moment our orator was making this most 
15 



114 

absurd, and ridiculous conclusion ? If not, tlien " tlie slaves of slaves," 
would, leaving ilie greater and freer part of our population in the 
same situation, have llie uoiuierful effrct, of converting into " the 
^^''laves of slnves," those very persons, whom our orator dignifies 
,ith the appellation of being, at the very moment of his making the 
unfounded assertion, the greater, and freer part of our population ! — 
Here, then, is to be seen, only invidious disingcnuonsness. For what 
could be more invidious, when our orator was himself representing a 
slave-holding state, perhaps a slaveholder himself, than to abandon 
the slave-holders and unite himself, under tiie appellation of " us," with 
the greater, and freer part of our pc-pulation? Thus vainly attempting 
to recommend himself to the non-slave holding states, by throwing 
from liimself the obloquy, of being of the slave holding class, botli in 
liis individual, and represerjtative character; and what can be more dis- 
ingenuous than the false and prepusttrous conclusion he draws liom his 
invidious premises? Bui liear him still further. In the same page our 
orator observes, " and 1 am sure, that the patriotism of the South, may 
be exclusively relied upon, to reject a policy which should be dictated 
by considerations altogether connected with that degraded class, to the 
prejudice of the residue of our population.-' — And in page 45, "i ap- 
peal to the South, the nigh-minded, generous, patriotic South, with 
which, 1 have so often co-operated, in attempting to sustain the honor, 
and vindicate the rights of our country. Should it not ofllr upon the 
altar of the public good, some sacrifice of its peculiar opinions.^" What 
a pathetic appeal to the patriotism, and magnanimity of the South, to 
sacrifice something of its ^^ peculiar opinions.'' I find it difficult iiere 
to determine, Mr. Speaker, whether this ridiculous, pathetic appeal, 
displays more vanity, and egotism, on the part of the sublimated ora- 
tor, llian it does, of his utter contempt of the understandings of the 
Southerns.'' Our sublimated orator liere calls upon the patriotism, and 
magnanimity of the South, to make some sacrifice qf its peculiar opini- 
ons. Our trafficking orator well knew, that it was not a sacrifice ol the 
peculiar opinions of the South, that he was calling for, but a sacrifice 
of lis peculiar interests, of its peculiar money; and by way of inducing 
the South to make this sacrifice upon the altar of the public good, he 
invokes its patriotism, and its magnanimity. Mr. Speaker, would not 
tlie Southerns be very foolish patriots to give up their interests, the pro- 
ceeds of their labor, their money, because our electioneering orator tells 
them that it would be patriotism, and magnanimity in them to do so.'' 
Surely the Southerns must be very foolish patriots to yield to such a ri- 
diculous call. But this sacrifice is to be made upon the altar of public 
good. What fascinating, honeyed words ! And what is the altar of pub- 
lic good, demanding this great sacrifice.? It is the protection of manu- 
lactures. It is to give tlie proceeds of the labor of the Southerns to 
those who labor j'.ot for them. It is to encourage the idleness, and to 
pamper the wealth of manufucturing stock-holders. This is our coax- 
ing orator's most sacred altar of public good. It is not possible to con- 
ceive, that our trafficking orator, was speaking in the sincerity of his 
lieart to his beloved Southern friends, whilst using this language to 
them, professed to be ushered forth, both pathetically and sympaiheti- 
scally, wliilst iic was thus adroitly engaged in picking their'pockets of 



115 

their cash, as a fund on their part of concessions, to the North, West, 
and East. Here, then, is atvolher conspicuous example of insincerity. 
In page 43, our bewildered orator, in the true sectional spirit, asks, 
" Jf ilie North, the West, and the East formed an independent state, 
unassociated with the South, can there be a doubt that the restrictive 
system would be carried to a point of prohibiiion to every foreign ru- 
bric, of which they produce the raw material, and which they could 
manufactiM-e?" VVould it be possible for the bewildered orator to an- 
swer his own question in the aflirmativef I should not think it possi- 
ble. Such a measure would certainly be at war with their best inter- 
ests. They most certainly would not, unless in a state of delirium. In 
that supposed case, the sectional aspect of tiie question would disappear, 
and it would become a question between difiereut occupations within the 
same sections.'' VVould it be possible, in that case, to believe, that all 
other occupations would be willing to be taxed — to give up a portion 
of the proceeds of their labor, for the purpose of favoring the manu- 
facturing class ."^ What, in that case, would become of their beloved 
navigation and commerce.'* No, sir, leave the North, the West, and 
the East to themselves, and the real enchantment in the protection to 
manufactures, would instantly lose all its charms; that enchantment 
now consists of the glittering cash of the South. The West, however, 
for the moment, is artificially trafficked out of its place, its true inter- 
esis and natural position are with the South. The delusion of the West, 
has grown out of peculiar circumstances. They are transitory, and 
the delusion will soon pass away. 

I am surprised, that whilst our trafficking orator was indulging in 
these imaginary reveries, that it did not occur to his contemplation 
once to think, in the supposed cases of the North, the West and the 
East becoming unassociated with the South, what would become of all 
their mechanical arts.'' their industrj? their fabrics of industry .'' their 
wealth.'* their prosperity .'' Surely this subject would be well worth his 
deepest conteuiplalion, before lie reduces i!ie supposed case to reality, by 
an unprincipled iril.uue, enforced by an unp; incipled combination. More 
especially when he recollects the rivalships for Southern fabrics in otiier 
parts of the world ; and the irresistible influence that circumstance 
would necessarily give to the South in any future policy it miglit adopt 
in-relation to that subject with other nations. — For surely, our threat- 
ening, deluded orator, ought deeply to consider ; and incessantly to 
recollect ; that the southerns can command extensive supplies, of arti- 
cles of ilse first necessity, to European nations, and can become liter- 
ally, their best ^^ customers.''^ Not — " rivals^ — Whilst the North, and 
East, have no supplies of consequence for those nations — but are, li- 
terally their — " n'va/s" — Not — " ciisiomers." European nations well 
know, how to estimate these things; and the southerns, well know, 
how to profit by them. Here, then, sir, is seen another example, and 
D.n extremely delicate one, of the hazardous, and disingenuous sugges- 
tions of our bewildered orator, in relation to the sectional interests 
he has most unwisely, and wantonly conjured up, by his selfish, elec- 
tioneering tariff schemes. Let us now, Mr. Speaker, proceed critically 
to examine, the great principle of mutual concession proposed by this 
{•rafiicking tariff-schemer. After, in page 15, pointing to an amount 



IIG 

of exports of twenly-eighrf^i-i-lJ-'"'? five hundred and forty-nine thousand 
one hundred and seveniy-seven dollars, ah "aff)*p(eTCi>d for concessions, 
he seems to think, on the part of the Southerns, whilst he does not any 
wliere point to a single jot of cash, as a fund on the part of the 
Northerns, Westerns and Easterns. In page 43, our bewildered, 
trafficking orator, observes — " Here, then, is a case for mutual conces- 
sion — for fair compromise? It is a medium between the absolute ex- 
clusion, and the unrestricted admission of the produce of foreign in- 
dustry. It sacrifices the interest of neither section, to that of the 
other; neither it is true, gets all that it wants, nor is subject to all 
that it fears. But it has been said, that the South obtains nothing 
in this compromise. Does it lose any thing, is the first question ?" 
Again, page 45 : "What is to be done ? I invoke the saving spirit of 
mutual concession, under which our blessed constitution was formed, 
and under which alone it can be happily administered. I appeal to 
the South, to the high-minded, generous, patriotic South — with which 
I have so often co-operated, in attempting to sustain the honor, and 
to vindicate the rights of our country. Should it not ofier, upon 
the altar of the public good, some sacrifice of its peculiar opinions.'"' 
Here, then, sir, we have tiie principle of reciprocal concession pro- 
posed by our trafficking orator .f" "It is a medium (he says) be- 
tween the absolute exclusion and the imrestricted admission of the 
produce of foreign industry." Is this suggestion of an absolute 
exclusion from all foreign commerce thrown out, merely in terrorem 
to the Southerns, as a proposition that may be within the power of 
the North, West, and East, and which may be adopted, in case the 
Southerns will not give the Northerns and Easterns, (the deluded 
Westerns have no lot in the matter,) by way of bounty upon their 
domestic manufactured goods, perhaps one-half more than they are 
worth .** at least one half more than the Southerns can purchase them 
for of foreign nations, but for the prohibitory duties.'' It is not possible 
to believe that the trafficking orator could be in earnest in making this 
proposition, upon the possibility of its being carried into eflect in 
any state of things whatsoever. If not, it is a mere threat, and its value 
consists in the ten-or intended to be inspired by it. Such a measure 
would be worse than Buonaparte's continental system, which con- 
tributed, more than any thing else, to send him to St. Helena — and } et 
our dashinc orator hesitates not to call in the aid of this unfeeling: 
despot, as aflbrding an appropriate precedent for his own despotic 
tarifi' scheme. At the very moment of holding out this suggestion, 
the trafficking orator well knew that its adoption was impossible. — 
It could then be only in terrorem ; and its value could consist only 
in the terror it would inspire in the Southerns. Could our traffick- 
ing bewildered orator calculate that the Southerns would value this 
article of terror very highly, as a fund of concession on the part of 
the Northerns, the Westerns, and the Easterns, when, in return for 
this terror, an inntiense amount of the money of the Southerns, pro- 
duced by their labor, is demanded, as the fund of concessson on 
their part .'' Is it possible to find any thing like justice, principle, 
morality, or equity, in these professions of reciprocal concessions '' 



117 

of fair compromise ? 1=^ it KCt- sheer plunder ; unprincipled tribute f 
Is it not coerced ? But, Mr. Speaker, this disingenuous, terrific tlireat 
of our entire exclusion from foreign commerce, is not the only con- 
cession of pretended value offered to the Southerns, by the election- 
eering, trafficking orator, in behalf of the Northerns, Westerns and 
Easterns. Tiie Southerns loss of the European market is proposed 
to be compensated by the "new market created in America ;" what 
our plotting, sonorous orator calls " a home market." To ascertain 
the value of this concession, it becomes necessary to inquire, what 
are the nature and value of the old market lost, compared with the 
new market gained ? The old market consisted of both the foreign 
and domestic markets, grounded upon a principle of competition, ex- 
cept so far as duties then existing on foreign articles, gave a prefer- 
ence to the domestic market: to which it has no claim whatever, 
founded on right. The concession now proposed, on the part of the 
Northerns, Westerns and Easterns, is " a new market" — "a home 
market." This new market is grounded upon a principle of mono- 
poly. It proposes to exclude foreign competition, or to duty foreign 
goods so high, as to give a monopoly to domestic goods ; a market 
grounded upon a principle of monopoly, then, is offered as a con- 
cession for a market grounded on a principle of competition. Of 
what value is this proposed market to the Southerns; particularly a 
home marliet in Boston, for Kentucky or Louisiana.'' a long home ? 
Certainly none, most certainly none — much worse than none. Be- 
cause, to get this concession, the Southerns have to give up a better 
market. But is this market of monopoly — this home market, hun- 
dreds and thousands of miles off — to be freely given ? O no ! It must be 
paid for by the Southerns — most dearly paid for. But in fifty years 
— God willing — the Southerns are to be blessed with a conversion 
of this new market of monopoly into another "new market of com- 
petition" — still confined to home competition. This market of com- 
petition the Southerns had, before they were stripped of it by the 
tarifi', extending the competition to foreign markets. Why, then, 
suspend it for fifty years, to get it restored in- a less beneficial form 
than it before was .'' — and, in the mean time, pay for the monopoly 
market an enormous tribute.'' Is not this pretended concession, not 
only an unprincipled plunder of the purse, but a restraint upon the 
riglits and liberties, and a mockery upon the understandings of the 
Southerns.'' But, Mr. Speaker, further concessions are offered. In 
page 44, our trafficking orator asks : " But does the South really gain 
nothing by this compromise.''" He then answers — "The consump- 
tion of the other sections, though somewhat restricted, is left open 
by this bill, to foreign fabrics, purchased by Southern staples. So 
far its operation is beneficial to the South, and prejudicial to the in- 
dustry of other sections; and that is the point of mutual concession.^' 
Did the world ever before witness such a display of sophisticated 
absurdities.'' Really, our bewildered orator has attenuated his no- 
lions of concession to such an infinite degree of fineness, as almost to 
escape the nicest vision of my mental optics. What is it, that our puz- 
zled orator tells you, is the point of mutual concession'^ It is that 



lis 

other sections are left free" lo purcl,'i;iv.->t)ji'&Jg4?_importecl article?, 
made of Southern fabrics? I cannot find any other meaning for this 
sophisticated sentence, than that the other sections are not stripped 
of their rights, to purchase foreif^n imported articles, because they 
are made of southern fabrics ; nor can I discern any injury done to 
their industry, by leaving them the right to invest their money to the 
best advantage. These rights are highly valuable to the other sec- 
tions ; but can aflord very little value to the Southerns. These are 
strange notions of our perplexed orator. To refrain from doing 
wrongs to other sections, to avoid stripping other sections of their 
rights and liberties, is to be considered as concessions of so much 
value to the Southerns, as to demand pay for them in money : Yesl 
to compel the Southerns to pay the other sections, nearly double the 
value of the worth of their manufactiu-ed goods. Instead of con- 
cessions, consisting of attenuated notions, and fairy tales, I call for 
something more solid — something resembling more the cash de- 
manded, as the only acceptable fund of concession from the South- 
erns. By the cunning, unprincipled contrivances of the tariff bill, 
very large amounts of cash, are drawn from the South, to the North 
and the East; — T call, — I loudly call for sums of equal amount to 
be returned to the South, to encourage, to protect, to invigorate, the 
crippled agriculture of the South. Surely this equitable request 
cannot be denied by the sublimated orator, who promised to agricul- 
ture the first and best offerings in the gift of the governmpnt. But, sir, 
in this delusive, fallacious proposition ("or concessions — for fair com- 
promise, may be seen, the unprincipled effects, of our deluded ora- 
tor's great desideratum in political economy. The power of distri- 
buting the whole proceeds of national industry, for pretended na- 
tional objects. Whilst he shows a fund, approaching thirty millions 
of dollars in money, on the part of the Southerns, he does not ex- 
hibit a cent, in mone\', as a ("und for concessions, and fair compro- 
mise, on the part of the North, West, and East. He must therefore, 
act upon the principle, that the North, West, and East, are joint 
owners with the Southerns in the proceeds of their labor, and upon 
that ground, he makes, what he pretends to consider, an equitable 
distribution of it, amongst the whole, taking a great share, from 
those to whom it belongs, and giving it to whom it does not belong, 
in violation of the sacred principle of private property. He assi- 
milates this case too, to the concessions made in the formation of 
our " blessed constitution" — pathetic enough, funny enough. — But 
there is not the least resemblance in the characters of these conces- 
sions. In the case of our blessed, conteunied constitution, the funds for 
concessions consisted of political rights. The North, and East, made 
concessions from their own funds, of their own political rights. Here 
money is the subject for concession, for fair competition; and here, no 
fund of property ; of money whatever, is offered on their part. But 
the whole fund of jiroperty for concession, belongs to the South. The 
preposterous conceptions, and fairy tales offered the Southerns, in 
lieu of their cash, can only be regarded, as insults to their under- 
standings. Our electioneering orator having, for his own purposes. 



119 

conjured up these sectional difficulties and perplexities, as well as 
[lis terrific alarm from the action of foreign industry upon American 
industry, pathetically puts this question, in his own fancied, perplex- 
ed dilemma, " Wliat is to be done?" Nothing surely, can be easier, 
than to answer this question. Do nothing at all — Be honest — Give 
to every one the produce of his own labor — Teach American citizens 
to be honest, and industrious — Teach them to rely upon the proceeds 
of their oum honest industry ; and not upon the proceeds of the honest 
industry of others. Teach them good morals ; and let them know 
that it is dishonest — that it is disreputable, that it is unmanly to pick 
the pockets of others, for their protection, for their encouragement^ 
for their emolument. This course is very simple, very moral, and 
very easy; whilst the unprincipled plunder, authorised by the tarift' 
bill, is necessarily attended with tricks, contrivances, and perplexi- 
ties innumerable. 

Is it not, Mr. Speaker, a subject of curious commentary upon the 
devices practised to sustain the ruinous provisions of this bill, to ob- 
serve, that at the very moment the licensed manufacturer has his fin- 
gers in the pockets of the Southerns, to plunder his bounty ; autho- 
rised by the bill, he is calling the Southerns, to guard themselves 
against the Englishman ^ If not, by the action of his industry — 
upon the American industry, the Englishman will rifle the Southerns' 
pockets of every cent. — Not so, sir, a laughable conceit! — The 
Englishman at tlie time has not his fingers in the Southerns' pockets, 
whilst the manufjcturer actually has, and is actually engaged in 
plundering his licensed bounty. Trust me, sir, the Englishman's 
industry will never hurt yours. It may enhance its value, by en- 
hancing the market for its productions; but never can hurt it — 
Equally unfounded is the charge against the British government of 
injurious designs upon American industry ; a mere tub to the whale. 
So far from it, that even after passing the tariff law, having for its 
avowed object the destruction of British Industry, the British gov- 
ernment, in a liberal spirit of reciprocity, oflered to put her colonial 
trade upon a better footing with the United States, than it ever had 
been, and doubtlessly would have extended the same spirit of liberal 
reciprocity, to other branches of commerce, had it not been ungra- 
ciously repulsed, in consequence of the most unfortunate prelerence, 
given to this unwise, injurious, and crippling restrictive system. — 
Mr. Speaker, whilst the sectional bearings given to this ruinous ta- 
riff, by our aspiring orator, for the purpose of insuring its success, is 
admitted in its full extent, it ought ever to be recollected that it has 
its individual bearings also. That its injurious bearings are as 
obvious upon different occupations, as upon sectional interests. — 
And its oppressive effects are perhaps more sorely felt by the wheat- 
growers, than any other descriptions of persons ; whilst their pecu- 
liar interests till now, have scarcely received the least attention. It 
is high time that the wheat-growers should speak out, and speak 
audibly. Whenever they do, they must be heard. It should ever 
be recollected too, that the wheat-growers residing in the manufac- 
turing states, .are burthened in the same manner, with the wheat- 



growers in the non-manufacturing states. Tlie only benefits they 
receive, consist in the brisker circulation of cash drawn from other 
states by the manufacturers; but if they will make the calculation, 
they will find, that incidental circumstance affords a poor compensa- 
tion for the increased duties they pay upon all articles of their own 
consumption, whether foreign or domestic. Even the journeymen 
laborers, the actual operatives in the manufacturing establishments, 
are most grievously taxed under the law. The bounty being given 
npon the n)anufactured article, and not upon the wages of the day 
laborer, he pays his portion of the unjust tax in common with other 
citizens. Yes, the operative shoemaker in settling his account with 
his master, is charged the bounty price upon the shoes of his own 
making, as other citizens are ; and so of every other actual opera- 
tive in every other manufacturing occupation. It is this principle, 
which has filled Great Britain with beggars, and with paupers. The 
same policy will produce the same effects in any other country in the 
world, which shall continue it long enough to produce its necessary 
natural effects. The only persons who receive the enormous bounty 
upon the domestic manufactured goods, are either the stockholders 
of the manufacturing scrip, or the owners of manufacturing estab- 
lishments. Surely the other classes of society', whether inhabitants 
of manufacturing states or not, can never long submit to the paj'- 
nient of this most unprincipled tribute, grounded upon a doctrine, 
directly at war widi the great, beneficial, genuine American princi- 
ple of written constitutions ; and when its natural and necessary ten- 
dency must be to make the rich, richer, and the poor, poorer. Mr. 
Speaker, it would be too great a task to undertake a general review 
and recapitulation of this comprehensive, and multifarious subject ; 
but, sir, there is one point, which I beg to be permitted to press upon 
vour most serious consideration. In it will be found, the onlv re- 
niaining hope for the preservation of human liberty. You cannot 
but observe, sir, that this unprincipled tariff scheme, is grounded in 
its most essential parts, upon a difference in sectional interests, tend- 
ing in its operations directly to disunion : Tiiat it strikes directly at" 
the root of tlie federative principle, the essential basis of the consti- 
tution of the United States. That instead of leaving the local au- 
tliorities to legislate for local interests, it usurps the power of legis- 
lating for the whole. It thus not only sets at defiance all the res- 
training provisions of the constitution, but subverts some of the great 
fundamental principles, heretofore held most dear by the American 
people. It strikes directly at the great principle of security in tax- 
ation, to wit : Representation and Taxation, as essentially reciprocal. 
Tlie great American principle in taxation is, that the people shall 
not be taxed, except by their Representatives; and the security of 
the people against unnecessary taxation consists in the similiarity of 
interests between the Representative and the constituent. The Re- 
presentative himself, pays his due share of the taxes he imposes 
upon his constituents. 

But, sir, under die usurped power to pass the tariff bill, upon the 
sole ground of protecting manufactures, the duties are imposed, not 



121 

by the representatives of the people most btirthened, but by represen- 
tatives from other sections of the country. The great principle of 
security grounded upon a similarity of interests, between the represen- 
tatives and the people, is thus necessarily set at nought. But that is 
not all — The duty is laid by representatives, who think at least, they 
have different interests from the people, who pay the duty, and instead 
of paying their due share of it, consider themselves, or their constitu- 
ents, the actual receivers of the tax imposed. The utter subversion of 
this only principle of security to the people, surely cannot long be 
tolerated. This consideration is of itself sufficient to show the un- 
constitutionality of the tariff, if there were no other — at least, to show 
that it is directly against the fundamental principle upon which the 
constitution is fouuded ; or, If this power be contained In the constitu- 
tion, it must be admitted to have been introduced by mistake, and 
ought Instantly to be eradicated, because it is against the original 
basis of its own foundation. It would not be possible to give a stronger 
exemplification of the correctness of these views of the subject, than 
by recurring to the vote upon the late rejected woollens bill. I have 
examined the yeas, and nays, upon the passage of that bill, and 1 find 
every vote, except one, and that one from the remote western parts of 
Virginia, against the bill, from the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico 
inclusive. Whatever difference may have existed in the political opin- 
ions of the representatives of the people, inhabiting that extensive 
scene of country, they all united upon that most Important question; 
and, with one voice, used their best efforts to save their constituents 
from the unprincipled tax ; whilst the imposition was proposed to be 
made by representatives from other sections of the country — having, 
as they conceived, different, and opposite Interests. Here, then, is seen 
an attempt to impose taxes, the most unjust, against the unanimous re- 
monstrances and votes of the sections of coiujtry, upon which the bur- 
then was to fall most heavily — completely inverting the great principle 
in taxation, secured by American fundamental constitutions. AH this 
mischief is done, too, against the solemn warnings and dying entrea- 
ties of Washington. In his last legacy, his Farewell Address to the 
American People, Washington's chief object was, to demonstrate the 
absolute necessity for the preservation of our fundamental institutions, 
that each department, in the complicated organization of our govern- 
ment, should be kept, within the sphere of action, assigned to it, by the 
fundamental laws ; that neither should ever attempt to encroach upon 
the rights, of an}' other. For this great object, he solemnly invoked, 
and entreated the administrators of our government to act within, and 
be content whh, the power assigned to it, under the written constitutional 
distribution of powers. He calls upon them in the most pathetic and 
parental matuier, to avoid the introduction of sectional differences of 
interests in the administration of the practical government. He 
solemnly invokes them not to set the North against the South, nor the 
East against the West. He well knew that the destruction of the con- 
stitution was more likely to arise from the introduction of the differ- 
ences of sectional interests, in the practical administration, than from 
any other cause whatevero Ifet, this fatal tariff bill, in a spiril directly 
ihostile to his prophetic, parewtal warnings, as founded maioly ^yQil 



122 

dinerence in sectional interests. Will you not, sir, attend to tlie solemij 
warning of Washington — emphatically designated the Father of his 
Country. Permit me to say, sir, that yesterday I felt the strongest 
emotions, when 1 was raising my feeble voice to protect the federative 
principle against sectional interests. I found it drowned in the roaring 
of the cannon in the Capital Square, in commemoration of the birth 
day of Washington. I became, on the instant, more awfully impressed 
with his solemn warnings against the introduction of sectional interests, 
and the destruction of the federative principle, than 1 liad ever before 
been upon any former occasion. Tlie unexampled blessings wliich 
the American people had enjoyed under the benign influence of the 
federative principle, were presented fresh to my memory ; and 1 could 
not resist the reflections, arising from the unaccountable fluctuations in 
human aflairs: that the American people, in the plenitude of the most 
successful experiments, upon the great American principle; in the full 
enjoyment of its unparalleled political blessings, should, capriciously 
throw the whole away, in preference for the despotic principles of Eu- 
rope — hitherto untried in America. It brought to my recollection too, 
the more recent warnings of the nation's guest, the apostle of liberty, 
Fayette— made directly to our President, under circumstances, which 
could not fail to be most impressive — In reply to the President's fare- 
well address to Fayette, which was of a character to do him the higliest 
honor; Fayette, most warningly, and emphatically replies — Fayette, 
no doubt, had deeply reflected upon this subject, and felt it liis duty, 
to save, if possible, the federative principle; knowing its value, per- 
haps, from sad experience of the consolidated principles in unlimited 
governments, better than any other person in the world; calls the at- 
tention of the President to its preservation, in the following most im- 
pressive, and appropriate language: 

"Yet, gratifications still higher awaited me in the wonders of crea- 
tion and improvement that have met my enchanted eye; in the unpa- 
ralleled, and self-felt happiness of the people, in their rapid prosperity 
and insured security, public and private, in a practice of good order, 
the appendage of true freedom, and a national good sense, the final 
arbiter of all difljculties — I have had proudly to recognize a result of 
the republican principles for which we have fought, and a glorious de- 
monstration to the most timid and prejudiced mind, of the superiority 
over degrading aristocracy or despotism, of popular institutions found- 
ed on the plain rights of man, and ivhere the local rights of every sec- 
tion are preserved under a constitutional bond of Union The cherish- 
ing of that uniot) between the states, as it has been the farewell entrea- 
ty of our great paternal Washington, and will ever have the dying 
prayer of every American Patriot, so it has become the sacred pledge 
of the emancipation of the world." — Fayette had doubtlessly seen the 
President's inaugural address. It was not possible that its general spi- 
rit and tenor should have escaped his discerning eye. He doubtlessly 
was struck with the sublimated political views of the President, the glit- 
ter, and splendor he had thrown over the American government; but 
these seemed not to possess any charms whatever for Fayette. Far from 
being enamoured with these glittering scenes of governmental splen- 
dor, and governmental grandeur, portrayed by our President ; and far 



123 

I'rom complimenting liim upon them in his farewell reply, he in the most 
parental, affecting manner, reminds the President of tlie blessings de- 
rived from the principles of the American government, "founded upon 
the plain rights of man." He reminds the President of Washington's 
parental warnings in his Farwell Address. He most impressively pre- 
sents to his contemplation the great federative principle, and declares, 
that it had become " the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the 
world ! !" Was it possible to have paid a higher compliment to the fe- 
derative principle, than to have proclaimed it "the sacred pledge of the 
emancipation of the world!!" Will not the American people give 
some attention to the solemn warnings of Washington and Fayette? 
Even if it were possible to suppose that the American people had lost 
ail love of liberty, all love for American institutions, will they not give 
some attention to this recent solemn, impressive warning of Lafayette, 
against the rejection of the federative principle.'' Fayette, who, forty 
years before, had freely spilt his blood, and spent his treasure, for the 
establishment of the American liberties, in his farewell reply, declared 
to you that the federative principle has become " the sacred pledge of 
the emancipation of the world." Mr, Speaker, we have often witnes- 
sed a providential interposition in favor of American liberties. Can 
you not discern something like another providential interposition in 
sending Fayette, the apostle of liberty, to this country forty years af- 
ter he had so essentially contributed to American independence, and 
that after his surveying with a discerning, parental eye, the political 
condition of the country, in taking his last leave of it forever, it should 
have occurred to him to warn the present generation, as Washington 
had done the former one, against the destruction of the federative prin- 
ciple .'* Permit me, sir, humble as I am, in this last effort, standing lite- 
rally upon the brink of the grave, to unite my entreaties with Wash- 
ington's and Fayette's for tlie preservation of the federative principle. 
For, trust me, sir, when I assure you, that it is my most solemn convic- 
tion, that nothing but the federative principle, in full and efficient ener- 
gy, securing all their rights to the States, can save American liberty. 
" With it we are freemen-— without it, we are slaves !" 



VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. 



SUBSTANCE 

OF 

IN REPLY 

TO GE.XEWai. TiXYLOYl, 

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF DELEGATED, 

March 2, 1827, 



Mr. Speaker: 

I FIND myself, most unexpectedly, before you again, sir, in 
the attitude of a speaker. When I reached the top of the stone plat- 
form, at your front door, I had no expectation, whatever, of enter- 
ing again into this debate : — I came to the House, this morning, to 
vote, not to speak ; but on arriving here, being assured by many of 
my friends, that some repl}', to the gentleman from Norfolk, how- 
ever general, was expected from me, and could not be dispensed 
with ; I resolved, to yield to what, I was thus informed, was the gen- 
eral expectation. I frankly acknowledge, too, sir ; that I felt dis- 
posed myself, to reply to some of the most prominent remarks of that 
honorable gentleman, v/hich, I cannot avoid saying ; excited my ut- 
most astonishment. But I had indulged a hope ; that this summa- 
ry sketch, could be accomplished within half an hour. I could not 
reconcile it to myself, to occupy more of your time, sir, after I had, 
most reluctantly, already consumed so much ; and after the indefa- 
tigable gentleman from Norfolk, had consumed, so much more. It 
will readil}' be perceived, sir, that it would not be possible, in the 
space of half an hour, to reply to the whole of a most eloquent, and 
voluble speech, of five days duration. I shall, therefore, limit my- 
self to a very few points of a general character. One of tlie first, 
which most excited my astonishment, both in the matter, and man- 
ner of it, was, the charge brought against me, of supporting "God- 
winian principles." — Permit me, to call your attention, Mr. Speaker, 
to the principles, which 1 have actually supported. What are the 
principles contained in the preamble, and resolutions, which are 
thrown back on me, in terms of contemptuous obloquy.'* " Godwin- 
ian principles:" The principles, 1 have supported, and now retorted, 
under the sarcastic term of "Godwinian principles," are nothing 
more, or less, tljan the principles of American fundamental laws. — 
Fundamental laws; introduced, and supported in their original let- 
ter, tenor, and spirit; — quoted; — designedly quoted, in the original 



225 

words. When these laws, are sported with ; — treated vvltli con- 
temptuous disrespect; — with taunting ridicule, — branded with nick- 
names, as they seem to me to be, on this, as on many other occa- 
sions, can you fail to discern something alarming to all the written 
fundamental institutions of this country? Can you fail to see, sir j 
that all veneration, all decent respect for them, are gone ? And 
whilst you ccfntemplate, and must deprecate their loss; can you fail 
to remember, the political blessings, which have been diflused, by a 
wise practical dispensation of these contemned Godwinian princi- 
ples, amongst the American people, for the first five and twenty 
years, after their adoption ; and since the substitution of the improv- 
ed, fashionable administrative principles, can you fail to see, distrust, 
alarm, impoverishment, aud ruin overspreading the land? And, sir, 
under what circumstances has this sad reverse, in our political ex- 
perimental results, taken place ? In the midst of the most profound 
peace — both at home, and abroad.— If ever there were truly hal- 
cyon days, for the United Stales, they occurred at the very moment, 
seized upon by our infatuated rulers, to substitute principles of des- 
potism, for principles of freedom. Nor has any thing since happen- 
ed, to change this auspicious, happy scene ; except the unwise, de- 
lusive schemes for usurping ungranted powers to the General Gov- 
ernment? and the miserable, immoral, mistaken schemes, for in- 
creasing the wealth of the nation, by acts of most notorious injustice, 
between different sections of the country, and different individuals; 
taking from one, the proceeds of his labor, and giving them, to an- 
other? Great, and certain indeed, should be the increased wealth of 
the nation, from these unprincipled, trafficking schemes, to justify 
this outrage, upon the political morals, and the political justice of 
the government! !! 

Why has it been, sir, that during five and twenty years of great 
difficulties, and embarrassments from abroad, unexampled political 
blessings have been showered down upon the people of the United 
States? Confidence, happiness, content, and prosperity, reigning 
every where ; and now, when all is peace, and quiet, both at home, 
and abroad; distrust, alarm, discontent and impoverishment, have 
overspread the land ? There is no difficulty in the solution of the 
problem. During the first period, our rulers, were content, to reign, 
within the sphere, allotted to them by the written institutions of their 
country, — To administer the constitution upon the federative princi- 
ple. To leave the states, their rights unimpaired. During the last 
period, our rulers, have disregarded the provisions of the written 
constitution; have destroyed the federative principle; and usurped 
the rights, both of the states and individuals — and, sir, what are the 
principles, so triumphantly proclaimed by the learned, and eloquent 
gentleman, as the beloved substitutes for these despised " Godwinian 
principles?"— In other words, American written fundamental laws? 
They are principles of unlimited governmental powers. They are 
principles, which go to obliterate all the written restraints against 
governmental usurpations, contained in your fundamental laws : to 
break d.own all the sacred sanctnarip?, prrcted bv onr forefathers, for 



126 

the preservation of the rights, and liberties of the American people. 
They are principles, wliich go to surrender all private property, into 
the hands of the government; to give to government an absolute 
control over the persons, and occupations of individual man ; and to 
convert him, from a moral being, endowed with rights from his God, 
into a mere governmental machine, stripped of all rights. — In short, 
they are principles, of ultra despotism. — Do you not conceive, sir, 
this a most unfortunate triumph ! and instead of the gentleman's re- 
joicing at, ought he not rather to lament over, the success of the 
General Government, in this substitution of principles, which he 
seems to glory in contributing to support? 

Mr. Speaker ; in the event of the introduction of a consolidated 
despotism in the United States, it will, indeed, be ultra despotism, in 
its essence. No despotism can go beyond it. — It ought to be most 
deeply impressed upon our minds; before we sanction this most haz- 
ardous change; that our written constitution aftbrds us, our only 
safe-guards, for our riglits, and liberties. Give up these ; we have 
no other security left. 

Not so with the old, long established governments of Europe. — 
For there, although their governments, are in theory, sovex-eign, and 
unlimited ; yet in practice, there are customs, and habits coeval with 
the governments themselves, which afford their subjects, in the prac- 
tical administration of the government, important securities in many 
respects. Here, sir, we have not this advantage, of customs and ha- 
bits. — Spunge the written constitution, and we are perfectly at the will 
of the reigning dynasty, unpalsied by the will of constituents; or any 
thing else whatever ; — subject, too, to the capricious will of a dynas- 
ty cjuite green; and whose undeserved elevation, would, of itself, ut- 
terly unfit it for the purpose of founding a wise, free, and beneficial 
government. 

But, sir, perhaps the learned gentleman, may attempt to protect 
himself against this charge of contemptuous disrespect to our funda- 
mental laws, according to my understanding of the gentleman's re- 
marks, by making the application of the temn " Godvvinian princi- 
ples" to the principles of free trade, which I have also most earnest- 
ly advocated. Will that be a sufficient justification for the use of 
this sarcastic appellation.'' Are the principles of free trade, " God- 
winian principles.^" What would give Mr. Godwin, the exclusive 
vight to the principles of free trade? Are they not the principles of 
every enlightened, intelligent merchant, in both Europe and Ame- 
rica.'' Are they not tiie principles of every liberal, intelligent poli- 
tical economist, in every country.'' Are they not the principles of 
every enlightened man, of every enlightened philosopher in the 
world? Arc they not the best means of enlightening benighted man ; 
and extending human liberty over the world? And from whence did 
arise, the beloved restrictive system ? It took its rise in times of Gothic 
darkness, ignorance, and barbarism. — And who are now found to be 
its only advocates? Despots; and their advocates, and supporters. 
Tlic legitimates of the world, who delight in the oppressions of the 
many ; and in the gratifications of the few. Legitimates, who see. 



127 

t>r think they see, their own security, only, in this inequality, and 
despotism; dealt out by tliem, amongst the rest of mankind. Dealt 
out, as essential to the preservation, and security of their own legiti- 
macy. 

Such, sir, are the lauded, and beloved restrictive principles, tri- 
umphantly contrasted, and recommended by the learned gentleman, 
in preference to the modern, liberal principles, which, if the applica- 
tion be to them, he contemptuously brands, with the taunting epithet? 
of " Godwinian principles." But, sir, I understand the term, " Godr 
winian principles," as intended to apply both to American principles, 
and the principles of free trade. 

These general hints, must suffice for the present, to point to the 
impression on m}' mind, of wonder, and astonishment, at this unde- 
served imputation, thrown against our fundamental laws, and all the 
liberal principles of this enlightened period of the world. Sir ; I 
was deprived of the pleasure of hearing all the gentleman's eloquent 
harangue, of live days duration; but, sir; from what, I did hear my- 
self, and from itiformation derived from others, I do believe ; that 
the ingenious, and learned gentleman, has introduced arguments, 
almost by the dozen; through each of which, if just, every restrictive 
provision in the written constitution, would be either utterly obliter- 
ated, or rendei-ed completely unavailing. The very short time, al- 
lowed to myself, will prevent me from making a minute examination 
of each of tliese ingenious devices ; I must, therefore, content myself 
Avith applying to them, a few general principles. 

Amongst the ingenious devices adopted by the gentleman, is one, 
by which he derives a distinct, original, substantive power, not men- 
tioned in the constitution ; from another power, of the same descrip- 
tion, which is mentioned in the constitution. Now, I think it self 
evident; if any one power not enumerated, can justly be deduced by 
this process of reasoning, any other power, not enumerated, can be 
deduced, by applying to it, the same process of reasoning. If so, 
then the government possesses all power, There being none, which 
may not be obtained by a similar process of reasoning — of course, 
the government must be unlimited. This, is the necessary result of 
the learned gentleman's demonstrations, and proves the charge, 
brought against the administration and its supporters, of their claims 
to unlimited powers. But whilst these demonstrations prove the 
government to possess all power, or can get all power at pleasure ; 
its advocates still pretend, that they are administering a government, 
of limited powers. Now, sir, I earnestly call upon the gentleman 
himself, and all his associates in this mode of interpreting tlie consti- 
tution; I boldly challenge them; I plumply defy them; admitting, 
that this process of reasoning, for acquiring powers to the govern- 
ment, to be correct, to fix any intelligible limits of their own, against 
the acquisition of any power whatever, by the practical government. 
I peremptorily challenge them to show, any intelligible demarka- 
tions, to the limits of the power, of the general government, which 
shall definitely and intelligibly say: — "thus far thou shall go, and 
no farther." 



128 

But, sir, the learned, and eloquent gentleman, has laid down one 
principle, for the acquisition of power, which is to me entirely new; 
and certainly entitles him to the first honors, amongst his ingenious 
competitors, in discoveries of devices for the acquisition of powers, 
to the general government. This new device demands a more mi- 
nute, and critical examination. The learned gentleman has resort- 
ed to the war power, as containing a grant of all power. The power 
to make internal improvements, he asserts to be clearly deducible 
from the power to make war. — His process of ratiocination, I under- 
stand, to be this: the power to make war, includes all the powers, 
which furnish the necessary means for conducting the war, to the 
best advantage. The power to make a road, or canal, is often ne- 
cessary, to approach, or avoid an enemy: — the power, therefore, to 
make a road, or canal, is necessary, to carry the war power most 
advantageously into effect. The same reasoning will extend to all 
internal improvements whatever. Consequently ; the power to make 
War, includes the power to make internal improvements in time of 
war, and, as the constitutional powers of the government are always 
the same; — the same in peace, as in war; it follows of necessity ; that 
the government possesses the power to make internal improvements 
in time of peace ; as well as, in time of war. This must be deemed 
an extremely important accession to the devices for destroying, all 
the written restraints in the constitution, upon the powers of the prac- 
tical government, and leaving it perfectly unlimited ; and the gen- 
tleman, certainly, has borne off the palm, from all his competitors in 
the fashionable occupation, of discovering devices for converting a 
limited, into an unlimited government. For, according to the atten- 
uated process of the learned gentleman's ratiocination, nothing 
would be necessary to acquire an}- power to the general government, 
under the express power "to declare war;" than to suppose the 
power wanted, might possibly be necessary to some military opera- 
tion, in time of war; when the same power, would necessarily attach 
to the government, in time of peace. Now, as there is no power, 
but in some supposed contingency , might be deemed beneficial, to 
some military operation; in time of war, therefore, every power what- 
ever, may legitimately be exercised by the practical government, 
both in times of peace, and war. 

The argument being admitted, the government is unlimited in its 
powers — notwithstanding the gentleman's acknowledged celebrity, 
both as a municipal, lawyer, and civil jurist; I think, he is utterly 
mistaken in the source of the derivation of powers, under tlie war 
power — I readily admit, the constitutional powers of the general 
government, to be precisely the same, in time of peace, as in time of 
war; but I peremptorily deny, that the power to make internal im- 
provements is an accessorial power, to the power to make war ; and 
1 also {)eremptorily deny, that wiicn, in lime of war, a road, or canal 
is made, witli a view to military operations ; that it can legitimately 
be done, solely in consequence, of the express power to make war. 
The power is never legitimate, in time of war; but when it is ren- 
dered so, by necessity. It is therefore the result of necessity i not 



129 

of any expression in the constitution. It is grounded upon a prin- 
ciple of self-defence, which is above all law — paramount the consti- 
tution itself. But then, the necessity must be imposed 5 and that too, 
by the act of another; before the right can accrue. 

The government has no more right to make a road, or a canal in 
time of war, than in time of peace, unless a necessity for the measure 
is imposed upon the government, by the act of the enemy — A. state 
of war, is a state of force ; not of law. " Inter arma silent leges;" 
and all the extraordinary powers, exerted in time of war, are the re- 
sults of coercion — of force — of necessity.— The extremely ingenious, 
and learned jurist, seems to have forgotten, or never to have thought, 
that, wiien he was deriving the power to make internal improve- 
ments, from the war power: he was proving too much. For, from 
the same process of reasoning, he could prove, that the government 
in time of peace, possessed the power to make internal destruction — 
Yes : to make internal destruction of pre-existing internal improve- 
ments. This is as much a war power, as the power of making in- 
ternal improvements; and is practised one hundred times, in time of 
war, where, the power to make internal improvements, is practised 
once. A state of war is not well suited, to making internal improve- 
ments — Hence, according to the very ingenious gentleman's attenu- 
ated process of ratiocination, the general government, would have a 
right in lime of peace, to batter down the city of Richmond, for the 
purpose of preparing to battle the enemy to advantage, in the event 
of war, and the presence of the enemy before the city. This right 
of the destruction of internal improvements in time of war, was sev- 
eral times carried into effect during our last war. A rope-walk, at Bal- 
timore was burnt, by order of the American General; and sundry 
houses at Plattsburg, destroyed, and other acts of destruction commit- 
ted. The principle upon which it was done, was self-defence ; arising 
from the necessity imposed, by the presence of the enemy. This des- 
truction was afterwards paid for; but it was admitted by all, that the 
government was under no legal obligation to do so, having merely act- 
ed in self-defence, and under a necessity imposed. The reimbursement 
in value, was made from equitable, and liberal considerations on the 
part of th.e government. Upon this point I speak with certainty, as I 
reported the bills, for reimbursements; and sustained them, by argu- 
ment, in favor of the individual suflerers. Here the gentleman must see ; 
that, if his favorite power to make internal improvements, in time of 
peace, be deducible from the war power, he must give with it, the power 
to make internal destruction of the internal improvements, when made ; 
and I presume, he will then admit, that he has rendered the genaral 
government unlimited, in all times, both in times of peace and war; 
and in short, through all the moods and tenses of ultra despotism — 
Permit me here, sir, incidentally to remark; that the learned gentle- 
man, tauntingly reminded me of passing over the discussion of the 
constitutionality of the power to make internal improvements — I 
stated my reason at the time, to be; that I considered that usurpation 
at an end — at least suspended in its operation. — That its impractica- 
bility had been demonstrated, without the accompaniment of com- 
17 



i3{i 

piete jurisdiction, over territory, within tlie limits of the respective 
States ; and that, I did not believe ; that one State in the Union, 
would surrender that jurisdiction to the general government. The 
subject was not therefore pressing ; whereas, the other branch of the 
subject was; and was, moreover, in itself, too comprehensive, to be 
thoroughly examined in a single speech.— If the States should sur- 
render their jurisdiction over the territory, persons, and things with- 
in their respective limits, the last vestige of their sovereignty, is 
gone — This jurisdiction is the only sheet anchor of their sovereign- 
ty — of their existence. Whilst the gentleman, is so precise in deriv- 
ing all powers from the war power, he, nevertheless, cannot admit, 
that the embargo, and non-intercourse laws, were bottomed upon the 
war pow er, but upon the power to regulate commerce ; and the 
gentleman has attempted to ridicule an argument, under the appel- 
lation of, " a Yankee argument," which went to prove, that the 
power to regulate commerce, excluded the power to destroy com- 
merce. The gentleman complimented the argument, as extremely 
ingenious ; and the only objection he had to it, was ; that it was to- 
tally destitute of "common sense." — Now, sir; i must beg leave to 
differ totally with the learned gentleman, in the real characteristics 
of this "Yankee argument" — totis viribus. — I think, it consists, very 
little of ingenuity, and almost all of common sense. I heartily con- 
curred in this "Yankee argument," at the time, and it has not yet 
lost, any of its convincing influence upon me. The argument is ; 
that the power to regulate commerce, excludes the power, to destroy 
commerce. I think the position self-evident : — Because it is self-evi- 
dent; that no power can exist to regulate that; which has no exist- 
ence in itself; — I think, the position so replete with common sense; 
that the dogma of the learned gentleman excited my utter surprise ; 
and but for the very high respect, I sincerely entertain for the gen- 
tleman's talents, I siiould be almost tempted to say ; that the oppo- 
site position, for which he contends, is common nonsense. Suppose 
there had been introduced into the constitution, a written clause, to 
the precise effect, of the power claimed by implication — to wit — 
" Congress shall have power, to put down, destroy, and annihilate 
commerce" — Does the gentleman believe; that it would have met 
with a single advocate in the United States f — Suppose an amend- 
ment, nov/, were proposed to the constitution, to the same effect; 
does the gentleman believe, that it would now meet with a single 
advocate? Would the gentleman vote for such an amendment him- 
self.'* Would not such a proposition, be deemed by all, the propo- 
sition of a blockhead, or a madman? Yet the learned gentleman, in 
his rage for deriving power to the goieral government, through his 
refined process of ratiocination, would not hesitate, even through 
the triumph of rithcule, to imply a power for the general govern- 
ment, which he would blush to vote for himself, if presented to him 
in written terms, directly for that purpose. 

But the gentleman cannot admit; that the embargo, and non-in- 
tercourse laws, were bottomed upon the war power. — He most ear- 
nestly, and perseveringly insists; that they were bottomed upon the 



131 

power to regulate commerce ; and to demonstrate, that they could 
not be deduced from the war power, asserts ; that the first embargo, 
and non-intercourse laws, preceded the war; and consequently, could 
not grow out of war rights — "a non sequitur." The gentleman ob- 
served, that war did not exist between two nations, until every man, 
woman, and child, of one nation were, at least impliedly, armed, 
against every man, woman, and child of the other belligerent nation. 
This is war complete — War de facto — Flagrante bello — In extenso. — 
But the gentleman should recollect ; that war rights generally, precede 
war acts ; and the measures of embargo, and non-intercourse, grow 
out of war rights, antecedent to war acts, on the part of the United 
States. I have pressed the gentleman to say ; when war rights do ac- 
crue to an aggressed nation? But I cannot prevail on him to meet 
the question." Certainly, when one nation commits belligerent acts 
towards another, the aggressed nation becomes instantly invested 
with all war rights, against the belligerent aggressor. Hence, when 
Great Britain, and France, commenced their belligerent acts against 
the United States, all the rights of war, instantly accrued to the 
United States, against both aggressing nations. The United 
States had a right instantly to consult their own interests, their own 
policy, in relation to the aggressors. — They were perfectly at liber- 
ty, to resort to flagrant war, or mitigated war, or bear the injuries 
inflicted on them. In pursuance of these rights, the United States 
determined, in the first instance, to resort to a mitigated state of war; 
and did so, through embargo and non-intercourse regulations — be- 
ing, in fact, a commercial war, instead of an open war at arms. I 
never understood, nor heard, to the best of my recollection, until 
1823 or 1824, "when all old things were done away, and all things 
became new" — that the embargo and non-intercourse laws, were con- 
sidered as regulations of commerce, but a mitigated warfare against 
the aggressing nations. Indeed, they were almost unanimously so 
declared, in eflect, by the House of Representatives. That House 
declared a determined resistance against the belligerent aggressors ; 
and that resistance was afterwards made to consist of commercial 
restrictions, until the open war of arms, of 1812; — I knew of no 
other resistance; nor do I recollect ever to have heard, until 1823 
or 1824, the fatal period of the civil revolution in our fundamental 
institutions, that the protection to certain domestic manufactures, 
which incidentally accrued in the ordinary course of raising revenue, 
was ever pretended to have grown out of the power to regulate com- 
merce — I always understood it to have accrued out of the specified 
power to lay and collect " imposts ;" and that, too, exclusively for re- 
venue objects :--a power, if honestly exerted, extremely difierent from 
the power to protect manufactures, without any limitation; and through 
that power, to intermeddle with, and control all the occupations of 
society. Hence, the learned and eloquent gentleman seems to me to 
have misconceived the whole of both these branches of the subject. 
The gentlemao strenuously denies, that Great Britain has aban- 
doned her restrictive system ; and to prove his position, has exhibit- 
ed a lon^ catalogue of excessively high duties imposed upo« foreign 



132 

goods, on their importation into Great Britain. I have never heard 
it asserted, that Great Britain had actually repealed all her restric- 
tive laws. Such a measure would be impracticable, without the ut- 
ter derangement of all the occupations of society ; but the fact, which 
I assert, is; that the British nation and government have denounc- 
ed the principles of the restrictive system, as unwise in theory, and 
infinitely destructive in practice ; and, as far as practicable, in the 
present state of things, have endeavored to abandon it in practice. 
Particularly is this the case, with the corn laws, the corner stone of 
the whole system. These once universally admired laws, are found 
to be as mischievous in their operations, as they are unsound in prin- 
ciple. Through their operations, the poor operative is obliged to 
pay double the price for his bread, at which it could be furnished in 
foreign markets. Hence, destruction to the manufacturing occupa- 
tions ; and ruin, pauperism, and starvation, to the poor operatives 
employed in manufacturing establishments. — Hence, two hundred 
and eighty thousand persons, hold all the property in the British 
empire; and twenty millions two hundred thousand are stripped of 
all property — a great proportion of them, both of food and raiment. 
This is the eflect, mainly, of the long continued system of monopoly. 
Is this a desirable condition for any population under the sun ? 
Should a policy be introduced here, which will inevitably reduce 
the population of the United States to that condition? And, sir, 
with these awful and melancholy results before our eyes, is it not 
wonderful ; when Great Britain, from sad experience, is endeavoring 
to free herself from the mischiefs of this despotic monopolizing system, 
that the United States should eagerly seize upon the discarded policy, 
and incorporate it into their system ? heretofore founded in competi- 
tion, in freedom, injustice, and equality.'' 

But when this view of the subject is pressed upon the gentleman, 
he denies that this deplorable condition of the British population has 
been brought about by the restrictive system, but by other causes. 
Perhaps it may be so, in part; but he must admit, that the restric- 
tive system has had no agency in counteracting this state of things, 
since it exists with the restrictive system ; and therefore ought not to 
be resorted to as the means of counteraction. — No! it has not coun- 
teracted it; but most certainly contributed to produce it, 

Mr, Speaker ; 1 fnid myself, exiiaustiiig too nnich of the little time, 
allotted me, in examining the honorable, and learned gentleman's, 
prhiciples ; and must therefore proceed at once, to tlie examination of 
his precedenls — These seem to be his chief reliance. — He could not 
fail to see; that his principles were merely colorable, even in his own 
eyes; that they wanted something to invigorate, and give them fresh 
color; and precedents are resorted to for that purpose. Indeed ; I have 
never known a case, in vvliidi so many precedents, have been invoked; 
and so incfssantiy, and perseveringly repeated as in the present case, 
wlien, as ("ar as 1 am able to comprehend, there is not a single case 
produced, whicli possesses the common, and essential properties of a 
precedent. The gentleman is a most learned and practised lawyer ; 
aiuj oi' course, mfist delight in precedents. — But he should recollect; 



133 

that wbiTst precedents are binding on courts, they are not on legislatures^ 
particularly are lliey not in the interpretation of the constitution. The 
constituiion is a written instrument, is always the same, and at all 
times, as much open to the interpretation of one legislature, as another. 
If any laws, passed by a preceding, should be found, by a subsequent 
legislature, to violate the provisions of the constitution, so far from 
being binding, it would furnish the best reason for the repeal of the 
uncousiiiutional act. Courts are bound by precedents ; and the gen- 
tleman's forensic habits, would necessarily incline him to rely much 
upon them, and when, in a bad cause, he is so fortunate, as to find 
some one, even of remote resemblance, he delights in it, and coupling it 
with his own ingenuity, he confidently relies upon their joint influence, 
as a sure guarantee, of ultimate success. So in the present case, 
questionable, in his own estimation, in principle, he has been extremely 
prolific, in the production of precedents — But give the gentleman all 
the weight of precedents, in this case, which they would be entitled to 
in a court of law, and, as far as I am able to judge, he has not pro- 
duced a single case, with all the essential requisites of a precedent. 
Even in coiirts of law, the gentleman must admit that to entitle a 
decision, to the weight of precedent, the question upon which it was 
made, must have been brought directly before the court, and its merits 
solemnly argued, and decided ; and moreover, it ought to receive the 
sanction of an unanimous opinion, or certainly, of more than a 
majority of the court. — Still, after all — it is subject to be reversed by 
the same court — Decisions, " subsilentio ;" and " obiter sayings," can 
never be dignified with the appellation of precedents : — the last solemn, 
decision too, forms the precedent. Has a single case of the man}', 
produced by the gentleman, possessed these essential requisites, or 
conformed to these rules.'' Certainly not — They are all acts passed 
" subsilentio" — and " obiter sayings,*' or general expressions — mostly 
intended for other objects, and not having the smallest resemblance to 
the ease under consideration. This is surely the case, with all the 
acts, imputed to Washington, Jefierson, and Madison. The gentle- 
man has not produced a single case, in which the direct question of the 
constitutionality of the power to make internal improvements was ever 
brought before either of these presidents, and solemnly decided by 
either of tliem in its favor. 3ut so far from it, Jefl!erson, and Madison, 
on several interesting occasions, have recommended an amendment to 
the constitution, to obtain, in a qualified form, that very power, which 
the gentleman contends, they have determined the general government 
now possess in an utiqualified form; and these high authorities are 
now relied upon as affording precedents for that purpose. The very 
requisition for an amendment to the constitution, made by these autho- 
rities, is the best precedent, to prove, that the general government did 
not, according to their judgments, antecedently possess that power. 
For, if they deemed an amendment essential to the acquisition of the 
power at one time, it was equally so, at any other time; and ought 
completely, to exclude all these far-fetched inferences, drawn from 
acts, having other objects, and bearings in view, to prove their deter- 
minations in direct opposition to their own deliberate decisions, upon 
flie point, when directly in question before them. But, Mr. Speaker, 



134 

whilst 1 am not allowed time, to examine each individual case, ijroughi 
forward, as a precedent ; and to show, that not one of them possesses 
the common properties of a precedent, as applicable to the case under 
consideration, 1 feel myself called upon to trespass upon so much of 
your time, as will enable me to give to one of them, a more critical 
examination. This is the celebrated case of the Cumberland road, 
which has been hawked about, as a case in point, in most of the 
public prints — Yes, the law establishing the Cumberland road, has so 
frequently, and so triumphantly been brought forward, as a precedent, 
directly in point, that it has been generally believed to be so; where- 
as, it is wanting in almost every property of a precedent. This 
statement has been so often repeated, and so generally believed, that 
the public seem determined, not to be convinced of their error, by the 
most positive contradictions, supported by the most authentic docu- 
ments. The public seem to be so much enamoured of this bold mis- 
representalion, that they prefer to give it credence, though proved to 
be false ; to its contradiction, though proved, to be true. Yes, sir, 
in this extraordinary case, falsehood seems to have more charms, 
for the public ear, than truth. 1 will notwithstanding these discour- 
aging circumstances, give the true history of the boasted precedent of 
the Cumberland road, founded upon authentic documents — and it will 
be found as destitute of the essential requisitions of a precedent, as any 
one of the subordinate cases, brought forward in its support- — The 
gentleman asserts, that this law was sanctioned both by Jefferson and 
Madison ; and he has been pleased, not in his usual spirit of urbanity, 
to honor me with the appellation of the father of the Cumberland 
road. 1 think, that after the gentleman shall give his attention to its 
true history, he will admit, that he has mistaken the appellation he has 
bestowed upon me; and that the nearest affinity' he can make out be- 
tween us, will be its grand-father — for, by recurrence (o the Journals of 
the Senate, it will appear, that I was not present in the Senate, at the 
time of its passage, nor at any time during the progress of the bill. 

The following are the Journals of the Senate, from the first intro- 
duction, to the final passage of the bill, 

Thursday, Decemher 5, 1805. 
The Senate took Into consideration the motion made yesterday, for 
the appointment of a committee, to examine the "act to enable the 
people of the eastern division of the territory nortii west of the river 
Ohio, to form a constitution and state government, and for the admis- 
sion of such state into the Union, on an equal footing with the original 
states, and for other purposes."— And 

Thursday, December 19, 1805. 

Mr. Tracy, also, from the committee last mentioned, reported, a bill, 
" to regulate the laying out and making a road from Cumberland, in the 
state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio;" and the bill was read; 

Ordered, That it pass to the second reading. 

Friday, December 20, 1805. 
The bill, " to regulate the laying out, and making a road from Cum- 



135 

berland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio," was read a 
second time ; and on motion. 

Ordered, That the further consideration of this, be the order of the 
day for Monday next. 

Thursday, December 24, 1805. 

The bill, " to regulate the laying out, and making a road from Cum- 
berland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio," was considered 
as in committee of the whole; and being reported to the House with" 
out amendment ; 

Ordered, That tliis bill be passed to the third reading. 

December 27, 1805. 

The bill, " to regulate the laying out, and making a road from Cum- 
berland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio," was read the 
third lime, and the blanks having been filled. 

Resolved, That this bill pass, that it be engrossed, and that the title 
thereof, be "an act to regulate the laying out and making a road 
from Cumberland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio." 

Ordered, That the secretary desire the concurrence of the House of 
Representatives in this bill. 

From these Journals it will be seen, that the Cumberland road bill, 
was introduced; went, through its several stages, and finally passed, 
with as little ceremony, and consideration, as any bill ever did pass 
that body. That, after the admission of Ohio into the Union, it was 
considered as a matter of course, and that no constitutional question, 
which might have grown out of it, ever was moved in the Senate. 
It therefore, may be said, to have passed " subsilentio ;" of course, it 
cannot form a precedent — But, says the learned gentleman, with his 
usual forensic ingenuity, that the Journals of the Senate, showing no 
division in opinion upon the bill — no yeas, and nays, having been called 
for at any stage of it, are not conclusive evidence, that the constitutional 
question was not moved, debated, and solemnly decided. It is admit- 
ted that the evidence is not positively conclusive, but is, as strongly 
presumptive, as evidence can be; that no such question ever was 
tnoved — The yeas and nays, were not only not taken, but the bill 
appears never to have been postponed for argument. There isone 
postponement seen in the formal parts of the proceedings, but not for 
argument — This suggestion, therefore, can only be considered as a 
new stratagem of the ingenious gentleman, to shift the burthen of the 
proof from himself, to myself. He triumphantly presents the Cum- 
berland road law, as a conclusive precedent in his favor ; and cf 
course, places himself under the obligation to show, that it has all the 
properties of a precedent — that it is complete to all the intents, and 
purposes of a precedent directly in point; but when he finds it has not 
one of these properties, he then calls for negative proof. 1 now ask 
the honorable gentleman, whether this comports with his usual can- 
dor ? Does he not know, that there was no such debate, with almost 
as much certainty, as if it had been so entered in the Journals of the 
Senate? If such debate had taken place, would it have been possible 



136 

to have eluded the public prints of the day ! and if it had been inserted 
in them, would not the gentleman have produced them here, to prop 
up his deficient precedent ? Surely he would. I now call upon the 
gentleman ; and put it to him to say, wliether, or not, lie ever saw, or 
heard of such debate. If it had taken place, is it possible to conceive 
that his indefatigable researches would not have found it out.'* But the 
Cumberland road law cannot be deemed a precedent in this case, for 
another reason — the principle upon which it is founded, is at this day, 
thought by many, not to involve in any degree, the question of the 
power of the general government to make internal improvements, 
but is an exception to the general rule ; and depends, for its own 
peculiar justification, upon iis own pecniiar circumstances. It is, at 
this day, therefore, a fair matter for difference in opinion. I am well 
informed, that this was Mr. Jefferson's most deliberate opis.ion till 
a short time before his death. The gentleman is not willing however, 
to exempt me entirely from his charge, of having been the fatlier of 
the Cumberland road bill, although I was not present at any stage of 
it, till its passage. He asserts ; that it grew out of a report, I had the 
honor to make, for the admission of the state of Ohio into the Union. 
That there was a condition in that report, which went to pledge a cer- 
tain portion of the proceeds of the sales, of the public lands, within 
Ohio, towards opening roads, through the public lands within that state, 
with an extension of such roads, through the Atlantic states to the city of 
Washington. I think it not improbable myself, but that the Cumber- 
land road bill, did grow out of the report referred to by the indefati- 
gable gentleman, and yet, 1 cannot think I was in the remotest degree, 
entitled to the appellation of the "father of the Cumberland road." 

The report presented a mere initiatory condition, in an arrangement, 
for the admission of Ohio into the Union. This was done in 1802, four 
years, before, even the introduction of the Cumberland Road bill. — 
There is too little relation between this initiatory process, and the final 
adoption of another measure; although possibly growing out of it, 
and the distance of time is too great, to connect me, in any way, with 
the Cumberland Road law. It is perfectly uncertain, if I had been pre- 
sent, whether I should have voted for the Cumberland Road bill, or not. 
If no constitutional objection had occurred, I probably should ; but 
most certainly, I should not, if the constitutional question, respecting 
the power to make internal improvements, had been moved ; and be- 
lieved to have been applicable to the provisions of thai bill. But the 
gentleman informs us; he has been for several months searching my 
speeches; for detections of inconsistencies, in my opinions, at different 
periods of my political life; — the gentleman no doubt, had anticipated 
a rich, and delicious mental banquet upon my reported inconsistencies. 
He seems, however, not to have spread a very rich repast before this 
house; but even if the gentleman, had been much more fortunate, in 
his researches, than he seems to have been, I can assure him, it would 
have been labor in vain. — I have never aspired to the perfectibility of 
absolute consistency ; under all circumstances; and in every period of 
my life. I readily acknowledge I have often committed errors; and 
if the gentleman had been so fortunate, as to have presented me with 
an error, 1 should instantly have acknowledged it without hesitation: 



137 

i Ijave heretofore done so, on other occasions, a memorable one, iii 
reference to some measures of Washington's administration. — I always 
mean to avail myself of experience, and reflection; and whenever they 
adn)onish me of an error, 1 will take pleasure in avowing it. All the 
pledge I ever make, is, tl)at of good intention — I yield to none in that 
respect— I pledge myself, that whenever called upon to express an opi- 
nion, or give a vote; that 1 express that opinion, or give that vote, 
which results from the honest conviction of my best judgment, at the 
moment of performing either act ; [lerfectly regardless, of what my opi- 
nion, or vote may have been, upon the same subject, at any former 
time. But, Mr. Speaker, what seems to have been the success of the 
indefatigable gentleman, in his laborious researches in quest of my in- 
consistencies ? The gentleman, in a style, and manner, more rough, 
than could have been expected from his accustomed urbanity, has pro- 
duced an entire speech, which he has attributed to me; and whichj 
from his peculiar ebullition of feeling upon the occasion, he does seem 
to think, really contains some opinions inconsistent with those express- 
ed by me in this debate. This imputed speech, is a miserable scrawl 
of some note taker, who has taken it with great carelessness, to say the 
least of it; and for whose most inaccurate version, 1 do not consider 
myself responsible in any respect whatever. — Whilst 1 thoroughly dis- 
claim its language, as never having been pronounced by me, I am yet 
willing to admit its general tenor; not so much out of respect to the 
verity of the note taker; as because, it appears to be, such as probably 
was employed by me, on the occasion. — This most imperfect scrawl, 
too, is brought forth, by some silly sycophantic parasite, and printed 
by the officious, mistaken, editors of the National Intelligencer, in one 
column, contrasted with another, pointing out my misconceived incon- 
sistencies, to the hand of the deluded, delighted gentleman. — Notwith- 
standing all these researches and troubles, there is no more relation, 
either of contrast, or resemblance, between the contents of the two co- 
lumns, than there is, between the contents of either, and the contents of 
the Lord's Prayer. Permit me here, sir, to introduce t!ie formidable 
scrawl at large. I can, however, but regret the waste of time in doing 
so. Whilst introducing it, I protest against it, as not having the least 
resemblance to the speech actually delivered by me. — In its interpreta- 
tion, however, it ought to be taken in reference to its context. — Tlie 
subject in discussion was, the admission of a new state (Ohio) into the 
Union. One of the conditions of such proposed admission was; to 
apply a certain portion of the proceeds of the public lands, towards 
making a road from the Adantic states, to unite with the roads, propos- 
ed to be run through the lands belonging to the United States, within 
the state of Ohio, when the following proceedings are slated, by the 
note taker, to have taken place: 

Extract from the Proceedings, and Debates in the House of Represen- 
tatives, on the 3lst of March, 1802. 
" On a report of a select committee respecting Ihe admission of the 
Northwestern Territory, as a state, into the Union, Mr. Griswold mov- 
ed to strike out the 3d article, which provides, that one-tenth part of the 
neti proceeds of the sales of western lands, should be applied to the 
making of roads, leading from the Havigable waiters, emptying into 
18 



166 

the Atlantic, to the Ohio, and contined afterwards through the State of 

= -." Mr. Giles, in opposition, said, "lie was sorry liiere was any 

part of the report, that had a local aspect; but this was unavoidable. — 
JLocal considerations were often necessarily blended with principles ot 
general utility. He recollected the passage of several bills for the erec- 
tion of light houses, though he did not recollect how many of these 
were raised at the public expense on the Connecticut shores. Consid- 
ering them as useful, though they had a local eflect, he had always vo- 
ted for them. He would also mention certain circumstances attending 
the aiding of the fisheries to the Eastward, to which certain benefits 
were attached, that were derived from the contributions of other parts 
of the Union ; 3'et he had always voted tor them, notwithstanding their 
local application. So far as relates to Virginia, the simple eflect of this 
resolution will be, to form a road over a mountainous country. Mr. 
G. said he was himself as little interested, as the gentleman from Con- 
necticut; yet, where measures were devised, whose great object was 
the general benefit, though they might be attended with local advan- 
tages, he had no objection to them. He believed the state of Maryland, 
the Federal City, Alexandria, Baltimore, and Philadelphia, would be 
most benefitted by facilitating an interchange of commodities." I pre- 
sume it will be readily admitted, that no constitutional question, is in- 
cluded witiiin this part of the discussion ; but a mere question of locali- 
ty ; when I contended, that local benefits, growing out of the measures 
intended for the general good, ought not to form an objection to them; 
provided the general good would be promoted by them ; and that every 
measure of the description of the one under consideration, must have 
an effect, more or less locally beneficial, — a sentiment, which I now 
avow; and which I have already avowed, perhaps, half a dozen times, 
during this session of the General Assembly. This scrawl proceeds, 
partly in italics. " Mr. G. said, he considered the circumstances of con- 
necting the difierent parts of the Union, by every tie, as well of liberal 
policy, as of facility of communication, highly desirable. He further 
believed, that the devoting one-tenth of the proceeds of the lands, to 
the laying out new roads, would be, in fact no relinquishment on the 
part of the United States, as the lands woidd therel)y be greatly en- 
hanced in value. If, however, it shall he thought, that this svm will be 
letter applied in the opening roads, in the interior of the state, he shall' 
have no objection to that.'''' 

Is there any constitutional question involved in these remarks f 
Certainly none. — It is the mere expression of an opinion in favor of 
good roads, which is not at all abated at the present moment; but 
it must surely be understood to be such roads, as were to be made by 
the proper constitutional tribunal, and within constitutional provisions. 
Is there here seen, even a hint from any quarter, that the proposed 
road was unconstitutional.'' Is any constitutional question whatever, 
here made, or even intimated.'* Certainly none. — It here seems, too, 
from the concluding remark, that I was perfectly careless about the 
provision for the extension of the roads into the Atlantic states, and 
was perfectly willing, that the whole fund should be applied to open- 
ing roads within the state of Ohio. The scrawl proceeds: 

"The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Griswold,) affects lately 



139 

fo have discovered a great deal of disguise in the proceedings of this 
House. What disguise ? What were the committee to do ? This 
country is placed in a certain peculiar situation. We have waters 
running to the East — they to the West ; and the committee thought 
it was desirahle to connect these by good roads. With the commit- 
tee, State principles or interest had no influence ; they ivere governed 
entirely by general principles, and the common interest" 

Here, sir, is again seen, in the most crude conceptions, and lan- 
guage, a farther enforcement of the first suggestion, that the general 
interests operated with the committee, regardless of local interests or 
prejudices. But, sir, here is an expression which called forth the 
most animated effusions of triumph and pleasantry on the part of the 
learned jurist, whilst it could not fail to excite both my smiles and 
my surprise. — I was astonished, that instead of the delight which 
seemed to be enjoyed by the gentleman, from the novel, enchanting 
sound; that he did not involuntarily feel its harsh grating upon his 
own ears. — The expression was perfectly new to me ; and its sound 
most coarsely grated upon my ears. I am satisfied I never heard 
the sound, until 1 heard it, in all the joy of triumph, from the en- 
chanted gentleman's lips ; nor saw it, in print, until I saw it in this 
heterogeneous scrawl. " State principles" — This term has occupied 
much of the gentleman's time ; and afforded him a delicious treat for 
commentary. Now, I would ask the gentleman, if lie ever before 
heard, or saw the term, " Stale principles.'"' If so, what ideas did 
it convey to his enlightened mind ^ Has he attempted a definition of 
the term .f' If not, 1 would now most reverently ask him to define it. 
What is the meaning of the term, "State principles.'*" Is it suscepti- 
ble of definition .'' I have often before heard of " State rights," but ne- 
ver of " Slate principles." " Stale rights" are susceptible of the clear- 
est definition. They mean the rights reserved to the slates b}' all our 
fundamental laws. " Stale principles" are indefinable — They are too 
numerous, and too various for definition. I protest against the im- 
putation of having used that term — strike it out, and the sentence 
stands in perfect accordance with the rest. Now, sir, I would ask 
the delighted, learned jurist, if upon this review, he is not astonish- 
ed himself, at having dwelt so long, with so much apparent exwlta^. 
tion, upon a term, so totally destitute of meaning, and insusceptible 
of definition.'' and whether he has not discovered, that, in his most 
unprofitable researches, he has permitted his passions and his preju- 
dices to cast some light tinge of obscurity over his own brilliant un- 
derstanding,'* 

The scrawl proceeds : — "The gentleman has also insinuated, that 
the Secretary of the Treasury holds lands that will be benefitted by 
these roads. It may be so. Mr. G. had not inquired ; but he sup- 
posed he did not hold all the lands. Congress may lay out these 
roads as they please. He could not foresee how Congress would lay 
them out, and it is a million to one, that they will not touch his lauds. 

" The United States are about making a new contract. Thes& 
propositions are made as additional securities^ for the national pro- 
perty. The Secretary of the Treasary^ having- estimated tfee annual 



140 

product of these lands at 400,000 dollars, Mr. G. said, as Cliairman 
of the committee, he had applied to him to know his opinion of the 
manner in which the sum could be best secured ; and he gave his 
opinion, that this provision would be most likely to effect that object. 
This is all the mystery and disguise attending the resolution." 

Thus terminates this careless, incorrect scrawl. — It licre appears, 
that the United States had large, and complicated interests, wiUiin 
Ohio, which required to be secured, upon its admission into the Uni- 
on, on the fooling of an original state; and that subject being in-- 
trusted to me, I had taken the precaution to consult Mr. Gallatin, 
then Secretary of the Treasury, as to the best mode of securing 
these interests to the United States, and had been entirely successful 
in effecting the important object. For the gentleman has been liber- 
al enough to admit, that not only these, but all the public interests 
confided to my hands, during an active service of above twenty 
years; have been fortunately secured, and promoted; and I assure 
the learned gentleman, that I derive more consolation, from this ad~ 
mission, united with my own consciousness of the fact, than would 
overbalance all the mortificaticm that could have arisen, if he had 
been much more successful in his laborious researclies after my incon- 
sistencies, than his meagre developements here, prove him to have 
been. For, I would put it to the candor of the lumorable gentleman 
himself, and to every honorable member, after reviewing his exhibi- 
tions, to say, whether there remains the shadow of a shade of incon- 
sistency to be seen, in any part of my conduct or opinions .'' and, if 
any should still labor under such delusion, to ask himself, where that 
inconsistency can be found .'' But, whilst this careless, incoherent 
sketch, of my remarks, exhibits no vestige of inconsistency on my 
part, it does serve to prove, incontestable', one fact, extremely impor-^ 
tant in this discussion — that upon the report made for the admission 
of Ohio into the Union, the question of the constitutionality of the 
extension of the roads from the interior of Ohio to the Atlantic wa- 
ters, was never made, nor discussed, nor considered ; and of course, 
proves as incontestably, that the law for the establishment of the Cum- 
berland Road, can form no semblance of a precedent for the power 
to make internal improvements; and consequently, can afford no jus- 
tification wiiatever, for the usurpation of that power by the general 
government. — The absence of all intimation whatever, of the uncon- 
stitutionality of the Cumberland Road law, in the debate, arising 
out of the Report of 1802 — and also, of the bill of 1806 — is a cnn-^ 
elusive negative proof, that no such question ever was made; and 
therefore, no semblance of precedent can be founded upon it. Now, 
]VIr. Speaker, let me ask you, sir, what has become of this formida- 
ble battery of precedents, with which we have been loudly, and vaunt- 
ingly threatened, to justily the exercise of the power to make internal 
improvements.^ The precedents exist not; nor did they ever exist. — 
They have been conjured up, by an officious disturbed imagination, in 
consequence of the total defeat of the arguments derived from a fair 
interpretation of the constitution, upon principle. The precedents 
•brought forward, have been of two kinds — adjudged cases, and the 



141 

obiter sayings, in general declarations of individuals. As it regards 
the first, it is proved, that not a case produced possesses the common 
properties of a precedent ; and how does the case stand in regard to 
the general obiter declarations of the individuals, relied on by the 
learned gentleman, as the judges who pronounced these obiter decla- 
rations? As it regards President Washington, it appears that during 
his administration, no question was ever made, as to the unqualified 
powers of the general government to make internal improvements ; 
and as to his recommendation of certain specified points of internal 
improvements, it does not appear, that any of them had ever been 
formally argued, upon the question of constitutionality, directly 
brought before him : and of course, could not have received such 
solemn adjudication by him, as would give them the properties of 
precedents. Tliey were mere general declarations, not solemn de- 
cisions. In regard to President Jeflerson, it will appear from some 
of the cases produced, and from others, which might be produced, 
that, when the constitutionality of the power to make internal im- 
provements, was directly brought before him for his opinion, he re- 
commended an amendment to the constitution for giving that power 
for certain objects, and in a limited form, which recommendation cer- 
tainly amounts to a positive and direct incompatibility with the opi- 
nion of the pre-existence of that power in the general government. — 
Besides, no case has been, nor can be produced, in which, after so- 
lemn argument, nor even without it, he ever did express an opinion, 
that the general government did possess the power to make internal 
improvements in any form. Certainly not in an unqualified form.— - 
Independently of all these considerations, in relation to Mr. Jefferson, 
it is well known to his friends, that he died in a state of " the deepest 
affliction," from the most firm conviction, that the usurpation gn the 
part of the general government, of the power to make internal im-= 
provements, united with the power of controlling the occupations of in- 
dividuals, and distributing the whole proceeds of the labor of society 
amongst its individual members, had effectually obliterated all the 
restraining provisions of our fundamental laws; and would necessa- 
rily be followed by the substitution of the most frightful, consolida- 
ted despotism. Surely, the gentleman must be hard pressed for pre- 
cedents, when he introduces a judge with these opinions and feelings, 
in direct hostility to the principle for which he is quoted, as the au- 
thor of his precedent— Strange to tell ! Mr. Madison is also called 
upon as another judge, pronouncing solemn opinions, and thus af- 
fording precedents in favor of the power of the general government 
to make internal improvements ; when it is well known, that one of 
the last acts of his political life, was, the rejection of a bill passed by 
Congress, including that power ; and expressly because it did in- 
clude that power! — Thus, for the sake of saving this great principle 
from usurpation, incurring the highest responsibility a President can 
incur J and under a full knowledge that it was to be one of the last 
acts of his political life. — Yes! sir, that his future political fame 
would mainly depend upon it. Sir, for this act^ of sterling devotion 
to the constitution of his country, and to the security of the liberties 



142 

of his coui)lr3ineH, and of the hopes of the liberties of the whole hu- 
man race, combined with the protection he afforded to the freedom 
«f religion ; when inadvertently assailed by Congress, Mr. Madison 
has most justly entitled himself to the love, admiration, and veneration 
of the present generation ; and if American liberties should thereby be 
preserved, in the preservation of the restraining provisions of our fun- 
damental laws, Mr. Madison will then, not only have entitled himself 
to, but will certainly receive, the most grateful remembrance and ad- 
miration of applauding posterity. 

Under these circumstances, the last adjudication, forming the prece- 
dent, is it not more than strange! is it not wonderful! that Mr. Ma- 
dison should be invoked, as the author of precedents for establishing 
a principle, directly opposite to the one, for the preservation of which, 
he put to hazard all his own political fame, and incurred the highest 
responsibility attached to his high station ! ! — Mr. Speaker, humble 
as I am, sir, I have been honored by the indefatigable gentleman, as 
having afforded another precedent, in favor of his principles. Yes, 
sir, pressed, coarsely pressed by the gentleman upon that point, loud- 
ly calling to his aid the argumentum ad hominem. — He still insists, 
that I am the father of the Cumberland Road law ; and that, thai 
law furnishes a precedent in point — in favor of the power of the gen- 
era\ government to make internal improvements at its discretion j 
when upon examination, it is seen, that the law itself contains no 
such general principle, and that if it did, it was passed sub-silentio, 
without argument — without consideration — and consequently, with- 
out aflbrding any precedent whatever ; and so far as relates to my- 
self, it also appears, that I had no agency whatever in passing that 
law. Nor has the gentleman, with all his indefatigable researches in- 
to my speeches, of above twenty years, been able to exhibit the small- 
est inconsistency whatever in my interpretation of the constitution ; 
but that through the whole course of my political life, 1 have been 
invariably governed by the great rule of construction in the interpre- 
tation of the constitution, which is applied to the construction of all 
written instruments; and without which, written instruments would 
be without all certainty of meaning. That is, so to construe the con- 
stitution as to give every part of it its proper efficiency, and not seize 
upon one clause, for the purpose of destroying, and annihilating all 
the rest. Sir, the gentleman has totally failed to show, that I ever 
expressed any opinion whatever, at any period of my life, in favor 
of the power of the general government to make internal improve- 
ments. Nor did I ever entertain, or express such opinion, to the best 
of my recollection : — but if I had, sir, it no longer exists. — I have 
given to this subject the most attentive consideration — I have ex- 
hausted the best faculties of my mind in deliberating upon it — and 
I am most decidedly of opinion, that the general government posses- 
ses no such power; and if it did, tliat it would, in its operations, ne- 
cessarily subvert all our i^undamental laws. — That the power to make 
internal improvements, united with the power of applying all the re- 
sources of the country, at the will of the government, and control- 
ling all the occupations of society, would constitute the most fright- 
ful consolidated despotism. Let me then, pray you, sir^ not to de= 



143 

rive a scintilla of influence in favor of the frightful, despotic doc- 
trine, from any opinion ever entertained by me. 1 here now stand 
before you, and solemnly protest against being used as affording a 
precedent in favor of doctrines so repugnant to the soundest dictates 
of my head, and so abhorrent to the best feelings of ray heart. Let us 
now suppose, Mr. Speaker, that the gentleman were before a court, 
what a farcical figure would he make, sir, when amidst his vast bud- 
get of precedents, he fails to produce a single adjudicated case in 
favor of his principles ; and when those persons whom he has relied 
upon, as the judges pronouncing in favor of his principles, have de- 
nounced them with alarm and abhorrence ; and when one of them 
stands before you, sir, and begs, and prays you, sir, not to sanction the 
gentleman's doctrines; when he now, firmly and solemnly avers, that 
after bestowing the best exertions of his mind upon the subject, he con- 
sciemiously believes, that these doctrines are destructive of all the 
efficient provisions of our fundamental laws, and must necessarily 
cause to be substituted, an unlimited, for a limited government. 

1 believe, sir, I have already exceeded the limit of lime, allowed for 
making this reply, and would now gladly take my leave of the gen- 
tleman's principles, and precedents, and of the debate forever, but, 
sir, the honorable gentleman introduced one point, upon which, he 
seemed to dwell, with triumphant delight, and which cannot be passed 
over without some animadversion. It was a point, which excited my 
extreme surprise, and deep mortification. It was the triumphant joy, 
expressed by the gentleman, at his anticipation of the downfall of Vir- 
ginian principles, of Virginian influence, and of Virginian institutions; 
and in his ebullitions of delight, from these anticipations, he placed the 
Virginian people and government, as 1 think, in the most depressed, 
degraded, and undeserved condition. I must acknowledge, sir, I was 
hurt, mortified, and surprised, at seeing a high-minded, honorable 
Virginian, rioting in the pleasure of his anticipating the downfall of 
Virginian principles. 1 thought sir, that some little commiseration, 
some little regret, would be felt by every one, at a final parting with 
old friends, who had stood steadfastly by us, in times of the utmost 
need. — Yes sir, from the recollection of the great blessings these old 
friends, these Virginian principles have dispensed, not only amongst 
the Virginians, but amongst the whole American people, so long as 
they were permitted to govern their destinies. Nor could 1 bring my- 
self to believe, sir, that this feeling could be utterly lost, even in the 
most sanguine anticipation of greater blessings, from the principles 
proposed to be substituted. 

Sir, what are the Virginian principles, proposed to be degraded and 
abandoned ? and what are the principles, proposed to be substituted 
in their stead .'' Virginia principles are universal — they apply to all 
parts of the United States. They are as much the principles of Maine, 
and Louisiana, as of Virginia. They seek not to take from one 
section, nor one individual, and give to another, but to render every 
one his due, wherever he may be found. Virginian principles, sir, are 
founded in morals, injustice, in nature; and are derived from nature's 
God. The principles proposed in their stead, are founded in artifice, 
in huckstering, and trafficking, grounded upon sectional interests and 



144 

individual rights — They are utterly destitute ot' morals, and of justice. 
Indeed, they are essentially grounded in injustice; they consist of 
tricks, and contrivances, by which one description of individuals, takes 
to itself, under the sanction of law, the proceeds of the labor of others; and 
the more it can get, the greater the injustice, and of course, the greater the 
merit of the law — Injustice, not justice, constituting the merit of the law. 
Yes, sir, the principle is recommended, not for its justice, but for its 
injustice. This extraordinary trick, in these artificial, fashionable 
principles, proves at once, their peculiar vice, and forbids all favorable 
anticipations from their prnctical operations. Yet such is the character 
of the gentleman's lauded substitutes, for discarded Virginian principles, 
and for these principles, he delusively calculates upon increasing the 
blessings of the American people. Sir, 1 deeply regret the necessity 
1 am under, of recollecting, and reviewing, the triumphant joy dis- 
played by the gentleman in describing the fallen condition of his own 
State, in regard to her prosperity and happiness, as well as in regard to 
her policy ; whilst 1 enjoy the triumphant pleasure of believing the 
gentleman to be utterly mistaken. It is true ; that Virginia's wealth, 
and prosperity, have met with every check and discouragement, which 
the worst policy of the general government could impose; it is true, 
that a portion of her wealth is drawn from her, and expended in other 
parts of the United States; but, sir, her citizens still have enough for 
their comfortable subsistence; whilst her social condition is the best in 
the world. In no country in the world, is the law more absolute and 
sovereign, nor justice more impartially administered generally, nor so 
cheaply, to the poor ; whilst her moral principles have become prover- 
bial. But, says the honorable gentleman, her population is not in- 
creasing, in the same ratio with that of other states, her representation 
in Congress is lessening, and her moral influenoe in the general gov- 
ernment is gone. Is tliere any thing strange in the first position ! Is 
not the emigration from Virginia a natural consequence of the immea- 
surable tracts of fertile lands, recently opened to the West, and the 
South .'' Did not every reflecting man of common sense, anticipate 
precisely the present state of things, from natural, independently of 
political causes ? But, sir, this is no evidence, that the moral influ- 
ence of Virginian principles is lessening in Congress. Directly the 
opposite eflfect is produced by this state of emigration — Emigrating 
Virginians, are not lost Virginians — They took their Virginian princi- 
ples with them, and they have learned their value, by a comparison 
of them with the principles of the states respectively, in which they 
now reside. When they appear in Congress, from their new residence, 
they bring back their Virginian principles with them ; more endeared 
to them, from a conviction of their superior excellence, and thus ex- 
lend their influence, in a greater degree than could have been done, 
if they had remained in Virginia, and been her own representatives. 
Yes, sir, Virginian emigrants become more enamored with Virginian 
principles after their removal, than many of those who remain within 
Virginia's bosom, and derive their nourishment from its parental, 
bountiful supplies. Sir, Virginian principles never stood in higher ad- 
miration at Washington, than they do at this moment. It is true, they 
are out voted for the moment— it is true, other principles are_ con.- 



145 

sirucled with tliem, and substituted for them, for the moment; but, 
sir, in the very act of this substitution, the highest admiration h felt, 
and expressed for Virginians and Virginian priniiples. i am told sir, 
that nothing is more common amongst the trafficking schemers them- 
selves, when they have an unprincipled bargain in view, than to remark, 
it is in vain to apply to a Virginian witii your trafBcking proposition ; 
he will tell you at once, that it is destitute of principle; and that he 
never can condescend to advance the interest of his state, at the ex- 
pense of Virginian principles. Can any thing be more honorable to 
Virgi.iians, and Virginian principles, than this honorable testimonial 
avowed by their opponents? and ought we not to feel a pride in our 
successive rc'presentatives, whose honorable conduct has called forth 
this high tribute of respect, even from their adversaries ? No, sir, Vir- 
ginian principles are not down, although out voted for the moment by 
a mistaken policy ; nor can they ever be down, so long as they retain 
their pristine merits, and are supported by Virginians themselves. If 
Virginians desert their own principles; if they join in the unnatural 
outcry against them, then will Virginian principles be down indeed, 
and then indeed, will Virginians see, and feel their own degradation. 
But sir, this is the moment for comparing the relative merits of 
the two systems, by their practical results; and of course, the mo- 
ment of the triumph of Virginian principles is approaching, and must 
shortly arrive — Let us then, persevere in our own principles; let us 
never cease to contrast their merits, with the demerits of the schemes 
of their opponents. Let us proclaim them upon the house top, that 
they may be seen by the whole American people, and their triumph 
must be just as certain, as that virtue will triumph over vice; when 
left to fair combat — force, or fraud, or both combined, can alone give 
vice the victory over virtue.— Mr. Speaker, at what moment is it sir, 
that this spirit of gloom, of despondency, is called forth, and at- 
tempted to be difllised, throughout the Virginia people. It is sir, at 
a moment, when the unprincipled contrivances, substituted for Vir- 
ginian principles, are crumbling into atoms, and falling to pieces about 
the heads of their mistaken, deluded projectors. It is, sir, wheu these 
contrivances are rapidly introducing alarm, distrust, hostilit}', and 
opposition. And if left to themselves, after doing incalculable mis- 
chief, must necessarily eventuate in self-destruction. These natural, 
and necessary results too, are seen amidst peace and quiet, at home, 
and abroad ; whilst Virginian principles secured perfect confidence, 
amidst the aggressions and wars, from the most powerful nations of 
Europe. — Sir, the ardent, and indefatigable gentleman, lias not failed 
most strenuously, to urge you to take counsels of your fears, upon 
the present occasion. — He has threatened us with disunion, and civil 
war; for daring to investigate our rights under the very words of 
our fundamental laws. Is it come to this, sir.? that a state govern- 
ment, shall not dare to inquire into its relative rights, with the gen- 
eral government ; still less, not to resort to practical constitutional 
means, for protecting these rights against the usurpations of the gen- 
eral government, without being charged with treasonable designs 
against the Union ; and threatened with arms, for thus daring to do 
19 



146 

ixself justice ? Sir, this attempt at alarm, is not new in Virginia. It 
has before been practised upon two most memorable occasions. 

In 1775, when Virginia consisted of not more than 200,000 souls, 
she was threatened with the mj'rmidons of the most powerful nation 
in tlie world — Her sovereigns, and her masters — then armed " cap- 
a-pee," — and in battle array, upon her coasts; — Yes sir, even with- 
in her territory — a frightful odds! I ! But sir, what was the conduct 
of our gallant fore-fathers upon this awful and terrific occasion .'' 
amidst this great impending danger? Did they yield to threats, Sir: 
Did they take counsels of their fears .'' No sir; They determined on 
resistance — they nobly determined to preserve their liberty, or to 
die. — "Liberty, or death," was then the order of the day; and 
when in the general assembly, the fears of the members were ad- 
dressed — threatened with the mighty power actually impending over 
them — Patrick Henr}', with a God-like eloquence, unequalled in an- 
cient and modern times; after scoffing at the unmanly attempts at 
alarm, with an elevation of soul and -of voice, most eloquently at- 
tuned to nature, cried out — "Let them come!!! I say, — let them 
come!!!" They did come; we met them in combat, — and we were 
free. — In 1798--1799— under much more discouraging circumstances 
than the present, Virginia was again threatened for daring to assert 
her rights. — For daring to resist the alien and sedition laws. Her 
representatives on this floor, were threatened with arms; — with in- 
carceration — Did they then meanly, and timidly yield to these 
alarms ? No sir ! They determined again, to regain their rights, or 
perish in the attempt — They then went earnestly and systematically 
to work — The first measure they then adopted, was, to pass a law, 
to protect them in the freedom of debate ; requiring the State Judges, 
in the event of any member, being imj)risoned for words used in de- 
bate, to issue a writ of habeas corpus ; and to replace the incarcer- 
ated member in his place, on this floor.* They then determined to 
arm the militia, and to make provision to purchase 5,000 stands of 
arms. — Then it was sir, that the foundation for the regular supply of 
arms to the militia was laid, in the establishment of your armory. — 
To defray the expenses of these measures, they raised the whole 
taxes of the State 25 per cent, with a single scrape of the pen. — 
Backed by these measures, they entered a solemn protest against the 
oflensive laws. These were measures truly worthy of Virginia. 

Did they eventuate in war.'' in disunion.'' No sir. They saved 
the Union — they saved the nation. — Tliese measures regained our 
liberties; and once more, we were free. — These measures well de- 
served success; and they were successful. 

Now, Sir, in 1827, not thirty years having elapsed. Before one 
generation had passed away — another crisis has occurred. It has 
been produced by measures, as bad in principle as the alien and se- 
dition laws; and incalculably more injurious in their practical ope- 
rations — every moment drawing from us our substance, and degrad- 
ing us with tribute — Now are we told that inquiry will not be toler- 
ated ; and that opposition, yes, constitutional opposition, will sound 

• Sec the Act, al the end. 



147 

the tocsin of disunion and war. Believe me sir, it is not inquiry — 
it is not opposition, which has produced this alarming crisis, leading 
to disunion and war; it is the intrinsic vice of the operative measures 
actually adopted. This alarming crisis, is the natural eflect of un- 
principled measures. Such measures are the common causes, which 
produce such effects : — Could any other effects have been expected, 
from seizing without reason, and without right, the wealth of one 
section of the country, and sending it to another.'' producing im- 
poverishment in one section, and prosperity in another.'' From seiz- 
ing the property of one man, and giving it to another ? Is it possi- 
ble to devise measures, better calculated to produce resistance and 
abhorrence ? You can but see, sir, that the true cause of the appre- 
hended disunion and war, is mistaken. It is not seen in a negative 
opposition to affirmative measures ; but in the practical necessary 
operations of the affirmative measures themselves. The contrary 
false impression, is attempted to be made by the ingenious schemers 
themselves, to turn the awful responsibility for the mischief they have 
done, from themselves, to their adversaries. But sir, a mere negative 
opposition, without some equivalent cartse, never did, nor ever can 
produce a crisis, like the present — This ingenious diversion, never 
can succeed. The real authors of these operative measures must be 
known ; and must suffer all the responsibilities, due to their own mis- 
chievous evil deeds. The gentleman, in his indefatigable zeal to 
paralvze the proceedings of this House ; and to effect a quiescent 
submission to a disgraceful tribute, has, 1 am told, pledged himself 
to this House, that Mr. Jefferson, at the time of his lamented death, 
was decidedly opposed to the proposed proceedings. — I know sir, 
that the honorable gentleman is incapable of intentional misrepre- 
sentation ; but, I also know sir, that he is utterly mistaken, in the 
pledge he has given the house. — I know, that Mr. Jefferson has seen 
" with the deepest affliction," the measures, which have produced the 
present crisis; and I also know, his recommendations to the States, 
would be to enter, and to keep up, solemn protests, against these 
usurpations, as the mildest incipient measures, suited to the deprecat- 
ed occasion — witli a view to more efficient ulterior measures, in the 
event of a continued perseverance in these usurpations. 

For these facts, I pledge my integrity and veracity to the House ; 
and that I have the evidence of them, under Mr. Jefferson's own hand 
writing.* No sir. Mr. Jefferson was not opposed to the measures 
now proposed to be adopted — He was most decidedly, and unequiv- 
ocally in favor of them. No man knew better than Mr. Jefferson, 
the deplorable consequences of sponging the written constitution. 
No man viewed them with deeper affliction; and no man was more 
willing to oppose them; by the mildest means, in the beginning; by 
the strongest, in the end; if, most unfortunately, the strongest should 
become necessary. But submission, never ; No! submission would 
be his last alternative: and then, onl}' by compulsion. Mr. Jefferson 
well knew, that in the beautiful theory of our complicated system of 
governments, the State governments were placed as centinels, over 
* See Mr. Jefferson's letter, pag'e 152. 



148 

the riglits of tlieir cili7,rp.s respectively ; with jiowers sufficient to 
guard them against the usurpations of the general government. 

The time is come, which most imperiously calls upon every stale 
government, to perform the solemn trust; and shall the Virginia 
government, treacherously shrink from the performance of it? No, 
sir, it is not possible. This general assembly will be found steadfast 
at its post; and will fearlessly perform this high and honorable 
trust- — a trust, conferred by the constitution, which every member 
is sworn to support. 

Mr. Speaker, what is the object to be effected in the performance 
of this most sacred trust ? It is to keep the various departments of 
our complicated governments within their legitimate, appropriate 
spheres. — It is to ward off the encroachments of the general govern- 
ment, from the rights of the states and of individuals. And what, 
sir, was the great object of Washington's farewell address? It was 
the same thing — It was to keep each department \Vithin its proper 
sphere — It was to avoid trenching upon sectional interests — It was 
to guard against setting the north against the south, and the ei^^t 
against the west. What was the great polar star which guided the 
administrations of Washington, of Jefferson, and of Madison.^ It 
was a virtuous adherence to the written constitution. — It was keep- 
ing within the sphere of their legitimate constitutional powers. It 
was leaving to the states and slate governments, all their legitimate 
constitutional powers. — Their virtuous self-denial was the true secret 
ol the success of their administrations. 

Will you indulge me, Mr. Speaker, with again reminding you, 
sir, of the last impressive warning of Fayette ? It was, to prcsei've 
the federative principle — It was, to adhere to the great American 
principle, of " the plain rights of man." He most feelingly declar- 
ed, it was under its potent, beneficent operations, that every political 
blessing had been showered down upon the people of these United 
States. It was to shun the glitter, the sj)lendor, and the grandeur of 
governments, such as were brilliantly portrayed in the President's 
inaugural address. Yes, sir, Fayette called your attention, most 
emphatically, not only to the rights of man, but to " the plain rights 
of man ;" most evidently, in contrast with the President's splendid, 
glittering government. For no man knew so well as Fayette, from 
most awful experience and sufferings, that the splendor of govern- 
ments, was the slavery of man. And, most impressively, did Fayette 
tell you, sir, that the great American federative principle, is not only 
the surest guarantee for American liberties, but "the sacred pledge 
for the emancipation of the world." 

Permit me, sir, to add my solemn warnings to those of tliese great 
apostles of liberty, against the surrender of state I'ights — against the 
fatal abandonment of the federative principle. 

Sir, I am done. I have J'aithfully presented my most deliberate 
views of this momentous subject. 1 most fervently thank my God 
for the physical power he has given me upon this gi'eat occasion.— I 
most cordially thank him for strength, both of mind and body, to ena- 
ble me conscientiously to perform my duty. I have now conscien- 



149 



riously performed It; and I have perfect confidence, that every honor- 
able member of this House, will, in the vote he is now called upon to 
give, conscientiously perform his duty. 



TO THE PUBLIC. 
-Mr. Jefferson's Letter, and Mr. Clay's "great desideratum in Political Economy." 

Extract from Mr. Cloy^s Speech upon the Tariff Bill of 1 824. 

Page 12. > 

" Tlie great desideratum in political economy is the same as in 
private pursuits; that is, what is the best application of the-aggregate 
industry of the nation that can be made honestly to produce the larg- 
est sum of national ivealth. ha'jor is the source of all wealth, but it 
is nut natural labor only.'''' Judging' from Mr. C's prize speech, gen- 
ersjiiy, and from the five foregoing lines particularly; — indeed, from 
all his speeches, and it would seem that Mr. Clay knows about as 
mu( h of the "great desideratum of political economy," a« he does 
about the Delphic oracles, or of the occult art of alchymy, or of the 
illLisory corruscations of the brilliant prospect of the Panama CoH' 
gress, or of the inexplicable intricacies of the West India Trade. It 
would also seem from the subjoined letter: that Mr. Jefferson is here 
directly at points with Mr. C, respecting his great political, 
polar star — ''the great desideratum in political economy;" and that 
his " deepest affliction," at the deplorable crisis, most unwisely 
brought upon our country, was not produced by his terrific alarms 
" at the election of a military chieftain" to the Presidency, but from 
much more substantial, and fearful considerations. From the un- 
principled usurpations of the practical government. From convert- 
ing a limited, federative government, into an unlimited, consolidated 
one. In substance, from the five lines quoted above ; and the inev- 
itable consequences from the practical operations of their contents, 
in obliterating all our fundamental laws. This letter was not opgin- 
ally intended for publication, but I now feel myself impelled to give 
it publicity, from the following considerations amongst others : The 
extract contains the whole of the political part of the letter; some 
parts, merely private, are omitted. The part respecting the Uni- 
versity has been published, as giving Mr. Jefferson's views of the 
then actual condition, and future prospects of this important institu- 
tion, which may be attended with public utility ; and also, as a refu- 
tation of one falsehood, out of many, which have been circulated 
through the press, for the last ten years, in relation to myself, to 
wit: That there was an unfriendly feeling existing, between Mr. 
Jefferson and myself. The falsehood is destitute of all pretext what- 
ever. For some time past, some of the Administration prints, des- 
perate in their utmost need, have attempted to avail their bad cause 
of the just influence of Mr. Jefferson's well earned political fame. 



150 

hy solemn assurances to the public, that I\Ir. Jcflerson, when living, 
was in favor of the measures of the Administration; and of the re- 
election of Mr. Adams. For this purpose, they have lavishly poured 
forth eulogiums upon Mr. Jefferson, for opinions, which they have 
ascribed to him, and which, if living, I verily believe, he would con- 
sider his greatest reproach. They have at length gone so far, as to 
put expressions into Mr. Jefferson's mouth, under marks of quota- 
tion, with intimations that they can be proved by competent evidence, 
(nothing doubting,) whilst they are not only altogether surreptitious, 
but in direct hostility with the undeviating tenor, and spirit of Mr. 
Jefferson's whole political life, and with his declarations, both verbal- 
ly, and in writing, often frankly, and openly made to his friends, as 
I am well informed, 'till within a short period before his lamented 
death. Under these circumstances, it appears to me to have become 
the duty of every friend of Mr. Jefferson, and of his country, who 
may be in possession of any written declarations from him, serving 
to demonstrate his real opinions respecting the perilous crisis of the 
country, to lay them before the public, and thus, at once, to put down 
the surreptitious ones. This course alone can serve to rescue Mr. 
Jeffersou's unsullied republican fame from the false, and unmerited 
aspersions brought against it, under the guise of affected plaudits, 
the most delusive, an(l deceptive. Besides, I conceive under these 
gross attempts at deception, the public has a right to demand a dis- 
closure of all Mr. Jefferson's real opinions, in whosesoever hands they 
may be, as a protection against the mischievous influence of the 
spurious opinions, falsely ascribed to him ; and that, too, as I be- 
lieve, by his now most unnatural, loving friends, not long since, his 
most deadly foes. Two papers of this description, which have par- 
ticularly attracted my attention, will be introduced here. The one, 
taken from the National Journal. — The devoted "coalition" paper, 
at least, so characterized. The other, from the Richmond Whig. 
This latter is ushered forth, by a writer, under the signature of "A 
Farmer," who., most charitably, charges his brother Farmers, and 
ever}' body else, not acting under the same delusive influence with 
himself, with being "confiding dupes;" whereas, the scribbling 
Farmer seems, himself, to be the most "confiding dupe," that ever 
undertook to enlighten a people, by overcasting them with the thick 
mist, in which, he is himself enveloped. So much so, that he seems 
to be led about, by some "ignis fiituus," with syren songs, made up 
in doleful, pathetic strains, which he deals out to others, in the same 
fascinating, heart-rending melody. These characteristics will shine, 
with peculiar lustre, in the example here exhibited. Should this 
"confiding dupe" of a Farmer possess only a small portion of the 
candor of his calling, 1 think, after reading Mr. J's letter, containing 
his real opinions, and contrasting them with the surreptitious ones, 
which have served to "dupe" the confiding Farmer, he will at once 
acknowledge ; that there is no occasion to ask, " who is the dupe?" 
He must stand, himself, " tlie dupe confessed." Doubtlessly, he will 
be surprised to be told, that he is as much the unconscious " dupe," 
in many other of his delv^sive disclosures to the people. Having made I 



151 

ihem, if he means to give the people fair play, it has become his 
duty, to hunt them up himself; and do his best, to undeceive his own 
"confiding dupes," should he have been so unfortunate as to have 
made any. 

WILLIAM B. GILES. 

[ Extract from the JVational Journal.'] 

"One venerable authority, however, has been introduced in sup- 
port of the claims of General Jackson, so imposing as to carry with 
it, if uncontradicted, great moral weight. We allude to that of the 
departed, and lamented Jefierson, who has been quoted, since the 
grave closed upon his mortal remains, on the ground of a volunteer 
sentiment, given by him at a Public Dinner, as being favorable to 
the election of General Jackson. To suit this purpose, the toast it- 
self was garbled ; but even thus garbled, meant nothing, but that 
General Jackson had earned, what he has justly received, as the re- 
ward of his services — the thanks of his country. Opposed to such 
construction, as has been put upon Mr. J's toast, we have in our 
possession, conclusive testimony, that the sentiments, which ive have ex- 
pressed, on this subject, are those, which the illustrious Jefferson ex- 
pressed ; but in stronger terms. We have his dying words, so to 
speak; and we will close this article ivith them. Of late years, that 
venerable man, seldom ventured to say any thing on politics ; but not 
many weeks before his death, he observed to a friend, " That his faith 
in the self government of the people had never been so completely 
shaken, as it had been, by the efforts made, at the last election, to 
place over their heads, one, who, in every station he ever filled, 
either military or civil, made it a point to violate every order, and 
instruction given him, and take his own arbitrary will, as the guide 
of his conduct." 

"In such terms, strong as they are, and much stronger, than we are 
disposed to use, did Mr. .Jefferson speak just before his death, of the 
alarm created in his mind, by the efibrt to place a merely military 
man, at the head of our Republic." 

Extract from the Whig. 

" These were the signs, which called forth from that great apostle 
of Jreedom, Jefferson, his last but terrible warning: "My country !" 
said he, " thou too, will experience the fate, which has befallen every 
free government — ^Ay liberties will be sacrificed to the glory of some 
military chieftain. I had fondly hoped, to have found in thee an ex- 
ception ; but thy support of Jackson — a man who has disregarded 
every order he received — who has trampled under foot the laws, and 
constitution of his country — and who has substituted his own un- 
governable will as his own rule of conduct — thy support of such a 
man, shakes my confidence in the capacity of man for self-government, 
and I fear all is lost.^^ This is the language of the dying patriot. 
And if ive followed him with undiminished confidence., and vnth xinr.x- 



152 

dmpled success, in tunes and seasons, wJien liable to temptation, lohat 
deference is not due to his opinion when delivered under such solemn 
circumstances, and in a condition, little less imposing than if he had 

just risen from the dead ! Under such high authority, I the more 
confidently assert, that the effort to elect Jackson, is the I'laiiful foun- 
tain of the prevailing mischiefs, which every sober man, must depre- 
cate, as disturbing- the repose, and threatening tiie safety of the Re- 
public. This infirmity of a blind, and idolatrous devotion to mili- 
tary success — the bane of every republic, that has gone before us — 
is the prolific soil, whose harvest of bitterness, we are now reaping. 
In the phrensy it produces, reason is no longer heard. 27ie grossest 

falsehoods are propagated and believed — every object is sacrificed, 
without scruple to the success of the idol." 

"MoNTicELLO, Dec. 26, 1825. 
"To W. B. GILP:S, Esq. 

Extract. 

*^Dear Sir, — "I see as you do, and with the deepest afiliction, the 
rapid strides, with which, the federal branch of our government, is 
advancing towards the usurpation of all the rights, reserved to the 
states, and the consolidation in itself, of all powers foreign and do- 
iTiestic; and that too, by constructions, which if legitimate, leave no 
limits to their power. Take together the decisions of the federal 
court, the doctrines of the President, and the misconstructions of the 
constitutional compact, acted on by the legislature of the federal 
branch, and it is but too evident that the three ruling branches of 
that department, are in combination, to strip their colleagues, the 
state authorities, of the powers reserved by them, and to exercise 
theniselves, all functions, foreign and domestic. Under the power to 
regulate commerce, they assume indefinitely, that also over agricul- 
ture and manufactures; and call it regulation too, to take the earn- 
ings of one of these branches of industry, and that too, the most de- 
pressed, and put them into the pockets of the other, the most flour- 
ishing of all. Under the authority to establish post roads, they claim 
that of cutting down mountains for the construction of roads, ol' 
digging canals; and, aided by a little sophistry, on the words "gen- 
eral welfare," a right to do, not only the acts, to effect that, which 
are specifically enumerated, and permitted ; but whatsoever, they shall 
think, or pretend, will be for the general welfare. And what is our 
resource for the preservation of the constitution ? Reason, and argu- 
ment.'' You might as well reason, and argue, with the marble col- 
umns encircling them. The Representatives, chosen by ourselves i* 
They are joined in the combination ; some from incorrect views of 
government; some from corrupt ones, sufficient, voting together, to 
outnumber the sound parts; and with majorities, of only 1,2 or 3. 
bold enough, to go forward in defiance. Are we then to stand to our 
arms V 

[A few words are here omitted, relating merely to an individual.] 

"No! that must be the last resource, not to be thought of until 

much longer, and greater sufferings. If every inG'action of a com- 



t55 

pact of so many parties, is to be resisted at once, as a dissolution of 
it, none can ever be formed, wliich would last one year. We must 
have patience, and long endurance then, with our brethren, while 
under delusion. Give them time for reflection, and experience of 
consequences ; keep ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter 
or accidents — and separate from our companions, only, when the sole 
alternatives left, are tlie dissolution of our union with them, or sub- 
mission to a government without limitation of powers. Between these 
two evils, when we must make a choice, thei'e can be no hesitation ; 
but in the meanwhile, the states should be watchful to note every 
material usurpation on their rights — to denounce them as they occur 
in the most peremptory terms; to protest against them, as wrongs, 
to which, our present submission shall be considered, not as acknow- 
ledgments, or precedents of right ; but, as a temporary yielding to 
the lesser evil — until their accumulation, shall overweigh that of se- 
paration. I would go still further, and give to the federal member, 
by regular amendment of the constitution, a right to make roads, 
and canals of intercommunication between the states — providing suf- 
ficiently against corrupt practices in Congress (log-rolling, &ic.) by 
declaring that the federal proportion, of each state, of the monies 
so employed, shall be in works within the state, or elsewhere with its 
consent, and with a due salvo, of jurisdiction. This is the course, 
which, I think, safest, and best, as yet. 

"You ask my opinion of the propriety of giving publicity to what 
is stated in your letter, as having past between Mr. John Q. Adams, 
and yourself. Of this, no one can judge but yourself. It is one of 
those questions, which belong to the forum of feeling. This alone, 
can decide on the degree of confidence, implied in the disclosure. — ■ 
Whether, under no circumstances, it was to be communicable to 
others. It does not seem to be of that character, or at all to wear 
that aspect. They are historical facts, which belong to the present, 
as well as future time. I doubt, whether a single fact, known to the 
world, will carry as clear a conviction to it, of the correctness of our 
knowledge, of the treasonable views of the federal party of that day 
■ — as that disclosed by this, most nefarious, and daring attempt, to 
dissever the Union; of which, the Hartford Convention was a subse- 
quent chapter ; and both of these, having failed, consolidation be- 
comes the first book of their history. — But this opens with a vast ac- 
cession of strength, from their younger recruits, who having nothing 
in them, of the feelings, or principles of '76, now look to a single 
and splendid government of an Aristocracy, founded on banking in- 
stitutions, and monied incorporations, under the guise, and cloak of 
their favored branches of manufactures, commerce and navigation, 
riding, and ruling over the plundered ploughman, and beggared yeo- 
manry. This will be to them, a next best blessing, to the monarchy 
of their first aim — and, perhaps, the surest stepping stone to it." 

[The foregoing includes the whole of the political part of the 
letter. Then follows some information, and remarks, purely private, 
and it thus concludes.] 

" Our University has beeji most fortunate in the five professors, 
20 



procured from England; a finer selection could not have been made j 
besides llicir being of a grade of science, which has left little supe- 
rior behind; the correctness of their moral character, their accom- 
modating dispositions, and zeal for the prosperity of the Institution, 
leave us nothing more to wish. I verily believe, that as high a de- 
gree of education can now be obtained here, as in the country they 
left — and a finer set of youths, I never saw assembled for instruc- 
tion; they committed some irregularities at first, until they learnt 
the lawful length of their tether, since w hich, it has never been trans- 
gressed in the smallest degree. A great proportion of them are se- 
verely devoted to study, and I fear not to say, that within 12 or 15 
years from this time, a majority of the rulers of our state, will have 
lieen educated here. They shall carry hence, the correct principles 
of our day; and we may count assuredly, that they will exhibit their 
country, in a degree of sound respectability it has never known, 
either in our days, or those of our forefathers. I cannot live to see 
it — my joy must only be that of anticipation, but that you may see 
it in full fruition, is the probable consequence of the 20 years, I 
am ahead of you in time, and is the sincere prayer, of your afi'ec- 
tionate, and constant friend, 

THOMAS JEFFERSON." 
The foregoing extract, containing the whole of the political part 
of the letter, is a true copy from Mr. Jefferson's original letter to 
me, written in his own hand-writing. 

W. B. GILES, 

I had intended to publish so much of the foregoing letter from Mr. 
Jeflerson, as would serve to protect him against the unfounded impu- 
tation, brought against him, of being opposed to the proceedings of 
the General Assembly, and to redeem the pledge of my own integri- 
ty and veracity, given to the House, upon that occasion ; whenever 
my speech in reply to General Taylor should be publislied. — Other 
unfounded imputations, being subsequently brought against Mr. Jef- 
ferson, I anticipated its publication, and extended it to the whole of 
the political part of that letter. This was done chiefly for the pur- 
pose of counteracting their deceptions upon the public, and of pro- 
tecting Mr. Jefferson's political fame against gross misrepresentations 
of his political opinions. I conceived, thnt truth belonged to the pub- 
lic, and that the public had a right to demand it. Tliat I was n)ade 
the guardian of Mr. Jefferson's political fame, so far as his political 
opinions were entrusted to me in that letter, and that withholding it 
from the public, when his political fame was wantonly assailed, would 
be treacliery to that sacred trust, after it had pleased God to remove 
him from this world, and thus to disqualify him from protecting him- 
self. Besides, his son-in-law, Governor Randolph, viewing the sub- 
ject in the same light with my&elf, had previously made a public state- 
ment of Mr Jefferson's opinions, which had also been most wanton- 
ly assailed ; and which, would be completely vindicated by the pub- 
ru-ation of Mr. .J« fft rson's letter. — These were additional inducements 
with mu for anticipating the publication of the letter; and for pub- 
lishing the whole, instead of a part of its political contents. 



155 

[The following are the Preamble and Resolniions, adopted by the 
General Assembly, and which formed ihe topic of this discussion.] 

The committee, to whom was referred, on the 2d day of Februar}', 
1827, a resolution calling for an enquiry into certain points of funda- 
mental law, and certain differing claims of jurisdiction between the 
Government of this State and that of the United States, have bestow- 
ed on that subject all the consideration which, in their judgment, its pe- 
culiar delicacy and importance demand j and beg leave to submit the 
following REPORT : 

With respect to the first enquiry called for from the committee, to 
wit : " Whetlier or not the exclusive jorisdlction overall the territory, 
persons and things within the limits of this Commonwealth, was not 
secured to the Government of this Stale, by the Constitution thereof:" 
The committee beg leave to observe, that in the formation of the State 
Constitution, there are no grants of specified, designated powers from 
the governed, to the governors. The great natural rights of man are 
secured to the people by a Declaration of Rights, prefixed to the Con- 
stitution and deemed an essential part of it. Upon this Declaration of 
Rights, the practical principles and checks contained in the Constitu- 
tion itself, and the relative rights of the governed and governors, found- 
ed in the reason and nature of things, the people of this Common- 
wealth depend for their protection against Governmental oppression. 
The Constitution, after ordaining and declaring the future form of go- 
vernment of Virginia to be as follows: and that " the Legislative. Ex- 
ecutive and Judiciary departments shall be separate and distinct;" pro- 
vides that "the Legislative shall be formed of two distinct branches, 
who, together, shall be a complete Legislature." The Executive and 
Judiciary are also m;uie complete depart )ients in themselves respective- 
ly, forming altogether one entire Government. The committee, there- 
fore, report, tliat ihe exclusive jiitisdiction overall the territory, persons 
and things within the limits of ih'rs Commonwealth, was vested in, and 
secured to the Government of this State by the Constitution thereof. 

In regard to the second point of enquiry, to wit : " Whether private 
property was or was not, tliereby, (by the Constitution,) secured to the 
owner, against the power of the Government; so far, at least, that the 
Government could not, rightfully, take private property from the own- 
er, and give it to another person, neither rendering public service:" 
Your committee report, that the right of property being a natural right, 
and of course derived from a source paramount to all government, that 
principle is made applicable to the Government of this State, in the 
first section of the Bill of Rights, in the following words : " That all 
men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inhe- 
rent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they can- 
not, by any co(npact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the 
enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possess- 
ing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness." In pursuance 
of this principle, the committee find the following provision in the fourth 
section of the Bill of Rigiits: '^ That no man, or set of men, are en- 
titled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the com- 
munity, but in consideration of public services." The same principle 
h also asserted in the amendments to the Constitution of the Uiiitec* 



156 

States, and in several of llic State Constitutions, as will be seen in 
the fuitlier progress of this report. From these cnnsideralions, the 
committee expres* a confident opinion, that private propert^y is secur- 
ed to the owner by the State Constitution, in such a manner that the 
Government cannot, rightfully, take it from the owner and give it to 
another person, not rendering public service. 

The next subject of enquiry the coniinitiee have examined with pe- 
culiar care and circumspection, to wit; " Whether or not any portion 
of the exclusive jurisdiction of the Government of this State over ter- 
ritory, persons and things, has since been granted to the General Gov- 
ernment by the Constitutiv-in of the United Stales ; and if so, to spe- 
cify particularly each and every portion of such jurisdiction, which 
may have been so granted." In regard to the exclusive jurisdiction which 
may have been granted to the General Government by the Constitution 
of the United States, upon the most careful review of that instrument, 
the committee can find no grant of exclusive jurisdiction over territo- 
ry, made to the General Government by the Slates, as parties thereto, 
except tlie following: 8th section of the 1st article: — " To exercise 
exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district, (not 
exceeding ten miles square,) as may, by cession of particular States, 
and tlie acceptance of Congress, become the seat of Government of 
the United States, and to exercise like authority over ail places pur- 
chased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same 
shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-^ards, and 
other needful buildings." With respect to " the transfer of exclusive 
jurisdiction by this State to the Government of the United States over 
persons and things within its limits;" the committee would observe, 
that there are certain specified powers granted to the General Govern- 
ment ; and, that a jurisdiction over persons and things within the limits 
of this State, lias also been granted to that Government, so far only, as 
is necessary to carry into effect those specified powers. But, the com- 
mittee conceive this jurisdiction to be concurrent over the same persons 
and things, and not exclusive — the State jurisdiction applying to all 
purposes of general protection — the jurisdiction of the General Gov- 
ernment applying only to the specified powers. 

The committee, with like care and circumspection, have examined 
the next subject of enquiry : that is to say, " Whether any power has 
been granted to the General Government to violate the right of private 
property at its discretion; and, more particularly, to take private pro- 
perty from the ow ner, and give it to another person, neither rendering 
public service;" and report, with confidence, that no power whatever 
has been granted to the General Government to violate the right of pri- 
vate property at its discretion, nor to take private property from the own- 
er, and give it to another person, not rendering public service. So far 
from it, that in addition to the guarantees herein before mentioned, for 
the protection of private property to the owner, the committee find the 
following solemn pledges in the amendments to the Constitution of the 
United States : Extract from article 5th. ''No person shall, &;c. be 
deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor 
shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensa- 
tion." Article 0th. '' The enumeration in the Constitution of certain 



1B1 

rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained to 
the people." Article I0t!i. " The powers not delegated to the Q. States 
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the 
slates respectively, or to the people." This principle of the security of 
property setrns to have pervaded the fundamental laws of almost every 
State in the Union ; and lo liave been expressly declared therein in some 
form or othnr, as will appear from the following extracts : From the Bill 
of Rights — New Hampshire. ''All men have certain natural, essential 
and inherent rights — among which are, the enjoying, acquiring, pos- 
sessing and protecting property." From the Declaration of Rights- 
Massachusetts. "All men are free and equal, and have certain natu- 
ral, essential and unalienable riglits : among which may be reckoned 
the right of enjoying and defending their lives and liberties; that of 
acquiring, possessing and protecting property," &c. And again, "No 
man, or corporation, or association of men, have any other title to ob- 
tain advantages, or particular and exclusive privileges, distinct from 
those of the community, than what arises from the consideration of 
services rendered to the public." From the Declaration of Rights^ — 
Vermont. Alter the like declaration as to the right of property, is the 
following: "That private property ought to be subservient to public 
uses when necessity requires it ; nevertheless, when any person's pro- 
perty is taken for the use of the public, the owner ought to receive an 
equivalent in money." From the Declaration of Rights — Maryland. 
^'That monopolies are odious, contrary to the spirit of a free govern- 
ment, and the principles of commerce, and ought not to be suffered." 
Other extracts, from the Constitutions of other States, to the same ef- 
fect, might be here quoted, but the committee conceive the foregoing 
sufficient to shew the general spirit, for the security of property and for 
an equality of rights amongst individuals pervading as well the Con- 
stitution of the United Slates, as of the several States. 

Tlie following subject of enquiry, the committee deem highly im- 
portant ; and have, therefore, bestowed on it a corresponding consider 
ration : " Whether the several laws passed by the General Government, 
for the purpose of internal improvements, do not assert or involve a ju- 
risdiction over the territory within tliis Commonwealth, beyond the 
grants to that Government specified in the Constitution ot the United 
States." The committee here feel constrained to observe that, upon a 
most careful review of the Constitution of the United States, they have 
not been able to find therein the term " internal improvements," nor 
any other equivalent term therefor. Nor have they been able to find 
the word "canals," at all, nor the word " roads," except as connected 
with the post-office department. The committee conceive that the pow- 
er to make internal improvements is not only an original, substantive 
— but a priniary, paramount power in itself, and not a derivative, inci- 
dental one. If this power be assumed by the General Government, as 
an original one, it must be assumed with all its own incidents accom- 
panying it; and such assumption must be altogether independent of 
any grant, specified in the Constitution. If it should be assumed un- 
der the disguise of an incidental one, its own incidents must still ac- 
company it. In eitlier case, these consist in all the means necessary 
and proper for carrying it into effect. And the committee can conceive 



158 

ot" no means sufticient lor that purpose, which will not assert and in- 
volve a jurisdiction over territory, as well as a right to the acquisition of 
private property. Neither canals nor roads can be made wiiliout an 
acquisition of a right to the soil over vvhicli they may respectively pass. 
This acquisition could not be had without a judicial proceeding, as- 
serting and involving jurisdiction ; — the only mode heretofore resort- 
ed to by the laws of this country, for condemning private property for 
public uses, being by writ of ad quod damnum. The exercise of such 
jurisdiction by the General Government, would noi only destroy all ihe 
demarkations of power between the State and General Governments, 
grounded upon principles of locality, and generality ; but would be 
consolidation in its essence. The assumption of the jurisdiction would 
be more necessary to enable it to carry into effect its assumed power to 
make internal improvements, because it is deprived of all th;- means 
pointed out by the Constitution for investing itself with jurisdiction 
over all its legitimate objects. These means will be found in tlie fol- 
lowing provisions of the Constitution : " To exercise like authority over 
all places purchased, by the consent of the Legislature of the State^in 
which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, 
dock-yards, and other needful buildings." Tiiese include all the legi- 
timate objects of territorial jurisdiction, granted to the General Gov- 
ernment ; and the committee express the opinion, thai there are no 
other territorial objects, over vvhicli the General Government is legiti- 
mately authorised to exercise any jurisdiction whatsoever within the li- 
Hiitsof the respective Slates, — unfess the jurisdiction over the District 
of Columbia, and the Territories of the United Slates, should be con- 
sidered as additional territorial objects — and the mode in which tliis 
jurisdiction is obtamed, is particularly and specifically prescribed. This 
minute and particular description of objects, limited and unimporiant 
in themselves, and the particularity of pointing out ilie means, by which 
jurisdiction over them siiould be obtained, are sufticient of theinseives 
to preclude all inference, that the power to make internal improvements, 
so vastly more extensive and important in itself, was ever intended to 
be granted to the General Government. This conclusion is rendered 
still more irresistible, when it is observed, that no means are punned 
out in the Constitution for transferring to the General Government the 
jurisdiction necessary for the effectuation of this substantive power. 
This conclusion is still further enforced by the consideration, that the 
term " internal improvements" is one in common and ordinary use — that 
the term " canals," and the term " roads," are simple and familiar ; and 
all the terms susceptible of the clearest definition. No reason can then 
be assigned, why these powers were not granted to the General Govern- 
ment, had they been intended to have been granted; especiallv when 
the power to erect a house, relatively of so litlle consequence, was 
thought sufikient to justify a particular grant of power, with specified 
means of carrying it into effect. Besides all these considerations, the 
peculiar character of the power lo make internal improvements, is lo- 
cality — locality in its most limited form; and therefore peculiarly un- 
suited to the jurisdiction of the General Government, which is general 
in its character, and peculiarly suited to the jurisdiction of the State 
Governmenis, whose jurisdiction is intended for local objects. FroRj 



159 

these considerations, and many others which might be adduced, the 
committep report ; (hat, in their opinion, the several laws passed by the 
General Government, for the purpose of internal improvements: such 
as the " Act to procure the necessary surveys, plans and estimates upon 
the subject of roads and canals," approved May 4th, 1824, and others, 
wliether they involve a jurisdiction over the territory within t!)is Com- 
miinwealth, or only appropriate money for the purpose of making in- 
ternal improvements, are unauthorised by the grants of power to the 
General Government contained in the Constitution of the U. States. 

The committee have bestowed the like consideration on the follow- 
ing enquiry : " whether the law, generally called the tarill' law, does not 
violate the rights of private property, by taking ii from its owner, and 
giving it to another person, neither rendering public service." Upon 
a most careful review of the Constitution of the United States, in the Slh 
sec. of the 1st art. the committee find an enumeration of certain spe- 
cified powers, granted to the Government of the United States. Tlie 
first specification is in the following words : Art. 1st. Sec. 8. "The 
Congress shall have power: I. To lay and collect taxes, duties, im- 
posts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common de- 
fence and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, 
and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." Then 
follow other specifications. But the committee do not find amongst 
them the specified power to protect manufactures. The term " protec- 
tion of manufactures," is not to be found in the Constitution, nor even 
the word "manufactures" itself; nor any equivalent term for either. 
The enumerated powers contain all the powers which the people thought 
proper, by the Constitution, to grant to the General Government, " in 
order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic 
tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general wel- 
fare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their poste- 
rity." All the unenumerated powers were reserved to the States respect- 
ively, or to the people for the same objects ; and so expressly declared 
to be in an amendment to the Constitution. This distribution of pow- 
ers between the General and State Governments, was ordained and rJe- 
clared by the people, in their Constitmioii, to aflord the best means for 
effecting the great ends of its formation. The power " to lay and col- 
lect taxes, duties, imposts and excises," furnishes the essential means for 
carrying all the other enumerated powers into eftect. The object of 
granting this power is declared to be, " to pay the debts and provide 
(or the common defence and general welfare of the United States," as 
restrained and limited by the specified powers. Hence, under this grant 
Congress would have power to lay and collect taxes, &;c. for the pur- 
pose of paying " f/te debts of the United States," and for carrying into 
effect all the other enumerated powers. But Congress could derive no 
power from this grant whatsoever, to assume and to carry into effect 
any power whatever, not included amongst ttie enumerated powers. 
The power to protect manufactures not being included amongst the 
enumerated powers, Congress can therefore, derive no power whatever, 
from the grant to lay and collect taxes, Stc. to protect manufactures. 
The protection of manufactures being an original, substantive; indeed 
a primary, paramount power, cannot be assumed by Congress ; or, if 



100 

it can, then any other power whatever may be assumed at pleasure ', 
because it is impossible to conceive upon what principle of right Con- 
gress could assume the power to protect manufactures, without assum- 
ing any other unenumerated power whatever at its own unlimited discre- 
tion. And, if Congress can assume any unenumerated power at its dis- 
cretion, and also the means for carrying it into efiect ; then, are all the 
restraints imposed in the Constitution, upon the will of tlse General Go- 
vernment, unavailing; and that Government will become consolidated 
in its practice, and unlimited in its wi)l. The protei tion of manufac- 
tures, being a power peculiarly local in its character, affords the strong- 
est consideration to Congress against its assumption ; because directly 
against the spirit of generality and equality, which pervades' the whole 
Constitution; and which was indispensable to its original existence. 
The force of this argument cannot be, in the smallest degree, diverted 
or evaded by the usual resort to the term " general welfare." That term 
contains no grant of power whatsoever, but was intended, and is, a res- 
traint upon the pre-existing grant of power to lay and collect taxes, 
&c. The term is " the general welfare of the United States ;" and the 
plain and obvious meaning is, to restrain Congress from laying taxes, 
&;c. to provide for any other welfare than " the general welfare of the 
United States f^ to restrain Congress from laying taxes, &c. to pro- 
vide for the particular welfare of any particular State, or the local wel- 
fare of any particular part of any particular State. The Act of Con- 
gress, passed May 22, 1824, entitled, " an act to amend the several acts 
imposing duties on imports," generally called the tariff law, was pass- 
ed for the avowed object of protecting domestic manufactures. The pow- 
er to protect domestic manufactures, not being found in the enume- 
rated powers in the Constitution, Congress can have no power to lay tax- 
es for its effectuation. Congress having power to lay and collect taxes, 
duties, imposts and excises, have unquestionably the power to lay imposts 
upon all foreign goods, for the purpose of revenue ; provided such reve- 
nue be applied to carrying into effect, all, or any of the enumerated pow- 
ers. But, Congress have no power to lay imposts upon foreign goods, 
for the purpose of protecting domestic manufactures ; because the pro- 
tection of manufactures is not included amongst the enumerated pow- 
ers. The same process of reasoning would apply with full force to the 
complete refutation of the delusive suggestioKi sometimes made, that 
the power to protect manufactures is an incident to the power " to re- 
gulate commerce." It is denied, that the power to protect manufac- 
tures is an incidental power, or partakes any thing of an incidental cha- 
racter. It is asserted, that it is, in itself, an original substantive power; 
and incomparably more important than the power to regulate com- 
merce itself; to which it is pretended to be an incident. The tariff law 
i;!j not a regulation of commerce. It is a law for the protection of do- 
mestic manufactures ; and the means employed for that end, consist in 
the imposition of duties upon foreign goods; not of any regulation of 
commerce. The regulation of commerce, therefore, is not the end of 
the law, nor the means einployed by the law to effect the end ; which 
end is the protection of manufactures. The object of this suggestion, 
therefore, seems to be, disingenuously to arrive at the exercise of a 
plain, obvious, and palpable power, by indirect, which cannot be ap- 
proached by direct means. The protection of manufactures involve? 



161 

tlie most despotic and dangerous power that can be exercised by Gov- 
ernment in any form. It places the occupation and property of every 
man, under the control of the Government, and thns converts the citi- 
zen into the slave, the natural man into a governmental machine. It 
furnishes the widest scope for the false suggestions and false calcula- 
tions of Ijuman ambition, human avarice, and human cunning, which, 
in the absence of all moral principle, introduces injustice and inequali- 
ty between the difi'erent sections of the Union, and amongst individuals 
in all its parts. The present tariff law affords the most conspicuous 
evidences of these facts aiid consequences; and, if persevered in, must, 
in the opinion of the committee, eventuate in the most frightful, con- 
soliilated despotism, or in the severance of the Union of these States. 

JbJut whether the object of the tariff law be legitimate or not, it is cer- 
tain, that, under the operation of the very high imposts laid upon for- 
eign goods, a legal capacity is given to the domestic manufacturer of 
the like goods, to demand a premium in the sale of those goods to his 
customers; which premium consists of their money, and is over and 
above the actual worth of the articles sold. Hence, every purchaser 
pays, first, for the article, its full, actual value, and then pays an addi- 
tional price as a premimn for the protection of the owner of the manu- 
facturing stock, or in other words, for his encouragement to cause the 
article to be made : and through this process, property is taken from 
its owner and given to another person, without receiving in exciiange, 
fu'l, and actual value. The committee, therefore report, as tiieir opinion, 
that the law, generally called the tariff law, does, in its operation, vio- 
late the rights of private property, by takintxit from its owner and giv- 
ing it to another person, not rendering public service. 

The last object of enquiry is in the following words : " Whether, un« 
der the operations of the tariff law, a portion of the proceeds of the la- 
bor of the inhabitants of this Commonwealth is not transferred to other 
parts of the United States, in violation of the two great principles up- 
on which the Constitution of the United States is founded, to wit : ge- 
nerality and equality; and, if so, to report, as far as practicable, the 
amount of the value of such proceeds, thus transferred." The com- 
mittee conceive this enquiry to be extremely interesting to the people 
of this Commonwealth ; because it will serve to show, that, whilst they 
are taxed by imposts on foreign goods to an enormous amount, for the 
purpose of defraying the prodigal expenditures of the General Govern- 
ment ; they are, at the same time, taxed for the piu'pose of paying an 
enormous tribute to manufacturers in other parts of the United States. 
The fact is well known, that a very large amount of domestic goods is 
brought from other parts of the United States to this Commonwealth, 
and sold to the inhabitants thereof for consimnption. Under the legal 
capacity given to the venders of these goods, by the enormous duti^i- 
on imported foreign goods, the venders are enabled to add to the actu- 
al value of the article sold, the premium thus granted for its protection; 
which would not be tiie case, if the duties on foreign goods were re- 
duced to a principle of revenue, and all the unwarrantable expendi- 
tures of the Government were happily to be dispensed with. This pre- 
mium to the manufacturer consists of the money of the consumer, and 
is the tribute which the consumer pays the manufacturer, under the ta- 
21 



rift" law ; a tribute, in tiie opinion of the coinmiilee, as little founded 
in light as the British Colonial tribute demandetl on lea; and many 
fold greater in amount : A tribute, which, in the judgment of the com- 
mittee, ought never to have been imposed by the General Government, 
nor to have been borne by the pi opie o( this Commonwealth, longer 
than they could call into action constitutional and peaceable means of 
relieving themselves from so undeserved and odious a burthen. The 
eommittee think it extremely desirable to ascertaiji the probable amount 
of the tribute annually thus drawn from the inhabitants of this Com- 
monwealth, as a premium to manufacturers in other parts of the Unit- 
ed States. But the committee, at this late period of the session, find 
themselves without the means of ascertaining the probable amount with 
probable certainty. 

In regard lo the instruction to the couimittee, to report such measure^ 
for the adoption of the General Assembly, as they shall think will most 
effectually tend to arrest the usurpations of the General Government, 
if, upon enquiry, any should be Ibund to exist, — your committee 
would observe: That, from the advanced period of the present session, 
they find themselves precluded from all attempts at recommending any 
system of eflicient measures of counteraction ; but, relying upon the 
justice and intelligence of the people at large, and upon the co-opera- 
tion, in any measures which may hereafter be recommended for adop- 
tion, of such parts of the United States as have a common interest 
with Virginia upon the subject, — the committee recommend to this 
General Assembly, to enter its most solemn protest against the fore- 
going usurpations of the General Government; and, therefore, propose 
for its adoption, the following resolutions : 

The General Assembly of Virginia, actuated, as it always has been, 
by the most sincere disposition for the preservation of the Union of 
these States — believing that the Union can only be preserved, by keep- 
ing ihe General and Stale Governments within their respective spheres 
of action, as marked out by the Constitution of the United States — 
being also sincerely desirous that the General GoveriuDent should be 
protected in the full and free exercise of all the specified powers granted 
to it by the Constitution of the United States — and being, at the same 
time, deeply impressed witli a sense of its own duty, to preserve, un- 
impaired, all tlie rights of the People and Government of this State, 
conferred upon it by the Constitution nf the Slate, and of the United 
Slates — finds itself reluctantly constrained to enter its most solemn 
protest against the usurpations of the General Government, as de- 
scribed in the report of its committee — Therefore, 

Resolved, That this General Assembly, in behalf of the People 
and Governmenl of this State, does, hereby, most solemnly protest 
against the claim or exercise of any power whatever, on the part of 
the General Government, to make internal improvements within the 
limits and jurisdiction of the several Stales, and particularly within 
the limits of the State of Virginia; — and a!sO; against the claim or 
exercise of any power whatever, asserting or involving a jurisdiction 
over any part of the territory within the limits of this State, except 
over the objects and in the mode specified in the Constitution of the 
United States. 



163 

Resolved, In like manner, ilial t!)is General Assembly does, hereby, 
most solemnly protest against any claim or exercise of power, what- 
ever, on the part of the General Government, which serves to draw 
money from the inhabitants of this State, into the Tretssury of the 
United States, and to disburse it for any object, whatever, except for 
carrying into effect the grants of povver to the General Government 
contained in the Constitution of the United Slates. 

Resolved, In like manner, that this General Assembly does most 
sole'nnly protest against the claim or exercise of any power, whatever, 
on the part of the General Government, to protect domestic manufac- 
inres, the protection of manufactures not being amongst the grants of 
power to that Government, specified in the Constitution of the United 
Stales ; — and also, against the operations of the act of Congress, passed 
May 22d, 1824, entitled, "an act, to amend the several acts imposing 
duiies on imports," generally called the Tariff law, wliich vary the 
distributions of tlie proceeds of the labor of the community, in such a 
manner, as to transfer property from one portion of the United States 
to another, and to taUe private property from the owner for the benefit 
of another person, not rendering public service, — as unconstitutional, 
unwise, unjust, unequal and oppressive. 

The following resolutions were moved by Bir. Webster, in the year 
1820, and adopted, probably unanimously, by a Town Meeting of 
the merchants of Boston, the head-quarters of good principles. — 
They correspond so exactly, in tenor and spirit, with the foregoing 
resolutions, that I should have been guilty of plagiarism, if 1 had 
not had express reference to theui, provided I had ever seen them, 
before writing those resolutions. I had, ho'.'iever, never seen them, 
until within a few months past. They are now published here, not 
only as precedents to justify the principles of the resolutions, so far 
as they regard the tariff, but to prove the erroneous statements made 
by many, and by some who ought to have known better, that the 
unconstitutionality of protecting manufactures by high tariffs, never 
was asserted until it appeared in those resolutions; — whereas, I as- 
sert, to the best of my recollection, I never heard the right to pro- 
tect manufactures, in any way whatever, asserted to be amongst the 
powers granted to the general government, until the years 1823, 
1824, except so far as that effect might incidentally be produced in 
the honest exercise of the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, ex- 
cises, and " imposts," for the purposes of revenue. It is extraordi- 
nary, whilst the administration partlzans give Mr. Clay the exclusive 
merit of originating the "American system," falsely so called, ia 
1823, 1824, they insist, at the same time, that it was the system of 
Washington, of Adams, of Jefferson, of Madison — and whilst this 
Anglican American system, introduced in 1824, was then declared, 
and is still declared to be a new sera in the practical administration 
of the government, it is declared to be the old system, coeval with 
the government itself; and is attempted to be supported by prece- 
dents, from the first installation of the government. How inconsis- 
tent! ! ! Yet the public are most sorely pressed to swallow both pills. 



/ 



< 



1G4 

I 

^'Resolved, That ue have regarded with pleasure, the establlsh- 
" niPiit, and success of manufactures among us, and consider their 
" growth, when natural and spontaneous, and 7iot the effect of a system 
" of bounties, and protection, as an evidence of general vvealtli and 
" prosperity." 

^^ Resolved, That, relying on the ingenuity, enterprise and skill of 
"our fellow- citizens, we believe, that all manufactures adapted to our 
"character, and circumstances, will be introduced and extended, as 
" soon, anil as far, as will promote the public interests, without any far- 
" ther protection than they now receive." 

" Resolved, That no objection ought ever to be made to any amount 
" of taxes, equally apportioned and imposed for the purpose of raising 
' revenue, necessary for the support of government ; but that taxes im- 
'^ posed on the people for the sole bemftt of any one class of men, are 
*' equally inconsistent with the principles of our constitution, and with 
" sound judgment,''^ 

*^ Resolved, That the supposition, that until the proposed tariff, or 
** some similar measure be adopted, we are, and shall be, dependant on 
•' foreigners for the means of subsistence and defence, is, in our opini- 
" on, altogether fallacious and fanciful, and derogatory to the character 
•* of this nation." 

" Resolved, That high bounties on such domestic manufactures as 
"are principally benefitted by that tariff, favor great capitalists rather 
"than personal industry, or the owners of small capitals; and, ihere- 
" fore, that we do not perceive its tendency to promote national Indus- 
" try." 

" Resolved, That ice are equally incapable of discovering its benefi- 
" cial effects on agriculture, since the obvious consequence of its adop- 
" tion ivould be, the farmer must give more than he now does for all he 
" buys, and receive less for all he sells.'" 

*^ Resolved, Tiiat the imposition of duties which now are enormous, 
" and deemed by a large portion of the people to be unequal and un- 
"just, is dangerous, as it encourages the practice of smuggling." 

" Resolved, Tijat in our opinion, the proposed tariff, and the princi- 
" pies on which it is avowedly formed, would, if adopted, have a ten- 
" dency, however different may be the motives of those who recom- 
" mend them, to diminish the industry, impede the prosperity, and cor- 
" rupt the morals of the people." 



Governor Randolph's public statement was intended to follow Mr. 
Jefferson's letter. It is introduced, 1st. To show his approbation of 
the principles upon which I published Mr, Jefferson's letter; and hav- 
ing preceded that publication, I thought, substantially called for it; and 
it was, partly, in consequence of that opinion, that the publication took 
place at the time it did. 

2d. Cioveruor llandolph having been unwarrantably attacked in the 
newspapers, { thought it due to him, to publish the letter for his vindi- 
cation. The opinions of Mr. Jefferson, contained in the letter, being 
in his own i)and writing, could not be denied by any one ; and those 
opinions, more than justified Governor Randolph for his statement of 
Mr. Jefferson's opinions respecting the present alarming crisis of the 



1G5 

countiy ; whilst they had no other bearing upon the present Presiden- 
tial election, than from inferences naturally deducible from them. 

To the Editors of the (Charlottesville) Advocate. 

Gentlemen, — In reply to your written application for a state- 
ment of certain political sentiments uttered by Mr. Jefferson some- 
time in the year, 1825, I must first remark, that I do not now con- 
sider myself at liberty after your request, to withhold it from your 
paper. My opinion has ever been this, that in a free and equal socie- 
ty, upon public matters of such importance, the public are entitled 
to demand, through any of their organs of communication, the sen- 
timents of public "characters of long and high standing, from them- 
selves, and most assuredly so, after their decease, from persons to 
whom they have been unreservedly made known. 

I was induced to relate what I had heard, the first time I did re- 
late it, by some ilhberal expressions applied to General Jackson, a 
conduct which would have been perhaps still more revolting to my 
feelings in regard to Mr. Adams ; for both are fully worthy in my 
estimation of the high honor they receive from their fellow citizens at 
present ; but the former I liave never yet seen. 

The occasion of which you speak, when we were all present at 
the reading of General Jackson's reply to Mr. Clay, was, I candid- 
ly think, the second time I ever mentioned the fact in question. I 
•am very sure I did hear Mr. Jeflerson say, and I think it was about 
the last of July or the first of August, 1825, but it might have been 
in December, that it was fortunate for the country that Gen. Jack- 
son was likely to be fit for public life four years after; for it seemed 
to him to be the only hope left of avoiding the dangers manifestly 
about to arise out of the broad construction now again given to the 
Constitution of the United States, which effaced all limitations of 
powers, and left the General Government, by theory, altogether un- 
restrained. Tiiat its character was plainly enough about to be total- 
ly changed, and that a revolution which had been hitherto indistinct- 
ly contemplated at a very great distance, was now suddenly, and un- 
expectedly, brought close to our view. Of General Jackson, Mr. 
Jefferson often said, that he was an honest, sincei-e, firm, clear-head- 
ed, and strong-minded man ; of the soundest political principles ; 
which he knew well, from having observed his conduct while a Sena- 
tor of the United States, when he was Vice President himself. He 
had no doubt that if General Jackson should be brought into office 
to correct the alarming tendency towards formidable, and otherwise 
irremediable evils, begiiming to develop itself in the administration 
of the general government, he would be entirely faithful to that ob- 
ject. This conversation took place either immediately after the con- 
Vention in Staunton of 1825, or in December following ; and it was 
the last free expression of his sentiments I ever heard ; a calamitous 
change in the private affairs of both having occurred shortly after, 
which prevented my being much with him, by placing him through 
imperious circumstances, in a situation re(Uiiring him to be unfriend- 
ly to ray greatest interests. 



166 

Having- been an elector myself in 1824, when Mr. Crawford's 
personal condition was deemed so very doubtful, I know certainly 
that Mr. Jefterson did then pi-efer Mr. Adams, after him. Indeed I 
never heard Mr. Jeflerson speak of Mr. Adams, from the year 1792, 
without acknowledging: that he was an able, learned and honest man ; 
to which he often added, before the period mentioned, that Mr. Ad- 
ams would make a safe Chief Magistrate of the Union, and was the 
most fit of all the New England men. Towards Mr. Clay, as a 
politician, Mr. Jefferson constantly manifested a very strong repug- 
nance, and often said that he was merely a splendid orator, without 
any valuable knowledge from experience or study, or any determined 
yjublic principles founded in sound political science, either practical 
or theoretical. With this impression on my mind I left Mr. Clay at 
Monticello, when I went to the Legislature, three days before the 
meeting of the electoral colleges, in December, 1 824. 1 had heard 
some little discussion between him and Mr. Jefferson, of those im- 
portant points of constitutional doctrine, and political economy, up- 
on wiiich they differed so widely. I Avent determined to vote for Mr. 
Adams, in case Mr. Crawford should be acknowledged indisputably 
out of condition to serve. It did not appear to me that Mr. Jefferson 
even viewed Mr. Clay in tiie light he is now viewed, by numbers, as 
a man likely to be dangerous to the Union from his principles ; or 
that he ever contemplated for him any other elevation than what he 
had already enjoyed in the House of Representatives. Should I\Tr. 
Clay demonstrate to the world that Mr. J. underrated him, I shall 
be among the first to acknowledge a genuine feeling of civic pride 
at it; for he is a Virginian, and my strongest public attachment of 
all is to the prosperity and honor of Virginia. If what I have said 
should excite resentment, I shall hold Mr. Clay, and him only, re- 
sponsible to me for any improper expression of that feeling. 
With great respect, 

TH. M. RANDOLPH, Sen. 

Kxirad frum a letter addressed ^' to the Honorable the Speaker and 
Gentlemen of the House of Delegates of Virginia,^'' — Dated JVo- 
rember26, 1812. 

" 1 wis!) the General Assembly to be informed, that I have been 
acting in the representative character for more than twenty years ; 
that during that whole time, I have taken peculiar deligl)t in the 
character of the representative of the people; that I not only have 
never made an attempt to change it for an executive one, but have 
invariably rej)elled every toiujjtation to such a change : of course, a 
small portion of the loaves and fishes have falleri to my lot: whilst 
my individual, pecuniary sacrifices, have not been inconsiderable. 
During this whole time, equally undeterred by apprehensions of popu- 
lar resentments, and unreduced by allurements of personal aggran 
discmentjl have unreuiiltingly devoted the best energies of my mind^ 



mi' 

uid the honest dictates of my best judgment, to the public service, 
F"rom this course of conduct, 1 have derived consolation, support, 
\nd happiness; and it is fortunate for man, that whilst he is at all 
imes subject to the assaults of others, he may be sole master of one 
jreat good — an approving conscience. Of this one good, I have 
leretofore taken, and shall hereafter take, the most precious care; 
md whilst I feel the most unbounded respect for the General Assem- 
)ly, and shall delight in the possession of its good opinion, and of 
hat of my fellow citizens generally, I am not now prepared, and 
lever can be prepared, to ofier up this one good, as a propitiation 
o any tribunal upon earth." 

Richmond, Oct. 2, 1798. 
SIR, 

The impaired state of my health has induced me to retire from 
>ublic employment ; I therefore do hereby resign my seat in the 
Souse of Representatives of the United States. 
Be pleased sir, to accept my respectful compliments, &;c. 

WILLIAM B. GILES. 
To THE Governor of Virginia. 



In Council, August 11, 1804. 

The board took into consideration the appointment of a Senator 
)f the United States, in the room of Abraham B. Venable, Esq., re- 
iigned. 

Whereupon, William B. Giles, Esq. was unanimously elected. 

In the House of Delegates, December 4, 1804. 

The House proceeded by joint ballot with the Senate, to the elec- 
ion of a Senator of the United States, to supply the vacany occa- 
sioned by the resignation of Wilson C. Nicholas, Esq. 

Whereupon, William B. Giles, Esq. was duly elected. 



In the House of Delegates, Friday, Dec. 7, 1804. 

The House proceeded to the election of a Senator of the United 
States, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the expiration of the 
erm of service of William B. Giles, Esq. 

Whereupon, William B. Giles, was duly elected. 



In the House of Delegates, Wednesday, Jan. 2, 1811. 

The House proceeded by joint ballot, to the election of a Senator 
of the United States, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the eX' 
piration of the term of service of William B. Giles, Esq. 

Whereupon, William B. Gilef! was doly elected. 



Richmond, jVovemher 2o, 1816. 

To His Excellency 

WILSON C. NICHOLAS, 

Governor of Virginia. 

SIR, 

A period has at length arrived, when our beloved country, 
after successfully passing through the trials of a just and honorable 
war, against a powerful nation, is enjoying all the blessings of peace, 
with the fairest prospects, under the guidance of wise counsels, and 
the divine protection, of their long continuance. 

This fortunate, and happy condition of tlie country, aflbrds me a 
favorable opportunity, of indulging myself in a desire, I have long 
felt, of retiring altogether to scenes of domestic life. This conside- 
ration, however, would not, of itself, furnish a sufiicient motive to 
induce me to carry this purpose into eflect, during the present sena- 
torial term ; but another circumstance has taken place, which I con- 
ceive, ought to have its influence upon my determination in this res- 
pect. In consequence of an absence from home, for a portion of 
each year, during a period of nearly five-and-twenty years, in which 
I have been engaged in serving the people in the representative cha- 
racter, my private concerns have become materially deranged; and, 
in my judgment, a strong obligation, is therefore, imposed upon me, 
to give my personal attention to their re-establishment. These con- 
siderations united, have determined me, to withdraw from public 
service at this time. For these reasons, I do hereby resign my office 
of Senator in the Senate of the United States. I take great plea- 
sure, Sir, in availing myself of this occasion, to renew to your ex- 
cellency, assurances of my high considerations, and sincere personal 
regards, &c. 

WILLIAM B. GILES. 



Revised Code, pag-e 1G4, vol. 1, chap. 51. 

Section 32. WHiercas the freedom of speech, and proceedings, 
appertaineth of right to the General Assembly, and the preservation 
thereof is necessary to secui-e the liberty of the people : — 

Be it enacted, That if any person shall arrest or prosecute, or 
be aiding or abetting in arresting and prosecuting a member or 
members of the Senate or House of Delegates, for, or on account of 
any words spoken or written ; any propositions made, or proceedings 
had, in the said Senate or House of Delegates; every such person, 
so ofl'ending, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall bo 
apprehended, committed, and tried therefor, as in other cases of mis- 
demeanors, before the general court, or a superior court of law of 
this commo)nvealth ; and being thereof convicted, by the verdict of | 
a jury, shall be adjudged to suH'er imprisonment for a term not ex- ' 
ceeding one year, and shall pay a fine not exceeding two thousand 
dollars; which imprisonment and fine shall be assessed by a jur}'. 

Sec. 33. And if any member or members of tlie said Senate or jj 
House of Delegates, shall by arrested or imprisoned, for, or on ac- ' 



16.9 

ttbuAt of any words, spoken or written, or for any proposition made, 
or proceedings had, in said Senate or House of Delegates, such 
member or members may apply to the general court, or a superior 
court of law, or any judge thereof in vacation, for a writ of habeas 
Gorpus, who are hereby empowered and required to issue the same, 
i-etxn'nable before the said court, or said judge, or any other judge, 
and, upon the return thereof, to liberate and discharge such member 
or members. 

Sec. 34. The provisions of this act shall be extended to the ar- 
resting and prosecuting any person or persons, for words spoken or 
Written, or for any propositions made, or proceedings had, in said Se- 
nate or House of Delegates, and to the discharging and liberating 
any person or persons, by habeas corpus, as aforesaid, although such 
pei'son or persons shall, by disqualification, or from any other causes, 
have ceased to be a member of the said Senate or House of Dele- 
gates, at the time of such arrest or prosecution, or of the trial, judg- 
ment, or imprisonment, in consequence thereof: Provided^ That 
nothing herein contained shall, in any respect, extend to the power 
which either House of the General Assembly now hath, or may ex- 
ercise over their respective members- 

"Having been informed, that much excitement was produced 
amongst the members of the last General Assembly, from intimations, 
that I had wantonly introduced the subject of instructions, for the 
sole purpose of contemptuously attacking the rights of that body, 
&tc. h,c. &ic. ; I have deemed it proper to counteract tliis gross mis- 
representation, by annexing to this explanation an extract from the 
speech of the honorable Mr. Crawford, to which mine was a repl}* 
The deservedly high standing of this gentleman in the Senate, and 
throughout the United States, imposed on me an imperious obliga- 
tion to notice observations of the character of those contained in the 
annexed extract. The object of my reply was, to demonstrate the 
truth of the principle asserted in the instructions, to assert the right 
of the General Assembly to give them; and to vindicate it against 
the imputation of unworthy motives, inducing the act of instructions 
on its part. It is believed, that nothing will be necessary to the jus- 
tification of my motives on that occasion, in the opinion of every 
gentleman, who feels a just sensibility to the honor of the General 
Assembly; but, first reading the annexed extract, and then trans- 
porting himself, in imagination, from the floor of the General As- 
sembly, to the floor of the Senate, imder the peculiar circumstances 
attending me on that occasion. It is a subject of regret, that the 
duties thus imposed on me, have been executed so unfortunately, in 
behalf of the General Assembly, as to have drawn on me its public 
censure." 

Extract from Mr. Crnwford''s speech. 

"It is said, the states have reserved to themselves the exclusive 
right of erecting banks. That the states have exercised the right of 
22 > ' 



(19- 



eMablislyug- banks, is a fact, not to be denied; but lluit they havr 
the right under the constitution, is extremely questionable. Had 
these threat states, who have undertaken, by their instructions, to in- 
fluence the decision of this question by Congress, contented them- 
selves with the exercise of this right to establish banks, I should not 
«pon this occasion enter into an investigation of that right. But 
these great states, not content with the exercise of an usurped autho- 
rity, are bv usurpation attempting to legislate for Congress. And, 
sir, what is the inducement with these great states to put down the 
bank of the United States.^ Their avarice, combined with the love 
of domination. They have erected banks, in many of which, they 
hold stock to a considerable amount, and they wish to compel the 
United States to use their banks, as places of deposit for their pub- 
lic monies; by which they expect to increase their dividends. And 
in the banks rn wliich they hold no stock, many of the individual 
members of tlitir legislatures are stockholders, and no doubt were 
influenced to give instructions by motives of sheer avarice," 

"Mr. Crawford's speech continues the subject for nearly a page- 
farther ; but this short extract is abundantly suflicient for my pur- 
pose. Suppose I had remained silent, under the serious charges thus 
brought forw ard against the General Assembly, and the individual 
members; would not such silence have justly subjected me to the 
censure of both ? Could it then have been expected, when 1 spoke out 
in the defence of both, and placed them upon honorable and dignified 
ground, as I tlien thought, and still think ; that I should have incur- 
red their censure for such defence ! ! ! That it should be said that I 
Wantonly introduced the subject of instructions, unconnected with 
tiie debate, from the miraculous motive of manifesting a contemptu- 
ous disrespect towards the General Assembly." 

Extract from the speech in reply to Mr. Crawford, pages 1, 18 — page 
19 — pages 19 and 20 — pages 25, 26. 

Page 1st. — "Mr. President — It is with great reluctance that I 
•find myself compelled to enter into the discussion of the subject now 
under the consideration of the Senate ; but the observations which 
fell from the honorable gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Crawford) 
were of such a character as to impose on me an irresistible obli- 
gation to present that view of the subject which has resulted from 
the best reflections 1 have been able to bestow upon it. This obli- 
gation arises from the very high respect I entertain for the Legislature 
of the State 1 have the honor to represent — the great respect 1 feel for 
the gentleman, who made the observations, as well as from the res- 
pect manifestly due to myself." 

Pages 18, 19. "I will now proceed to animadvert upon some Im- 
portant observations made by the gentleman, upon the right of the 
legislatures of the respective states, to instruct the senators of the 
United States : 

*' Acting as I now am, Mr. President, under the influence of Instruc- 
tions from the legislature of the state I have the honor to represent, 



Ill 

I leei myself imperiously called upon, to notiee some observations 
which fell from the honorable gcntlcinan from Georgia, (Mr. Craw- 
ford,) and the honorable gentleman from Pennsjlvania, (Mr. Leib,) 
in relation to that subject. 

Pages 19, 20. "The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Leib,) 
after havini? read his instructions, informed the Senate — =" that he 
represented one of the great states, which had given instructions, and 
that he felt himself absolutely bound by them in the vote he should 
give on the present question ; that he considered himself the reprC' 
tentative of the legislature of Pennsylvania ; that it was the principal, 
and he die agent, and bound to carry into eflect its will," &:c. &c. 

"However high may be the respect I generally entertain for the 
opinion of the honorable gentleman, (Mr. Leib,) I am compelled to 
dissent from him in these opinions. I feel m} self compelled too, to 
express this dissent, lest it might l>e supposed, that being similarly 
circumstanced widi that gentleman, on the present question, ray 
conduct might be influenced by similar considerations. I do not 
consider myself the representative of the legislature of Virginia, 
although I feel the most unbounded confidence in its wisdom and 
])atriotism, and the highest respect for its proceedings. I consider 
myself the representative of the people of the United States, delegat- 
ed to that character by the legislature of Virginia. As an evidence of 
the correctness of this opinion, I have only to remark, that the laws 
which I contribute to pass, in the character of senator, are co-extensive 
with the United States, aiid operate upon the people thereof in their 
individual capacities. They do not operate upon the state legisla- 
tures in their corporate ciiaracters: except in cases where, in that 
character, they are connected with the federal government, or in- 
strumental in the execution of some of its powers. Still less do they 
operate upon the legislature of Virginia exclusively; of course, I can- 
not consider myself as the representative of that legislature exclusively, 
as its agent, and bound in ail cases to execute its will upon this 
floor. It is not necessary, nor do I mean to question, the right of 
the state legislature, so long practised upon, to instruct the senators 
of the United States, chosen by them respectively; because that might 
produce an unmeaning and useless discussion about terms; but I 
mean to inquire whether the exercise of the right imposes a consti- 
tutional obligation on thp senator instructed, to obey.? In what the 
real obligation to obedience consists f Whether the instruction is 
injunctive and compulsory on him ; or addressed only to his discre- 
tion.'* Or, in other words, whether the senator instructed has not a 
right to disobey.'' And whether sucli disobedience violates any mo< 
ral or political obligation.'' 

Pages 25, 26. " The gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Crawford,) 
was pleased to say, that in giving instructions to the senators upon 
this occasion, the great states had been iniiuenced solely by motives 
of avarice. I regret the remark; and 1 think, if the gentleman 
would dispassionately re-consider it, he would also regret it, I think 
he would admit, that the Legislature of Virginia could not have act- 
ed under the influence of such a motive. — And, sir, I feel a pride, 



11:^ 

and a pleasure, in standing here to repel the iinpuiatiou, and to do jus- 
tice to the real motives of the Legislature. I am at a loss to deter- 
mine what are the peculiar circumstances which could have induced 
the gentleman to ascribe the motives of avarice to the Virginia Le- 
gislature on this occasion. It is true that a branch of the Bank of 
ihe United States, with the trilling capital of 300,000 dollars, is 
established at Norfolk, and that a branch of the Baidi of Virginia 
is also established there. But these circumstances furnish no pos- 
sible motive of avarice to tiie Virginia Legislature. The amount 
of capital and its eifects, are quite unimportant to the State. Nor- 
folk itself, although equally respectable and important with any 
other portion of the State of the same extent and population, is not 
sufficient to excite the avarice of the Virginia Legislature. 

" The Legislature of Virginia consists principally of agriculturists, 
residing in the interior of the State, who concern themselves very 
little with banks and bank operations. They, therefore, have made 
no calculation of pecuniary interests upon this occasion. They have 
acted, in giving instructions, from the purest and most honorable mo- 
tives, from a conviction that the power of granting charters of incor- 
poration was not conferred on Congress by the Constitution, but re- 
served to the States respectively. That this conviction alone, was 
the inducement to -their instructions, will appear obvious from the in- 
structions themselves, which I beg leave to read : 

" The General Assembly view with the most serious concern, the 
late attempt which has been made to obtain from Congress a renewal 
of the charier incorporating the Bank of the United States. This As- 
sembly are deeply impressed with the conviction that the original 
grant of that charter was nnconstiiutional ; that Congress has no 
power whatever to renew it; and that the exercise of such a power 
ivould be not only unconstitutional, but a dangerous encroachment 
on the sovereignly of the States : — Therefore, 

^'Resolved, That the Senators of this State, in the Congress of the 
United States, be instructed, and our Representatives most earnestly 
requested, in the execution of their duties as faithfid Representatives 
of iheir country, to use their best efforts, in opposing, by every means 
within their power, the renewal of the charter of the Bank of the 
United States. 

January 22d, 1811. 

Agreed to. 

ROBT. TAYLOR, S. S. 
JAS. BARBOUR, S. H. D. 

A copy from the original, 

Test, James Pleasants, c. h. d." 

" It manifestly appears from these instructions, that a conviction of 
the unconstitutionality of the original bank law, was the sole induce- 
ment with the Legislature for giving them: and here, sir, permit me 
to express a hope, that the arguments I have urged in favor of this 
opinion, will amply justify the Legislature in the honest conviction 
undtT which it acted. Permit me also to remark, sir, that wli'ihi J 



173 

cannot admit that instruction in any case, possesses a mandatory 
influence over the Senator, and whilst I think the practice of giving 
instructions in general, and upon general points of policy, is attend- 
ed with injurious eiiects upon the proceedings of this government, &c. 
— yet in a case of rights reserved to the States, the Legislature not 
only fjave the right, hut it is their duty to express their opinion to, or 
instruct their Senators (for I will not cavil about terms) to resist the 
usurpation of the general government. It is the mildest way in whicli 
their agency can be brought to bear upon all such cases ; and this 
being a case in point, the instructing Legislatures stand perfectly jus- 
tified in the conduct the}' have adopted in that respect. I hope, sir, 
I have rescued the Legislature of Virginia from the unmerited impu- 
taiioij thrown against it, inadvertently I am sure, by the gentleman 
from Georgia, (Mr. Crawford,) and have shewn that it has been in- 
fluenced by the purest, the most laudable, a«d the most honorable 
motives." 



It would seem, from a very able report of the Legislature of Penn- 
sylvania, adopted in March 1815, immediately after the termination of 
the last war; that, the embargo, and non-intercourse laws, grew out of 
the war power ; as indeed, was the universal understanding at that 
time. The report was made in reply to a proposition, to amend the 
constitution, limiting the power of the General Government over em- 
bargoes, and non-intercourse laws, made by the Legislatures of Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey; and is in the fol- 
lowing words: 

" By the nest amendment it is proposed, that " Congress shall not 
have power to lay any embargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens 
of the United States, in the ports or harbors thereof, for more than 
sixty days." 

"The Committee can see little in the principle of this proposal, to re- 
commend it, and they foresee in practice very serious inconveniences 
from it. In most other nations, an embargo is principally used as a 
temporary detention, to conceal or to facilitate, the departure of some ex=. 
pedition ; but in addition to these causes, our peculiar situation gives tq 
such a measure, a character of defensive war, as well as of offensive 
hostility. An embargo may here be imposed as a preliminary to war, 
for tlie purpose of retaining at home, resources, which might fall into 
the hands of adversaries, and of warning our citizens to seek shelter 
from impending hostilities. This country too, stands in a relation to 
the world, which no other nation occupies. The United States is a 
great granary, from which many other countries are supplied, and some 
have been occasionally fed. To withhold for a time those necessary 
supplies from a nation committing aggressions against us, is a mea- 
sure of fair, obvious, and effectual hostility, by which the oflVnding 
nation may be reclaimed to a just course of conduct. Such a measure 
should therefore be left with other incidents of war, to the discretion of 
Congress. But it is obvious, that the efficacy of an embargo may de- 
pend on its duration. Approaching hostilities may not be averted or 
determined m sixty days. Within sixty days, a refusal to furnish sup- 



174 

©Vies may be prodnctive of no inconvenience to an enemy. If It be said 
the embargo may be renewed, why the necessity of any limitation of 
lime, since the same power which can renew a limited, may repeal an 
unqualified embargo, when circumstances require it. But during the 
long recess of Congress, it would be impracticable to renew an embar- 
go every sixty days. The more judicious plan seems to be, to trust ihe 
power where it now is; and this, the more willingly, as our recent ex- 
perience will have furnished the means of ascertaining the nature and 
value of that species of restriction." 

What strange tiioughtlcssnesSj and forgelfulness, mark the politicians 

of the day ! !! 



The following is the section of appropriation for carrying into effect 

the Cumberland Road law.— -General Taylor read this section, exiept 

tl»at part of it which appears now in italics; so much was omitted.— 

This part contains a provision for reimbursing any money which may 

act ^ paid at the Treasury, for making that road, out of the fund to ac- 

^' le from the sales of the public lands within Ohio, — Tliis provision, I 

lieve, is dispensed with, since the claim of the general power to make 
tulernal iujprovenients has been asserted. In tliis provision, will be 
seen, the distinction between the principle upon which the Cumberland 
Road vAas established, and the principle upon which the general power 
to make internal improvements is now set up by the general govern- 
ment. 1 intended to have made some observations upon this subject, 
but inadvertently omitted to do so. 

The section is here introduced, as forming a material part of the true 
history oi" the Cumberland Koad law. 

•' Sect, G. ^3nd be ii further enacted, That the sum of % 30,000 be, 
and tlie same is hereby appropriated, to defray the expense of laying 
out and making said road. And tlie President is hereby authorised to 
draw from time to time on the Treasury for such parts, or at any one 
lime for the whole of said sum, as he shall judge the service requires. 
Whicij sum of $30,000, shall be paid, fn-st out of the fund of two per 
cent, reserved for laying out and making roads to the state of Ohio, by 
virtue of the seventh section of an act passed on the 30th day of April, 
J802, entitled, " An act to enable the people of the eastern division of 
the territory north west of the Ohio river, to form a Constitution and 
Slate government, and for the admission of such State into the Union, 
on an equal fooling witii the original Slates, and for other purposes." 
Three per cent, of the appropiiation contained in said seventh section 
being directed by a subsequent law, to the laying out, opening and ma- 
king"roads wlihin the State of Oliio, Jind, secondly, out of any money 
in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, chargeable upon, and rC' 
imhamabh at the Treasury, by said fund of tioo per cent., as the same 
shall accrue." 

The lollowing letters are published here to show— 1st, That the 
ofiice of Governor was freely conferred, without solicitation. 

2d. That aotwithstanding all the popular clamor, raised about the 



ol 



170 

question of instructions, " I never could, under any circumstances 
permit myself to doubt of the ultimate justice of my couqtry:" oi 
course, could not have been influenced by popular clamor in retiring 
from the Senate in 1815. 

February lAth, 1827. 

Str, — On behalf of the joint committee of the Senate and House 
of Delegates, appointed for that purpose, we beg leave to communi- 
cate to you your election to the office of Governor, or Chief Magis- 
trate of this Commonwealth, from the 4th day of March next, in the 
place of John Tyler, Esq. elected to the Senate of the United States. 

In performing this duty, sir, wo cannot withhold the expression of 
our own gratification, at this distinguished proof, not only of the 
steady adherence, on th6 part of the Legislature, to those great 
principles which Virginia has so long cherished, and of which you 
have been a distinguished advocate; but because in it, we also per- 
ceive the just reward of a long course of valuable public services, 
both in the councils of the Union and of your own native State. 
Witli sentiments of the highest consideration and respect, we have 
the honor to be, &lc. 

SAMUEL TAYLOR, C. C. S. 
JOHN W. NASH, C. C. H. D. 

W.u. B. Giles, Esq. 



Richmond, Feb. Mtk, 1827. 

Samud Taylor, Esq. 

Chairman of a Ci mmittee of tlie Senate, Sec. 

John W. JYash, Esq. 

Chahmaa of a C(unmittee of the House of Delej^ates, Sic. 

Gentlemen, — Your communication, on behalf of the Joint Com- 
mittee of the Senate and House of Delegates, of my election to the 
office of Governor, or Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, by 
the General Assembly, has called into action the liveliest sensi- 
bilities of my heart ; and the peculiar circumstances attending the 
election have served to enhance its honors, and to increase both my 
obligations and my gratification upon the occasion. 

If it should have been my good fortune, heretofore, to have ren- 
dered valuable services both in the councils of the Union, and my 
own native State, I can now only observe ; that I have already de- 
rived abundant consolation and happiness, from a consciousness of 
having at all times, faithfully discharged all my public duties ; and 
I never could permit myself for one moment, under any circumstan- 
ces, to doubt the ultimate justice of my country, in putting a proper 
estimate upon those services. Be pleased, gentlemen, to inform the 
General Assembly, that I accept, with a grateful heart, the high 
office it has been pleased to confer on me; and all I have to offer in 
return is : a solemn pledge ; that whatever of mental and physical 
c-apacities, I have remaining, shall be sedulously employed in pro- 
moting the welfare of our beloved Virginia, particularly, and of our 



i70 

common country, generally ; should any of its concerns Tail within 
my official sphere of action. 

Permit me, gentlemen, to tender yon and the committee, my sin- 
cere thanks for the very polite and flattering manner, in wiiich you 
have made the communication and my fervent prayers for your in- 
dividual health, prosperity and happiness. 

WM. B. GILES 



APPENDIX. 

— @®^~ 

Upon reviewing the proof-sheets of the foregoing pamphlet, it occui" 
red to me, that 1 had omitted my remarks in reply to Mr. Clay's no- 
tions of the positive independence of foreign nations on the part of the 
United States, after it was too late to introduce them in their proper 
place; and having written two numbers upon that subject in 1824, I 
determined to introduce them at the close of the pamphlet, as substitutes 
for the omitted remarks. The opinions therein expressed have not be- 
come impaired; but are enforced and confirmed, by experience, and 
farther reflection. 

Tariff Bill— Independence of Foreign Naiions. 
I have heretofore taken the liberty of saying, that the pretexts for 
the tariff bill appear to me to be flimsy, visionary, unfounded, and ma- 
ny of them ridiculous. 1 will now briefly examine one of these pre- 
texts, which seems to me to be the basis of all the rest — indeed, all 
those which have branched forth from the parent stock, I think, felo de 
se : I shall therefore leave them, at this time, to their own self destruc- 
tion, or to the destruction of the antagonist arguments of others. — The 
ultimate object of the tarifi' bill is avowed to be, to render the United 
Slates independent of foreign nations. It would be impossible to tell, 
how often this phrase has been ushered forth in the newspapers, within 
the last three or four years ; and at this moment, 1 am as much at a loss 
to comprehend the precise meaning, intended to be conveyed by it, or 
the precise object intended to be described by it, as if I had never seen 
it at all. According to my understanding, there is as little definite 
meaning or object attached to this piirase, as to any other, of the same 
number of words, in the English languge. I must presume that the 
phraseologists know themselves what they mean by it ; but as I do not, 
I beg leave to state my own diflicuhies in that respect; the more espe- 
cially, as most polemic discussions are found to depend rather upon the 
want of aflfixing some precise, definite tneaning to the terms used in 
such discussions, than upon the results from the premises after their pre- 
cise meaning shall be ascertained and agreed upon. The phrase "in- 
dependent of foreign nations," I presume, is intended to describe some 
state of relation between the United States and foreign nations ; but 
what that precise definite state of relation is, I cannot comprehend from 
the term itself. The word " independence" is a word of relation. Do 
the tariff schemers mean by the phrase, " independence of foreign na- 
tions," a positive or relative independence of foreign nations.^ If they 
mean a relative independence, how near do they mean to approach to 
a positive independence ^ if they mean a positive independence, I then 
pronounce, that it is neither attainable nor desi>'able. If they mean a 
relative independence, then I assert, that the United States do at this 
lime possess all salutary relative independence of foreign nations. If 
23 



178 

they did not, the tarift' bill would not have the least tendency to pro- 
dure it; but might, and probably would, tend to lessen the existing in- 
dependence. 

In this world, there is scarcely any thing positive. It is a world of 
relations and dependencies. This system of relation and dependence 
is seen throughout all nature. It is seen, as well in regard to national 
as individual relations and dependences. The great principle of crea- 
tion is founded in the sexual systetn. In the relations of individual life, 
the sexes are made dependant on each other for mutual happiness. In 
in(ancy, tbe child is made dependant upon the parent; and in old age, 
the parent upon the child. Tliere are also relative degrees of depen- 
dance throughout all social and domestic life. The same principle of 
relation and dependance will be found throughout all scenes of business. 
The consumer depends upon the merchant to supply his wants of for- 
eias) goods; the merchant depends I'pon the consumer, either for mo- 
ney ur other goods in exchange. Tliis system will be found to pervade 
all callings, and conditions in individual life. To be p»)sitively inde- 
pendent in private life, what would it be necessary for an individual to 
do.f* He must be his own farmer to raise his own grain , his own miller 
to grind it; his own cook to bake it, before he could get a piece of 
bread in his mouth : he must be his own grazier, his own butcher, and 
his own cook, before he could get a piece of meat in his mouth : and 
before he could get a pair of shoes on his feet, he must add the occupa- 
tions of tanner and shofmaker. Besides, he must make all the tools 
and implements of all his variegated occupations. — Throughout his 
whole long catalogue of wants, he must observe the sanie process, to 
supply each particular want. Upon supplying hitnself, wit!) his own 
hands, with the whole of his wants, he would then, and not till then, be 
a positively independent gentleman. But while this process, if practi- 
cable, would render him positively independent of all other creatures, 
it would render liim the most positively dependant slave tjpon himself, 
Acccrdnig to this doctrine of positive independence in private life, a 
gentleman with his pockets astrut with cash, would be dependant upon 
his laiior, his shoemaker, and upon every body else who contributes 
to his enjoyments — and the old notion of a gentleman of independent 
fortune must be abandoned altogether. Heretofore it has been under- 
stood, that, when a gentleman has money enough to pay for all his 
• wants, he is independent : not that he is positively so, but relatively so. 
However wealthy a man may be, he is dependant upon the tailor for his 
coat, upon the shoemaker for his shoes, and so on to the extent of all 
his wants: but the furnishers of these wants are dependant upon him for 
his money. This mutuality of dependance neutralizes its effects, and 
produces a relative independence, which is all the independence that is 
practicable, or desirable, amongst mankind in private life. The same 
principles will be found to extend, and apply in full force to the family 
of nations. It has pleased tlie omnipotent Author of creation to form 
this world with different climates, different soils, different productions, 
and a vast variety of other differences. One nation produces more of 
a particular article, suited to the use and enjoyment of man, than it 
Tvants for its own use; another nation produces more of another arti- 
cle of a different kind, than it wants for its own use : an exchange of 



179 

each surplus production, therefore, becomes necessary for mutual ac- 
commodation. Hence the foundation of foreign commerce. For iliis 
purpose, God has separated continents and islands, by elements of 
fluids, and endowed man with skill for navigating them ; but he has 
not seen fit to bestow on any one nation every thing which was neces- 
sary or convenient for all its wants : and thus most forcibly demon- 
strates his design, that a mutual intercourse amongst nations should 
take place; — or in other words, that commerce should exist amongst 
mankind. In no one instance has God's infinite goodness and wisdom 
been more manifest, than in imposing these mutual obligations and de- 
pendencies upon mankind, for their own enjoyments, happiness, and 
the improvement of the human intellect. Through commerce tiie great- 
est blessings have been transferred from one nation to another. Letters 
from Phenicia; the mariner's compass from Genoa; printing from 
Germany; seeds of various kinds from one country to another ; im- 
provements in the fine, agricultural and mechanic arts; and in all the 
intellectual endowments of the human mind. In all these respects 
the United States have derived more benefit from commerce, than has 
fallen to the lot of any other modern nation. They have been greatly 
blessed too in their own indigenous productions; but it has not pleased 
God to bless them with every thing useful and necessary to the enjoy- 
ment of man : they have not been rendered positively independent of 
all other nations. There are two articles, amongst others, which are 
deemed highly desirable amongst all mankind, w.iih which they have 
been but sparingly supplied — gold and silver. Perhaps, however, the 
tariff schemers might rely upon iheonnjipotence of their schemes for 
diverting labor from its natural into artificial channels, to force a suffi- 
cient supply of gold at least from the gold mines of North Carolina; 
or they might conclude, that gold and silver were not wanted for animal 
gratifications, and might be dispensed with altogether. 

If gold and silver are not to be expunged from our catalogue of 
wants, then positive independence is not attainable to the United States. 
— Until the tariff schemers turn alchymists, and shall make gold and 
silver out of any thing, or nothing, they cannot render the United 
States positively independent of foreign nations. In regard to relative 
independence, the United States stand upon high ground in their inter- 
course with foreign nations; and will continue to do so, until they 
throw away the abundance of good things which their God has most 
bountifully bestowed upon them.— He has given them climates, and 
soils, suited to the production of wheat, cotton, and tobacco, amongst 
many other good things. These articles are wanted in other countries, 
and if the United States will not refuse a fair interchange of the sur- 
plus of these good things, for the surplus of the good things produced 
in other countries, which are wanted here, it will always insure to the 
United States a salutary relative independence of foreign nations. I 
should not feel at all dependant upon foreign nations for our gold and 
silver, so long as the nations, which have them, shall indulge the appe- 
tite for our flour and tobacco, and a taste for the articles produced by 
our cotton ; and so long as the political schemers of the United States 
should leave them to their natural efiects ; and should not drive back 
the gold and silver by their banking institutions or by other ruinous 



18U 

scliemes. The United Stales have heretofore claimed pre-eminent 
ground in their relative intcrconrse with foreign nations. They pos- 
sess a thin, active population — a fertile and unoccupied soil — subsis- 
tence in abundance. Their surplus productions consist mostly of raw 
materials, in great demand in foreign nations — whilst in most other 
countries, the population is crowded — there are more hands than em- 
ployment — the subsistence scanty, and our raw materials wanted to aid 
in giving employment to the surplus hands. Tiiese ciicumsiances, if 
not impeded in their natural operations, could not fail to place tlie 
United Slates on 'vantage ground in their relations with foreign na- 
tions. A few months ago, 1 could not help concluding, tiiat the pre- 
tension to a relative, salutary independence on the part of the United 
States, would unquestionably have fotnid an authority in Mr. Speaker 
of the House of Representatives, which would have been irresistible in 
its influence with a majority of that House. When I contemplated Mr, 
Speaker, with his Briarian hands, and fancied him engaged in deliver- 
ing his infuriated Greek speech ; with one hand battering dov.n the 
constitution of the United Slates — another battering down state rights, 
save only the Kentucky non-resident and relief laws, — a third beauti- 
fying the United States with internal improvements — a fourth spread 
over Mexico, and all South America — a fifth stretched forth to Euro- 
pean Greece — a sixth with one liiile finger pointing to Africa, Messu- 
rado — a seventh with the fore-finger pointing to the Pacific — mouth of 
Columbia — and with all the rest busily engaged in unsheathing to 
the view of trembling, astonished Europe, one million of glittering 
American bayonets; 1 thought, that Mr. Speaker must be buoyed 
up with the hope, and even deluded witli the belief, that the United 
States were positively independent of tiie whole world — indeed more, 
that the destinies of the whole world were at their command. Could 
it have been expected i can it be credited ! that within one month after 
Mr. Speaker, in this gigantic, appalling attitude, had set at defiance 
one hundred and fifty millions of the most potent people upon earth, 
that he would advocate the most despotic scheme, upon the ground that 
the United States were not blessed with even a common salutary inde- 
pendence of foreign nations!! That they were in such a state of de- 
pendance, as to call forth all the energies of his mind, to legislate ihein 
into a state of relative independence ! I ! Dependant too, upon whom, 
or upon what ! ! I Upon this very Europe, he had just frightened out 
of its wits! with one million of unsheathed, glittering American bay- 
onets ! ! ! Yet are these strange things now before us ! ! A great man 
— a statesman — above all, a President, should be endowed with fucxxl- 
ties of forethought and consistency. Not only an union of thought and 
of action in each particular measure, but a consistency and contiimity 
of thought, and of object in all his measures. Do we find them here? 
Are not these two scliemes grounded upon directly contradiciory prin- 
ciples ? The one grounded upon a positive independence, which alone 
could justify setting all Europe at defiance — the other on a dangerous 
dependance upon this same Europe. But to settle this point, let a re- 
sort be had to matter of fact. The United States have not long since 
been engaged in actual war wiUi Great Britain — the nation upon which 
Khe United Stales are said to be more dependant, than upon any other. 



181 

Was this affected dependance materially felt during that war? It cer- 
tainly was-mstTelt in any material degree, and even so far as it was felt, 
it arose more from our own folly, tban from any control of Great Bri- 
tain over us. All tlie articles we wanted, would have been readily fur- 
nished upon good terms by Great Britain — not to have been obtained 
elsewhere ; but the United Slates refused the interchange. Instead of 
letting Great Britain have our flour cotton, and tobacco, we threw them 
away as far as they were perishable, laid embargoes, interdicted com- 
mercial intercourse, and thus threw every obstruction in the way of our 
necessary supplies. Even notwithstanding all these unwise obstruc- 
tions, very little inconvenience was experienced; and in any future case, 
by a wise policy, all necessary supplies might be anticipated. But ad- 
mit some temporary inconvenience during a state of ^var; would that 
little, adventitious, temporary inconvenience, justify a permanent, un- 
just, monopolising despotism, during a state of peace, and war."* Yet 
such is the evil, if evil at all, and such the remedy offered by the tariff" 
schemers. The tariff bill, Mr. Speaker supposes, will produce this un- 
defined independence, I presume, within a century, if ever; provided 
Mr. Sneaker should not be mistaken in his political calculations, and 
speculations; but who in all the world is more likely to be mistaken 
than Mr. Speaker.'' for it would seem from Mr. Speaker's whole course 
of conduct, during the present session of Congress, that he is acting 
under the influence of some excitable, eccentric, inflammable gas, 
which has electrified him into a very Hotspur; striking blindfold at 
every rustling sound that he hears. If, then, the United States do now 
enjoy a salutary relative independence of foreign nations: and if a po- 
sitive independence is neither attainable, nor desirable; upon what 
ground is it that the whole order of labor now established in the coun- 
try should be subverted, and a new order of labor introduced, and that 
too by arbitrary, unequal and unjust artificial regulations.'' But if 
more relative independence were desirable, the tarifl' bill could have 
no tendency whatever to produce it, and would, in its consequences 
produce the opposite effects, 

WM. B. GILES. 
March 22, 1824. Wigwam, Amelia County, f^a. 

Political Schemers-^Hard Times.— The Tariff' Bill—Independence 

of Foreign JVations. 

In my last No. I expressed the opinion, that the tariff' bill, so far 
from tending to produce a positive independence of foreign nations, 
would materially tend to lessen our relative independence of them. 

I will now give the reasons inducing this opinion. I think it has 
heretofore been proved, that positive independence is neither attain- 
able nor desirable. That in the ordinations of Providence, in the 
essential nature of things, there must exist a mutual relative depen- 
dence amongst nations, as well as amongst individuals. That this 
mutual dependance is the true source of a great portion of the im- 
provements, which exalt the human character, and contribute to hu- 
man refinements, and enjoyments. In corroboration of this doctrine, 
it will be recollected, that almost every nation upon earth, which has 
been excluded from the great family of nations, is now seen in the sav- . 



182 

age state. I presume, the Tariff schemers do not mean to drive the 
United States back to this condition, in quest of positive indepen- 
dence of foreign nations. According to the doctrine of the relative 
dependance of nations on each other, I lay down this proposition. 
That in proportion to the increase of the relative dependance of 
foreign nations upon us, will be the increase of our relative indepen- 
dence of them. Let the effects of the Tariff bill, be tested by this 
plain principle ; and let this test be applied to our commercial rela- 
tions with Great Britain ; with which nation, those relations are the 
most intimate, and extensive. 

The object of the Tariff bill is to coerce the manufactory, by our- 
selves, of all articles wanted for our consumption ; and to exclude 
Great Britain from the manufactory of any of them. Will not G. 
Britain by this operation, become less dependent upon us, than she 
now is, in exact proportion to the extent of this exclusion f Take 
the articles of boots and shoes, for example. Great Britain is alrea- 
dy nearly excluded from all participation in the market of these arti- 
cles ; as I conceive, to the great loss and injury of the United States ; 
and to gH-eater injustice amongst individuals. It is now proposed to 
make the exclusion absolute. So far then as our intercourse relates to 
these two articles, Great Britain will be rendered positively indepen- 
dent of the United States by such absolute exclusion. — But suppose, 
instead of this exclusion, there were ten, twenty, thirty or more 
thousands of hands employed in Great Britain in preparing boots 
and siioes for the market of the United States, would not Great Bri- 
tain feel a material dependance upon the United States, for a market 
for the articles prepared by these hands ? It is presumed the affirma- 
tion would be admitted by all. This dependence would be greatly 
increased by the following considerations : That the population of 
Great Britain is already overflowing — that there are more British 
hands than British employment — that, consequently, it is extremely 
difficult to change hands from one employment to another. — Instead 
of such change, the unemployed hands necessarily become paupers. 
That the laboring part of the community is already so oppressed, 
and plundered by the few, that the great majority of them is left 
with a bare subsi'^stence. That it would be particularly distressing 
to the British government to sec the pauper list increasing by ex- 
trinsic, artificial causes, already increased by intrinsic ones to an 
amount, which calls for the most anxious and profound consideration 
of every British political economist. The United States do not fur- 
nish the raw materials for the manufacture of these articles ; the ar- 
gument will be doubly enforced in all cases, in which the United 
States do furnish the raw materials for the manufactured articles. 

Take the case of cotton, which is an article of the first conside- 
ration. This article is becoming subservient to a vast portion of 
human wants, and indulgencies ; and there is accordingly seen in 
the wise and benevolent dispensations of Providence, a correspond 
dent extent of climate and soil fitted for its production. The United 
States have heretofore enjoyed, in some degree, a monopoly of the 
British market for this article, and by tjie wise policy of leaving it 



183 

to its natural eflecis, might still further have engrossed the Britisli 
markets ; but by the unwise policy of laying exorbitant duties upon 
British manufactured cottons, Great Britain has been induced to look 
out for other sources of supply, and she has not been unsuccessful 
in her search. If by a liberal intercourse with Great Britain here- 
tofore, in furnishing the cotton, and taking it, in its maufactured 
state from Great Britain in return, the whole of the raw material had 
been supplied by the United States, and Great Britain had been thus 
left without any other adequate source of supply, would not her de- 
pendence upon the United States for this important article, liave been 
greater than it now is ? and would not the relative dependence of 
the United States upon Great Britain for taking the surplus of their 
raw material have been less than it now is? If so, the necessary re- 
sult is, that the relative dependence of the two countries in their 
commercial intercourse with each oiher, is injuriously aifected by 
the existing tariff; and will be much more injuriously affected by 
the one proposed. It is deemed unnecessary to extend this illustra- 
tion further. The same reasoning will apply to the whole commer- 
cial intercourse between the two countries under similar circumstan- 
ces. It may be observed, however, that Great Britain has not been 
inattentive to the effects of the unwise policy of the United States, 
and ever on the alert, has taken measures to guard herself against it; 
whilst these very precautions prove the truth of the reasoning here 
advanced. Great Britain has looked out for every climate and soil 
suited to the production of cotton, and she has found them in Egypt, 
South America and elsewhere. Whilst we hear of 150,000 addi- 
tional spindles lately erected in Great Britain for twisting cotton, we 
hear of no apprehensions of the want of a supply of the raw material. 
But what will be the effects of the Tariff bill upon the physical 
strength of the United States ? particularly the Navy ; destined, if 
not crippled, nor destroyed, at some future time, to become the bul- 
wark and defence^oY the United States against foreign nations? — 
What are to be its effects on commerce and seamen ? will it not ruin 
the one, and diminish the other ? Suppose it were to convert every 
American seaman into a shoemaker, would not the physicial strength 
of the country be impaired by the operation ? Suppose it were to 
drive a portion of your seamen into foreign employment, would not 
this operation tend still more to impair the physical strength of the 
nation ? What is to become of the ships, ship builders, and commer- 
cial capital ? all to be driven into new occupations, or rendered use- 
less ? AH these operations must necessarily tend to diminish the phy- 
sical strength of the country ; and of course, to render it less inde- 
pendent of foreign nations. 

This reasoning is founded, in part, upon the counteraction of the 
Tariff by G. Britain, and all other foreign nations, which is deemed 
one inevitable result of the scheme ; and in that event, what will be 
the effect of such counteractions upon the prices of the great staple 
articles of cotton, tobacco, flour, rice, he. ? The prices of these 
articles must be reduced below their present low prices ; and certain 
ruin must be the consequences to the growers of them. The grow- 



184 

ers of lliese articles are now suffering, and most justly complaining' 
of " hard times ;" produced amongst other causes, by the present 
exorbitant Tariff. A great number of worthy, wealthy and middling 
farmers and planters, have already been stripped of a great portion 
of their property, in a great degree by various governmental schemes. 
Many have been reduced to poverty ; and many driven, most re- 
luctantl}', from their native states, and beloved friends, and firesides, 
to take their chances in the wilderness for better times. Many, how- 
ever, by great exertions and sacrifices, are now likely to recover from 
their losses and sufferings ; provided they can be permitted to sell the 
proceeds of their labor for fair natural prices ; or even for the pre- 
sent artificial ones ; but, if dirough the baneful influence of the Ta- 
riff bill, these prices should artificially be still further reduced, it 
would not be possible to anticipate the extent of the sufferings of the 
immediate growers of the articles described ; nor of the feelings of 
the sufierers, when they cannot avoid seeing the true causes of such 
unjust and undeserved sufferings. This is, at this moment, the case 
with the surrounding scene of country here. After their past suffer- 
ings, from visionary schemers, the people in this part of the country, 
had just begun to indulge the hope, that if the natural order of things 
could be permitted in any degree to be restored ; or even the present 
order of things to be continued, they might be enabled so far to rein- 
state their afiairs, as to save their families from utter ruin and despair ; 
but upon the first blush of this hope, this destructive Tariff bill is 
presented to their view ; and in an instant, it has blasted all their 
fond anticipations. Apprehension and despondency, are again visi- 
ble upon the countenances of almost all intelligent reflecting men. 
These are some of the inevitable sectional cficcts of this most wan- 
ton and unwarrantable bill. What will be its eflects upon the Uni- 
ted States, as an integral nation ? It would not be possible for the 
whole force of human intellect, to anticipate all its injurious conse- 
quences ; but enough may bo clearly seen, as I conceive, by the 
most common impartial capacity, to deter from the adoption of the 
project, all but its enamoured, fanatical projectors. Only consider its 
immediate eflects upon the exports of the United States. — Deduct 
the proceeds of cotton, tobacco, flour and rice, from the proceeds of 
the whole exported productions of the U. States ; and what would 
remain .'* Comparatively nothing — certaiidy nothing worth the at- 
tention of any commercial nation in Europe. Is there not great dan- 
ger, then, in tampering with this extremely delicate and important 
subject ? What renders the danger gi'eater at this moment, than any 
other that could have been chosen, is, that Great Britain and France, 
are at the same moment, engaged in reviewing their respective Ta- 
rifls ; and will tnost undoubtedly retaliate upon the United Slates, 
the evils of their own cupidity, vanity and injustice. An European 
war, even a successful one, would be a groat calamity to the United 
States; but it would be temporary. A commercial war, would be a 
far greater calamity; and when once commenced, it might be per- 
petual. The Uiiited States are not without experience upon this 
subject. They have frequently tampered with it before ; and never 



185 

have they done so, without the severest sacrifices. To the fashion- 
able political schemers, who, I am told, are now pantlii^ after a 
splendid government for the United States A-who are buoyed up with 
the enchanted anticipations of squandering millions in ornamenting 
the United States with internal improvements, I would address my- 
self; and ask, if cut oft' from the supply of gold and silver from 
Europe in some way or other, from whence they would get their sup- 
plies for the execution of all these splendid phantoms ? To the friends 
of domestic manufactures, I would address myself, and ask, from 
whence would come the means of paying the manufacturer for his 
goods, if the growers of the exports of the country are to be strip- 
ped of fair prices for their productions? To South America they 
would look in vain. The condition— the policy of that country is 
yet contingent, and uncertain. But the great difficulty widi that 
country would be — that upon the return of peace, in a settled state 
of things, South America would not want any of the exports of the 
United States, whilst Europe would want them all. When the Bank 
of the United States wanted specie capital, where did the Bank send 
for it ? Not to South America ; but to London. - These, and many 
other destructive efiects of the Tarifi* bill, must be obvious, it ap- 
pears to me, to the most common observer ; but the best faculties of 
the human mind would only feel their own impotency in the attempt 
to anticipate a// its destrucdve eftects. In no one instance in human 
aftairs, is the folly of human wisdom rendered more conspicuous, 
than in the attempt to foresee all the consequences of great political 
schemes and changes. 

When Constantine, at the Council of Nice, seated himself at the 
feet of the Clergy, little did he think, by that act of affected conde- 
scension, for he was not- then baptized, that he should brutalize a 
great portion of mankind for above ten centuries. 

When the Popes were preaching up the bloody crusades to meek and 
lowly Christians, little did they think, they were raising up a chival- 
rous, gallant military spirit, which was destined to shake the adaman- 
tine Papal throne itself to its foundation. 

When the Virgin Queen was indulging one momentary feeling of 
humanity, litUe did she think, that she was preparing the means for 
cooping up one-eighth* of the whole English population into poor 
houses in the year 1824; and which might, at some future day, shake 
the whole fabric of the British constitution to its centre. 

When William the 3d established a bank, and funded only £500,000 
of public debt, little did he think, that he was laying the foundation 
of a debt of above £900,000,000; and thereby crushing posterity 
with its ponderous weight ; and little did he thinli, that he was atlord- 
ing the means for raising a standing army of 150,000 men; and a 
navy still more colossal.f • 

When the framers of our constitution, with the most patriotic holy 
zeal, were carefully looking out for definite, technical terms, to be 
used in its formation, as bulwarks against the encroachments of power, 
little did they think, that all their thrice hallowed cares and labors 
would so soon be set at naught, by a new congressional lexicography .J 
When Mr. Hamilton was projecting the Bank of the United States, 
24 



18^ 

littW.'Jic lietliink, tlial lie was creating the prolitic motlierof lour luiudred 
children ; tnail}'. of them both deformed and decrepid. And litlie did 
he think ; that he was tiii awisig. badv "P'^" Europe, and driving to 
India, the golden showers, which the desolaiih^^ European wars were 
pouring down upon the United Slates. 

When Napoleon, in splendid triumph, with enibattled Europe at bis 
heels, was inarching upon Moscow, liitle did he think, he was prepar- 
ing the means for reseating the Bourbons upon the throne of France; 
and for digging his own grave in St. Helena ; there to he buried, willj 
all the vile contumelious insults of the savage Sir Hudson Lowe, 
heaped upon his own Isead. 

When the Kentucky relief schemers, were authorising about forty 
banks, to issue bank bills, as a currency for the state, and for the re- 
lief of the Kentucky people, little did they think, of how much more 
value, were the morals of the Kentucky people to themselves, than the 
exemption from the whole amount of their debts. Little did they think, 
that the exemption of the debtor from any part of his just obligation 
to his creditor, would demoraliie society, and strip it of all commer- 
cial credit abroad. Liitle, very litlie did they think, that in less than 
three years from the period of the adoption of the relief schemes, a. 
mental jubilee would be felt throughout Kentucky, itpon every newspa- 
2}er annunciation of an " auto de je" — of (he very bank bUls, which, 
so shortly before ivere hailed tviih delirious joy, by a great portion of 
the Kentucky people, as the beloved, and promised instruments of relief 
from all their cares and troubles. 

Liitle, very little do the Tarifi' schemers think or know — Litlie, very 
little can they think, or know of all the consequences of the destruc- 
tive " Tariff Bill.-' 

WM. B. GILES. 
April 15, 1824, Wigwam, JJnpelia County, Va. 



NOTES. 



* " One-eighth of tiie whole English population is in poor houses." 
In a former number I had slated the proportion of the paupers to the 
whole English population at " above one tenth." A more recent esti- 
mate has since been made, from which it must be concluded that at this 
day the proportion is actually above one eighth ; and must continue to 
increase under the present governmental oppression. The report under 
an act passed in 1803, gives the following results: The number of 
persons relieved in, and out of poor houses, was 1,061,716. Jn the 
year 1801, the resident population of England and Wales was 8,872,- 
980; the number of parishioners relieved from the poor's rates appears 
10 be twelve in the hundred of the resident population. 

•|-"And a navy still more colossal." — Many other notable examples 
of the incompetency of the human inlellecl lo foresee all tiie conse- 
quences of great political schemes, might be adduced ; but 1 will here 
refer to only three more : and 1 do it the rather, because they are copied 
from a speech, delivered by Mr. Speaker in 1816, and ought not lo 
have been forgolien : 



187 

" The power to charter companies, is not specified in the grant, and 
I contend is of a nature not transferable by implication. It is one of 
the most exalted attributes of sovereignty. In the exercise of this 
power, we have seen an East India Company created, which has car- 
ried dismay, desolation, and death, throughout one of the largest por- 
tions of the world. Under the influence of this power, we liave seen 
arise a South Sea Company and a Mississippi Company, that distract- 
ed and convulsed all Europe, and menaced a total overthrow of all 
credit and confidence, and universal bankruptcy." 

Could all these consequences have been foreseen by the schemers ? Is 
it possible for any reflecting man not to see that the Tariff" bill contains 
the seeds of more mischiefs than all these schemes put together.'' 

J " New Congressional Lexicography." — Examples. Mr. Speaker: 
To "establish" an incident to a principle, means to "create" or "build" 
the principle itself If the framers of the constitution had used Mr. 
Speaker's substitute, or amendment, instead of their own original term, 
I think Mr. Speaker would himself have laughed at them, to wit: to 
" create" or *' build" post offices and post roads, the roads having been 
before " created" or built. This is an example of an affirmative con- 
gressional definition — now for a negative one in Mr. Speaker's own 
words. Extract from Mr. Speaker's celebrated Greek Speech : 

" Gentlemeu may call ii enthusiastic declamation if they please ; 
would to God we could hear such declamation, and the utterance of 
such feeling from them — in the year of our Lord and Saviour, that 
Saviour alike of Christian Greece and of us — a proposition was offered, 
in the American Congress, to send a Messenger to Greece, to inquire 
into her state and condition, with an expression of our good wishes and 
our sympathies — and it was rejected. Go home, if you dare; go 
home, if you can, to your constituents, and tell them that you voted it 
down — meet, if you dare, the appalling countenances of those who 
sent you here, (he meant no defiance,) and tell them that you shrank 
from the declaration of your own sentiments — that you cannot tell how, 
but that some unknown dread, some indescribable apprehension, some 
indefinable danger, afi*righted you — that the spectres of cimetars, and 
crowns, and crescents, gleamed before you, and alarmed you ; and 
that you suppressed all the noble feelings prompted by religion, by 
liberty, by national independence, and by humanity." Bah! J! What 
fustian ! ! ! No real orator would ever solemnly invoke religion ; No — 
never — unless his own heart be enraptured with her charms — Then in- 
deed, in the sincerity of his own heart, may he speak, " from the heart, 
to the heart." 

Mr. Speaker meant "no defiance." What did he mean.'' Were all 
these fine words and splendid figures uttered without any meaning.'' 
If they meant any thing, they meant defiance, according to the old 
dictionaries. In them, the words " dare" and " defiance" are strict 
synonymes. Surely two "dares" and one "if you can," would 
amount to one defiance. The last " dare" is iialicized in ike writing ; 
from which particular mark of attention, readers at a distance are apt 
to conclude, that, in the speaking, the last *^ dare^^ must have been em- 
phasized with sonorous and terrific audibility. In point of propriety 
and decorum, who is the last man in the United Slates that ought to 



ISS 

have '• dared^^ the House of ReprescHtalives twice, and to have pointed 
out the penalties of accepting the challenge to all refractory members? 

Example — from the amiable, accomplished and intelligent Mr. 
M'Lane: To " regulate" commerce, means to " facilitate" commerce. 
"Regulate," according to the old dictionaries, means to make rules. 
"Facilitate" to make easy. Apply these definitions to commerce — to 
make rules for conducting commerce — to make commerce easy. 
"Facilitate" is one of the most indefinite words in the English lan- 
guage, and therefore the least technical ; and of course the least pro- 
per to be used in prescribing definite rules of conduct. It would com- 
prehend an attenuation of the Lexicography definitions until the 
last vestige of a shade between objects, would disappear. Insert Mr. 
M'Lane's substitute, or amendment of the constitution, and would its 
meaning be improved by it? Congress shall have power to "facili- 
tate" commerce. 

Cannot gentlemen see, that these are the mere eft'orts of anxious, 
aspiring genius, to free itself from all constitutional restraints, against 
the eflectuation of favorite objects? and only serve as mental salvos 
to the liexicographer. 



FEBRUARY 2d, 1829. 



REPORT 

Of the Select Cemmiitee on the Resolutions of Georgia and South- 

Carolina, as submitted by 

WILLIAM 0. GOODE, Esq. 

Member of the House of Delegates, from Mecklenburg County. 

The select committee to whom were referred the communication 
of the Governor, transmitting the proceedings of the legislature of 
Georgia, in relation to resolutions from the States of South Carolina 
and Ohio, and the proceedings of the State of South Carolina on 
the subjects of the Tariff and Internal Improvements, have bestowed 
on those. subjects their most profound consideration. 

Having subjected the preambles and resolutions to strict exami- 
nation and severe criticism, they find the annunciations and results 
to be mainly sustainable, so far as they pertain to the Acts of Con- 
gress, usually denominated the Tariff Laws, and thus designated in 
those several proceedings. 

The proceedings of the legislature of the State of Georgia, as well 
as those on which they are founded, emanating from the legislature 
of South Carolina, announce and sustain the opinions of Virginia, 
heretofore proclaimed by successive legislatures; opinions, which rest 
on truth and reason ; which your committee can discern no cause 
to relinquish ; but which they are ready to defend and sustain, as 
involving the most essential interests of the Commonwealth. 

Respect for the dignity and character of Virginia, and an anxious 
regard for the tranquillity of the Union, admonish your committee 
to withhold such remarks as might be suggested by the conscious- 
ness of oppression; such remarks could have no other tendency than 
to excite hostile emotions, ill adapted to the grave consideration of 
the momentous question which they are deputed to examine. — Your 
committee will, therefore, proceed with calmuess and temperance, to 
examine the opinion heretofore expressed by preceding legislatures of 
the State, that the several Acts of Congress, passed avowedly for the 
protection of domestic manufactures, are manifest infractions of the 
federal constitution, and dangerous violations of the sovereignty of 
the States. 

The government of the United States, has ever been regarded 
by the sovereignty of Virginia, as f'^deraiive ia character, and limited 
in power ; as deriving its power iVom concessions by the States, 
l^hich concessions were clear and explicit, plainly declarative of all 



wliich was delegatetl, and actually containing a specific enumeration 
of every power designed to be transferred. The purposes for which 
these powers may be exerted, have been regarded as. distinctly defin- 
ed, and it was considered that the government was prohibited, alike, 
from the exercise of any power not contained in the specific enu- 
meration, as from the perversion of those actually delegated, to any 
purpose not contemplated in the grant. The Convention which, on 
the part of Virginia, ratified the constitution of the United States, 
gave this interpretation to the instrument. Its advocates then urged 
its adoption, as constituting such a government as is here described. ■ 
It was insisted, on many occasions, that the power? of the govern- 
ment were expressly enumerated ; and that none others could be 
claimed. It was insisted, with equal earnestness, that the purposes 
for which these powers might be exerted, were as distinctly ascer- 
tained, and that they could not be perverted to any other object.— 
The ablest and most zealous advocates of the constitution insisted, 
that such was its just construction, even according to the terms of the 
original text, and it must be acknowledged, that this construction is 
strengthened, by the subsequent adoption of amendments to the con- 
stitution. Those, who opposed the ratification of the constitution, 
founded their objection on a supposed absence of limitation, ac-, 
cording to the plan originally submitted ; and proposed, as an. ex- 
pedient to remedy this defect, the amendments which were subse- 
quently adopted. A majority, however, of the convention, deter- 
niined on the ratification of the original text, explained and defined 
by its advocates, as organizing a government with limited powers, 
specially enumeratedj and restrained in the exercise of those powers, 
to the attainment of specific ends. An anxious solicitude to establish 
indisputably this construction, induced the recommendation of those 
amendments which have since been engrafted on the constitution, 
establishing this construction even in the opinion of. those who op- 
posed the adoption of the constitution. 

This being the sense in which the constitution of the United 
States was originally accepted, your committee have anxiously ex- 
amined the record of succeeding time, to discover if any thing has 
since occurred, calculated to change the import of the instrument ; 
and after the most patient examination, they confidently report, that 
nothing lias transpired, which could in any manner modify its just 
construction. ' If at any succeeding period, attempts have been made 
to pervert the import of the original compact, Virginia has ever been 
prompt to avow her unqualified disapprobation, and manifest her un- 
disguised discontent. The imperishable history of '98, has perpetu- 
ated the memory of her laudable zeal, in sustaining the true princi- 
ples of the constitution, and maintaining the sovereign rights of the 
States, in successfully resisting the lawless usurpations of a govern- 
ment bent on the acquisition of boundless power. The deliberations 
of the legislature of tliis commonwealth, during the period of '98 
and 99, in relation to the construction of the constitution, by a feli- 
citous combination of circumstances, resulted in a just and luminous 
exposition of the true principles of the federal compact. This ex- 



pose clearly ascertained the just limitations of federal power, and 
happily pointed out to future generations, the Just rule of interpret- 
ing the instrument. The construction then, placed on the consti- 
tution, was submitted to the decision of the most august of all tribu- 
nals, and sustained by the judgment of United America. 

The history of Virginia discloses several occasions on w liich the 
constitution was brought in review, and the committee have found 
that on every occasion where the question was involved, the former 
legislatures of this commonwealth have insisted on a limited con- 
struction of the instrument. Sustained by the concurrence of our 
predecessors, from the earliest history of the constitution, your com- 
mittee find but little difficulty in determining the government of the 
United Slates to be federative in its character and limited in its pow- 
ers : — That the powers vested in the Government, are conveyed in 
an express enumeration : — That no power can be constitutionally ex- 
ercised, which is not contained in that enumeration : — That the pur- 
poses for which the government was instituted, are explained in the 
instrument ; and that the powers specified in the enumeration, can- 
not be legitimately exerted, for any purpose not designated by the 
constitution. 

Regarding these propositions as true, it seems to your committee, 
that to determine on the constitutionality of laws, passed for the pro- 
tection of American manufactures, it can only be necessary to ex- 
amine the enumeration of grants. If the power be there expressly 
delegated, then, indeed, the question ends. If, on the contrary, no 
such power be there expressly conveyed, we must recur to further 
reflection. 

In examining this enumeration of grants, your committee have not 
been able, to discover any such express delegation, authorizing the' 
protection of American manufactures, by means of prohibitory or 
protecting duties. They find, however, a clause in the constitution, 
empowering congress 'to promote the progress of science, and the 
useful arts, by securing for limited times, to authors and inventors the 
exclusive rigHt to their respective writings and discoveries.^ On a 
critical examination of this clause, it will be found to bear with much 
force on the question, whether or not congress have the right to ad- 
vance the manufacturing interest of America, by the imposition of 
prohibitory, or protecting duties.^ The ends which the government 
may attempt are plainly ascertained by the terms of the compact. — 
The means which may be legitimately exerted, for the accomplish- 
ment of these ends, are as plainly determined and described. The 
phrase useful art, it will be conceded, embraces and describes the 
manufacturing art ; and it is deemed competent for congress to pro- 
mote its progress, by securing for a time, to any fortunate or scienti- 
fic artificer, the exclusive use of all his discoveries. The interest 
then, of the manufacturing art may be promoted after the manner 
indicated in this clause ; but the suggestion of this particular mode 
operates as an exclusion of all other modes, and it seems to follow as *^ 
a natural consequence, that the manufacturing interest may not be 
promoted by the imposition of prohibitory or protecting duties. 



The proceedings which were had in the federal convention, con- 
lirms this construction of this clause. The plan of government final- 
ly adopted, was submitted to the consideration of the convention on 
the 29th of May, 1787, by an honorable member from the Staie of 
South Carolina. No such clause as the one now under considera- 
tion, was contained in the original draft, nor was any such engrafted 
on that draft, by the select committee, to whose examination the pian 
was subjected. On the 18th of August succeeding, it was proposed 
to consider the propriety of conferring on the government addition- 
al powers ; and among others, the following were suggested for re- 
flection : 

' To give to congress the power 'to secure to literary authors, 
their copy rights for a limited time.' 

* To encourage, by proper premiums and provisions, the advance- 
ment of useful knowledge and discoveries.' 

' To grant patents for useful inventions.' 

'To establish public institutions, rewards, and immunities, for the 
promotion of agriculture, commerce, trades ^n A manufactures.^ ' 

These propositions were referred to a select committee, who, af- 
ter mature reflection, reported on the 5th September following, the 
clause as it now stands in the body of the constitution ; investing 
congress with the power to promote the progress of science and the 
useful arts, by securing for limited times, to authors and inventors, 
the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. It 
became the duty of that cominittee, in the examination of the subjects 
to them referred, to inquire into the expediency of investing Con- 
gress with powers for the promotion' of ^manufactures.' In the event 
that they should find it expedient, it became their duty further to 
ascertain, the 'proper premiums and provisions' over which congress 
should be invested with power ; what 'public institutions, rewards, 
and immunities,' congress should be authorised to ' establish,' for the 
promotion of agriculture, commerce, trades, and manufactures ;' and 
after due deliberation, occupying the attention of the committee from 
the 18lh August to the 5th of September, it was determined that the 
only provision which should be made was contained in the clause 
which at present occupies our attention. Thus, actually rejecting 
the propositions which were referred, and negatively declaring their 
intention, that congress should iiave no other power 'to promote the 
progress' of ^manufactures'' than that of ' securing for limited times' 
«to inventors, the exclusive right to their respective' 'discoveries.'- — 
This report was sustained by the convention, who thereby afi'orded 
unequivocal evidence of their will and design, in relation to the sub- 
ject of domestic manufactures. Manufactures had become the sub- 
ject of their thoughts. They gravely deliberated on the powers 
necessary to be vested in the government, for the promotion of the 
manufacturing art, and after consultation of seventeen days, solemn- 
ly determined, that the only power over the subject, which it was 
wise to confer on the government, was that of securing temporarily 
to inventors, any exclusive advantages which might result from their 
discoveries. Your committee cannot but regard these occurrences 



as a virtual, if not an actual rejection of tl)e proposition to invest 
congress with any other powers for the promotion of manufactures. 
And they are, therefore the more confirmed in their conviction, that 
manufactures cannot be legitimately promoted by the imposition of 
prohibitory or protecting duties. 

Your committee would not rest assured, of a faithful discharge of 
the important duties which devolve upon them, were they to withhold 
all comment on such clauses of the constitution, as have been claim- 
ed to convey to congress the right to protect domestic manufactures. 
The 8th section of 1st article, has been relied on as conyeying that 
right. This section provides,. that 'Congress shall have power to 
lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, 
and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the Uni- 
ted States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform 
throughout the United States.' It is insisted by the advocates of 
protecting duties, that Congress is invested by this clause, with un- 
qualified power over the subjects of duties and imposts ; which may 
be well exerted for the advancement or advantage of the American 
manufacturer ; but this proposition appears to your committee to be 
entirely unsustainable. So far from conveying to the government 
of the United States, unqualified power over the subject of duties 
and imposts, that government is restrained in the exercise of its pow- 
er over the subject, to the accomplishment of objects, enumerated in 
the very clause itself. The words 'to pay the debts and provide for 
the common defence and general welfare of the United States,' are as- 
certained by the plainest rules of grammatical construction, to be a 
limitation on the preceding member of the sentence, restraining con- 
gress in the exercise of the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, im- 
posts and excises to the objects of paying the debts and providing for 
the common defence and general welfare of tlie United Slates. If 
this be true, the section contains an express enumeration of all the 
purposes for which the power may be exerted ; the care and atten- 
tion of American manufactures, are not embraced within this enume- 
ration : and it would seem to your committee necessarily to follow, 
that the power conveyed by the section, cannot be exerted for the 
protection or promotion of American manufactures. 

It would be uncandid in your committee to elude or evade the ex- 
amination of the question, whether or not the words " to pay the 
debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of 
the United States," convey to congress distinct and substantive 
grants of power. The afiirmative of this proposition has been main- 
tained by the advocates of protecting duties, but your committee 
confess, that after the most mature deliberation, they have not been 
able to arrive at a similar conclusion. The collocation of the words 
excludes the idea of such a construction. They are inserted after- 
the terms " duties and imposts," and are immediately succeeded by 
the words " but all duties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform 
throughout the United States." This concluding member of the 
section proves, that the attention of its framers had not been divest- 
ed from their primary subject. They had not introduced another 



subject, but were engaged in modifying, restraining or regulating 
the power over the subject first introduced. Their provisions were 
to have reference to it; there was nothing else on which they could 
attach, and the words " to pay the debts and provide for the common 
defence and general welfare of the United States," could no other- 
wise affect the power " to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and 
excises," than as creating a limitation, restraiining congress in its ex- 
ercise, to the raising of money for the purpose of paying the debts, 
and providing for the common defence and general welfare of the 
United States. — Had the convention designed these words as con- 
veying any substantive grant, they would have been separated by 
more distinct marks of punctuation. They would have been thrown 
into a separate sentence. This was done in every other instance. 
All other subjects. of grants of power have been treated of in distinct 
sentences. The grants and provisions on each subject, are perfected 
and concluded before the introduction of another subject, and it 
would seem to your committee to be unaccoimtable, if in this parti- 
cular instance the convention had introduced a distinct grant be- 
tween the clause which relates to the raising of money, and an ac- 
knowledged limitation on that clause. To construe the words as 
containing a substantive grant of power, is to convict the framers of 
the constitution of the gross impropriety of interpolating one sub- 
stantive gi*ant between another substantive grant and its acknowledg- 
ed limitation. If these words, " to pay the debts and provide for 
the common defence and general welfare of the United States," were 
designed as a limitation on the first member of the sentence, the col- 
location cannot be improved: They follow immediately the words 
which they were intended to qualify, and have a natural and obvious 
connexion with them. 

If, oi> the contrary they be designed to impart additional energies 
to the government, the convention are convicted of this confused in^ 
terpOlation, when by a natural transposition of the members of the 
sentence, the design would have been clear. The difficulty would 
have been rendered less, had the section been constructed thus : con- 
gress shall have power: 

To lay and collect, taxes, duties, imposts and excises ; but all du- 
ties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United 
States. 

Congress shall have power to pay the debts and provide for the 
common defence and general welfare of the United States. 

Had this subject been thus arranged, it Avould have strengthened 
the argument for protecting duties; but as the members of the sen- 
tence are at present disposed, to construe the words " to pay the 
debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of 
the United States, as conveying substantive grants, is to convict the 
framers of the constitution of disjoining the limitation, " but all du- 
ties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United 
States," from the power " to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts 
and excises," which it was designed to limit, and of appending it to 
the power " to pay the debts and provide for the common defence 



and general welfare of the United States," which it was riot design- 
ed to affect ai all. But, the convention is relieved from the imputa- 
tion of these inaccuracies of composition, by giving to their proceed- 
ings their rational explication, that the latter members of the sen- 
tence were designed as limitations on the power to raise money: — 
The one declarative of the purposes for which it might be raised, the 
other prescribing that it should not be raised in unequal proportions 
on the several sections of tlie Union. 

If this conviction wanted confirmation, it would be found in the 
history of the section. As it was originally introduced to the consi- 
deration of the convention, it contained unlimited authority over the 
subject of taxes, duties, imposts and excises. It was submitted in 
these words : " The legislature of the United States shall have power 
to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises." In this form 
it was referred to a select committee, who reported it without amend- 
ment or appendage. On the 16th of August, it was proposed to in- 
sert at the end of the section, " Provided, That no tax, duty or im- 
position, shall be laid by the legislature of the United States, on ar- 
ticles exported from any State." The consideration was postponed, 
and the subject referred. Six days afterwards, the committee report- 
ed the section with amendments, so as to make it stand: "The le- 
gislature of the United States shall have power to lay and collect 
taxes, duties, imposts and excises, for payment of the debts and ne- 
cessary expenses of the United States, provided that no law for rais- 
ing any branch of revenue, excfept what may be speciall}' appropri- 
ated for the payments of interest on debts or loans, shall continue in 

force for more than years." Your committee here discover 

the origin of the clause which relates to the payment of the debts, 
and the provision for the common defence and general welfare of the 
United States. Under the terms in which it was introduced, no 
doubt can exist as to its object. It was a manifest limitation on the 
preceding member. The power to raise money had been granted 
without limitation, and the amendment restrained its exercise to the 
raising of money for ^^ payment of the debts and necessary expenses 
of the United States," with the addition of a proviso containing even 
a further limitation. On tiie 23d of August, it was moved to amend 
this section so as to make it " The legislature shall fulfil the engage- 
ments, and discharge the debts of the United States, and shall have 
power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises." This 
motion prevailed, but was reconsidered on the ensuing day, and the 
subject recommitted. On the 31st of x^ugust, it was agreed that 
*' duties, imposts and excises, laid by the legislature, shall be uniform 
throughout the United States." On the 4th of September, the com- 
mittee fully and finally reported the section, in these words, thus 
punctuated, " The legislature shall have power to- lay and collect 
taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for 
the common defence and general welfare of the United States." It 
does not appear from the Journal of the convention, that this part of 
the section ever again came under consideration,. after the confirma- 
tion of this report, except that perhaps, on the 14th of September, it 



8 

received as an amendment the addition of these words, " but all du- 
ties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United 
States." A committee of five members was appointed "to revise 
the style of, and arrange the articles agreed to by the House." This 
committee was invested with no power to adopt any amendment af- 
fecting in any manner the import of the sentence, and whatever mo- 
dification it subsequently experienced, was adopted from a regard to 
propriety of arrangement, and accuracy of style. It is obvious from 
this plain relation, that the original design in introducing this mem- 
ber of the sentence, was the creation of a limitation on the power to 
raise money, prohibiting the exertion of that power, except '^for 
payment of debts and necessary expenses of the United States." This 
limitation was had constantly in view, and whatever modifications 
the language experienced, were adopted from a regard to the pro- 
priety of style. 

Various and numerous are the reflections which have suggested 
themselves to your committee, demonstrating the truth of the propo- 
sition, that congress cannot legitimately " lay and collect taxes, du- 
ties, imposts and excises," to advance the interest of the American 
manufacturer. It will not be contended, that congress have power, 
to impose and collect taxes or excises, to confer gratuities on any . 
favoured portion of the community; none would contend for such a 
power, and for the honor of the American people, it is hoped, that 
few would submit to its practical operation ; but the power of con- 
gress over duties and imposts, is not more ample than that over taxes 
and excises. The power over all is precisely the same, conferred by 
the very same section of the constitution; by the use of the very same 
terms; under precisely the same limitations. Any object which may 
be accomplished or attempted, by the exertion of the power, to lay 
and collect duties and imposts, may be as constitutionally accom- 
plished or attempted, by the exertion of the power to lay and collect 
taxes or excises. The selection from among these various means, is 
left to the wisdom and discretion of congress. The propriety of se- 
lecting the one or the other, must be resolved into a question of ex- 
pediency, and on occasions where congress may not select at discre- 
tion, it has no power to select at all. If then taxes and excises may 
not be legitimately imposed, to confer gratuities on the favourites of 
government, it would seem to your committee to be difficult to de- 
monstrate the competency of the government to lay and collect du- 
ties and imposts, to further the interest of the American manufac- 
turer, who, far from rendering any equivalent, for the advantage 
which he derives from the operation of the tarifl", occasions a great 
and incalculable loss to the treasury. 

Acting under the influence of these reflections, your committee 
are constrained to adopt the opinion, that there is nothing in this sec- 
tion which confers on congress, the right to foster domestic manufac- 
tures, by the imposition of prohibitory or protecting duties. 

Tliis right has been claimed for the government, under the clause, 
which gives to congress, tlie power "to regulate commerce with fo- 
teign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian 



9 

li'lbes." But it seems to your committee, that the authority to rep:u-' 
Lite commerce, involves no power over domestic manufactures. The 
phrases are entirely dissimilar, and cannot be construed as synoni- 
mons. Each is a distinct, determined subject, and they cannot pos- 
sibly be identified. Commerce being the interchange of commodi- 
ties, implies the exchange of one thing for another, between different 
individuals or nations. Domestic manufactures are local establish- 
ments, founded for the production of commodities, and the phrase 
implies no exchange at all. The term commerce associates a general 
idea of trade. — The term manvfactures associates the idea of fixed, 
permanent, local foundations. Commerce supplies to the American 
citizen, in return for the product of his labour, the varied products 
of distant climes. Manufactures convert his raw material into fa- 
bricks for consumption. Sophistry itself cannot identify things thus 
substantive and distinct; nor render synonirabus, the terms or phrases 
by which they are represented. Yet the argument which derives the 
power to protect domestic manufactures from the power to regulate 
commerce, does indeed identify the subjects, and render the terms 
substantially synonimous. 

The power too, to regulate commerce, was grante'd with a view to 
its perfection. Independent of the consideration of revenue, it was 
delegated to secure the most advantageous arrangements in foreign 
trade, and to ensure domestic tranquillity, by extinguishing all sub- 
jects of cavil among the states, originating in particular conflicting 
legislation. But the policy of the protecting duty's system, is by no 
means the advancement of commercial interest. Its object is to ex- 
tinguish foreign trade; whilst it surely disturbs domestic tranquillity, 
by furnishing a subject of loud and heavy complaint, of severe and 
angry recrimination. To derive, then, the right to protect domes- 
tic manufactures, from the power to regulate commerce, would be 
to pervert the design of the framers of the constitution, defeat the 
ends of the instrument itself, and to establish the paradoxical propo- 
sition, that it is the same thing to perfect and to destroy. 

Having concluded this minute examination of the several clauses 
of the constitution, which were supposed to refer to the subject of 
protecting duties, or which have been claimed to have such reference, 
your committee find themselves occupying a position whence they 
may proceed with greater advantage to the contemplation of this mo- 
mentous subject. The great design of the federal compact, as con- 
ceived by the wisdom of its illustrious authors, was the establishment 
of a government, competent to combine the energies of the several 
states, for the purpose of mutual and reciprocal safety and protection, 
against foreign insult and aggression. A government, adequate to 
secure the harmony and tranquillity of America, by exterminating all 
subjects of feud, and interposing its friendly and impartial adjudica- 
tion, on occasion of cavil or dispute among the states. Experience 
has shewn to our sagacious statesmen, that these were subjects of a 
general concern, in which the states held a comnion interest; the ad- 
vantages of which were mainly sacrificed by the particular conflict- 
ing legislation of the state«. TJje jurisdictiQn over the"se, it was ob- 
B 



10 

viously proper, to vest in some common tribunal, having authority 
Ito legislate for the general weal, and in relation to these subjects, to 
secure the greatest possible advantages, to the common family of 
American states. The difficulty and delicacy of erecting such a 
tribunal, with powers adequate to these ends, yet so constructed as 
to ensure the perpetual independence of the states, with unimpaired 
authority over all other subjects, forcibly suggested itself to the sa- 
gacity of those who then controlled the destinies of America. They 
despaired of this vast achievement by the efforts and under the sanc- 
tions of individual man, and wisely determined to bring to its accom- 
plishment, the energies and sanctions of independent sovereignties. 

Your committee will not impose on themselves the labour of com- 
piling an historical sketch of the transactions, which induced the 
foundation of the federal government. This history, it is presumed, 
is familiar to all. In conformity with arrangements previously un- 
derstood, the distinct and independent States of America assembled 
in general convention at Philadelphia, and in their sovereign, corpo- 
rate characters, proceeded to consider the nature of the compact, 
which it might be d,eemed wise to establish among themselves. All 
the proceedings which were then had, were dispatched in their cha- 
racters of sovereign States, and a government was instituted, not sus- 
tained by the sanction of a majority of the people of America, but 
by the sanctions of the people of the several States. The plan of 
Government, then established, was conformable to suggestions here- 
tofore made. Each of the sovereignties then assembled determined 
to cede to the federal government certain portions of its sovereignly, 
reserving the residue unimpaired. In the cessions which were made, 
the government was enabled to concentrate the whole strength of the 
union, for the assertion and vindication of our national rights. It 
was invested with sufficient power to tranquillize disturbances amon^ 
the States; together with a general jurisdiction, over such matters 
of general concern, as involved the common interests of the States, 
but which could not be wisely arranged by the rival, partial, and 
conflicting legislation of the particular States. The jurisdiction 
over all other subjects, was expressly reserved to the Slates respect- 
ively. All subjects of a local nature, the internal police of the 
States; the jurisdiction over the soil, the definition and punishment 
of crime, the regulation of labour, and all subjects which could be 
advantageously disposed, by the authority of a particular State, were 
reserved to the jurisdiction of the State governments. The wisdom 
of this regulation will not be questioned ; for, it surely must be suf- 
ficiently obvious, that to subject our local or domestic aflairs, to any 
other authority than our own legislature, would be to expose to cer- 
tain destruction, the happiness and prosperity of the people of Vir- 
ginia. This principle was accordingly established: That all sub- 
jects of a general nature should be confined to the federal govern- 
ment, whilst those which were local in their character, were reserved 
for the jurisdiction of the Slates respectively. 

This distribution of the political power having been established by 
the (ionstitution, the happiness and prosperity of the American peo' 



11 

pie demand, that it should be preserved. The theory of government 
as estabhshed in America, contemplates the federal and State govern- 
ments as mutual checks on one another, constraining the various au- 
thorities to revolve within their proper and constitutional spheres. 
Each government is invested with supreme authority, in the exercise 
of its legitimate functions; whilst the authority of either is wholly 
void, when exerted over a subject withheld from its jurisdiction. 
Should either depository of political power, unhappily be disposed 
to disregard the constitution, and destroy the proportions of our 
beautiful theory, it devolves upon the other to interpose, as well from 
a regard to its own safety, as for the perpetual preservation of our 
political institutions. If there be a characteristic of the federative 
system, peculiarly entitled ta our admiration, it is the security which 

. is found for individual liberty in the separate energies of distinct 
governments, uniting and co-operating for the public good; but se- 
parating and conflicting, when the object is evil. This inherent 
characteristic of the federative system, was contemplated with the 
most anxious solicitude by the founders of the federal republic. It 

• was in it, that they found the general interests of America preserved 
from the clash of particular legislation ; it was by it, that they forti- 
fied our domestic concerns from the invasions and infractions of fe- 
deral authority. It was by it, that their fears were calmed and sub- 
dued, on the great question of adoption or rejection, when the very 
being of the federal constitution, depended on the determination of 
the several States. The history of that eventful period, disclo- 

. ses the apprehension of illustrious sages, lest the sacred liber- 
ty of the American citizen should be invaded by the arbitrary 
acts of the general government; and that these apprehensions 
could only be allayed by the assurance and conviction, that the 

.state governments were adequate to the resistance of federal en- 
croachments. The legislatures, then, of the several sfates are con- 
jlemplated by the theory of American government, as .the guardians 
of our political institutions, and whenever their proportions are des- 
troyed or violated, it becomes the duty of the several legislatures 
calmly and temperately to attempt their restoration. 

The reflections in which your committee have indulged, constrain 
them to express their unfeigned regret that the government of the 
United States, by extending its influence to domestic manufactures, 
has drawn within its authority a subject over which it has no control, 
according to the terms of the federal compact: and that this influ- 
ence has been exerted after a manner alike dangerous to the sove- 
reignty of the States, and injurious to the rights of all other classes 
of American citizens. 

Acting under the influence of these reflections, your committee 
have contemplated with the deepest interest the situation of the gen- 
eral assembly and the duties which devolve upon that body. They 
cannot suppress their solemn conviction that the principles of the 
constitution have been disregarded, and the just proportions of our 
political system disturbed and violated by the general government. 
The inviolable preservation of our political institutions is entrustet^ 



to the general assembly of Virginia, in common with the legislaturec- 
of the several states — and the sacred duty devolves upon them, of 
preserving these institutions unimpaired. Yet, an anxious care for the 
harmony of the States, and an earnest solicitude for the tranquillity 
of the union have determined your committee to recommend to the 
general assembly to make another solemn appeal to those with whom 
we unliappily difler; and that the feelings of Virginia may be again 
distinctly announced, they recommend the adoption of the following 
resolutions : 

1. Resolved, As the opinion of this committee, that the constitu- 
tion of the United States, being a federative compact between sove- 
reign States, in construing which no common arbiter is known, each 
State has the right to construe the compact for itself. 

2. Resolved, That, in giving such construction, in the opinion of 
this committee, each State should be guided, as Virginia has ever 
been, by a sense of forbearance and respect for the opinion of the 
other States, and by community of attachment to the union, so far 
as the same may be consistent with self-preservation, and a determin- 
ed purpose, to preserve the purity of our republican institutions. 

3. Resolved, That this general assembly, actuated by the desire 
of guarding the constitution from all violation, anxious to preserve 
and perpetuate the Union, and to execute with fidelity the trust re- 
posed in it, by the people, as one of the high contracting parties^ 
feels itself bound to declare, and it hereby most solemnly declares 
its deliberate conviction, that the acts of congress, usually denomina- 
ted the tariff laws, passed avowedly for the protection of domectic 
manufactures, are not authorised by the plain construction, true in- 
tent and meaning of the constitution, that they are impolitic and op- 
oressive to a large portion of the people, and ought to be repealed. 



VIRGINIA LEI^ISLATURE. 

UOUSE OF DELEGATES, 

JANUARY 26, 1827. 

The hill, " concerning a Convention,'*^ having been engrossed for a 

third reading, by Ayes and JVoes, — Jlyes 105, JVoes 99, — Ujjon 

the question ^' Shall this bill passT* 

MR. GILES 

ROSE AND DELIVERED THE FOLLOWING 

SPEECH. 

The hill was rejected by Ayes and JVoes — Ayes 103, JVoes' 107. 



Mr. Speaker: 
I rise to address you under circumstances of peculiar discourap!-e« 
ment. When 1 look back upon the majorities which have heretofore 
appeared upon all questions involving the principles of this bill — 
when I look to the passionate excitements which seem to me to have 
driven this bill, with unusual speed, to its consummation — when I 
reflect upon the substitutes which have been oflered by several gen- 
tlemen, and particularly upon the discordant, militant materials, pro- 
mised us yesterday, by the gentleman from Wythe, in lieu of our 
present benignant Constitution — I feel my voice almost faltering, 
when I attempt to raise it, to say to you. Sir, that I hope this bill 
will not pass. — Yes, Sir, I hope, sincerely hope, that this bill will 
not pass. But it is a hope not founded in expectation; and, there- 
fore, the case may be said to be hopeless. In this stale of peculiar 
discouragement, and in ray extremely enfeebled personal condition, 
I might subject myself to the in)putation of presumption, for attempt- 
ing to present my views, at all, to this honorable House, upon (his 
great and solemn question. Perhaps, this imputation might justly 
be deserved, if I were acting exclusively under the impulses of my 
own mind; although, even then, an excuse might possibly be found 
in the magnitude of the question, and in the awful consequences 
which, I fear, will result from the passage of this bill. But 1 feel 
myself bound to say to you, Mr. Speaker, that I am not acting ex- 
clusively under my own impulses. A portion of my constituents, 
believing, in the present crisis of our public afl'airs, and particularly 
in relation to the present question, that I could render some service 



to them, and to our common country, made a call upon me to rea- 
der ti at service. Aft<r sonie delay, and with a full knowledge of my 
p( Ts v<al infirmiiies, I reluctantly yielded my consent to the call. 
H- nnj done so, I gave thorn a solemn pledge, that, if it became ne- 
cessary, the la- 1 spark of vital energy I possessed, should be expend- 
ed in the public service. Perhaps, IMr. Speaker, the feeble, humole 
efiort, I am now about to make, may prove to be the last expiring, 
glimmering (lame of the lamp of life. Be it so, Sir. In that case, 
I C.3U only say, it shall be expended freely in the redemption of the 
pledge made to my constituents. But, Sir, I differ with my consti- 
tuents in this belief I have not the vanity to believe that any thing 
I rould say, could tend to arrest the progress of this bill; nor in any 
degree to slay the strong current of innovation, which is too con- 
spicuously seen in the progress of the whole of our political af- 
fairs. No, Sir, I indulge no such vanities. I fear, Mr. Speaker, 
we have fallen on evil days. Within the last ten years, an evil ma- 
lignant star, appears to have been reigning in the political hemis- 
phere of these United States; and its destructive influence seems al- 
ready to have swept awsy every thing that is old, stable, valuable 
and venerable. — AH the bulwarks and rantiparls which have hereto- 
fore been most wisely erected by our fathers, for the protection of 
our rights and liberties ^igainst the encroachments of the General 
Government, have been already torn down aiid given to the winds. 
The restrain' s imposed upon that government, have been disregard- 
ed — dissipated, and even derided, and that government seems now 
to be adminisf^red as one, consolidated in its form, and unlimited in 
its will. At least, there is no power which the administrators of that 
government will admit to be beyond their jurisdiction. The Presi- 
dent of the United States asserts, and sets up claims to powers, be- 
yond the will of the pt'Ople, as expressed in our fundamental laws, 
He asserts, that moral, political, and intellectual duties are assigned 
to social or official man, l)y tiie Author of our existence. He at- 
tempts to derive powers from other sources, equally indefinable and 
unlimited. Indeed, his claims to unlimited power do not fall short 
of those of the avowed legitimate sovereigns in Europe — no, not 
even of the most absolute autocrat in the world. In fact, according 
to my understanding of them, they are without limits, as they are 
without definition. If the government be now administered, as it 
must be presumed to be, upon these undefined claims to power; it 
must then be evident, that all the restraints, intended to be imposed 
upon that {j;overnment, are at an end; and that the only security to 
the rights and liberties of the people, depends upon the unlimited 
will of that government. I had indulged a hope, Mr. Speaker, that 
amidst these general sacrifices of the great first principles developed 
by our fatliers; the old, the wise, the venerable and the venerated 
Constitution of Virginia might have been spared from the destruc- 
tive scene of these profane immolations. I find. Sir, that the hope 
is vain. On this eventful day, I expect to see our own beloved Con- 
stitution thrown as a new oblation, upon the unhallowed altar of 
these profane sacrifices. INo, Sir, there is a spirit of innovation 
gone forth, that sets every thing, however sacred, at defiance. — 



There is a love of novelty, of change, of splendor, and of glitter, 
that looks down with contempt upon every thing that is solid, \ ulu- 
able and useful. Sir, the imagination seems to have dethroned the 
judgment, and to have usurped the judgment seat. Nothing hut 
brilliant, fantastical conceptions, which play about and deliglu the 
imagination, seem to suit the taste of th'^ times. Even truih seems 
to have changed her dwelling,- her habitude, and her character. In- 
stead of the grave, sedate, and instructive matron, she is now repre- 
sented to us in the brilliant habitude and character of a young and 
sportive damsel — and instead of searching for her, as formerly, in 
a well, she can no where be found, as some think, but upon the sur- 
face. Some, indeed, seem to think she has turned ^ronaut, and 
can now only be found in the regions of the air. And our m<>st 
embellished, sublimated, and fashionable orators, will not coi>de- 
scend to search for her any where but in the clouds; and, • ven there, 
disdain to make their addresses to her, as a grave, sedate and in* 
stri^ctive matron ; and woo her only as a flirtmg, dancing damsel, 
frolicking amongst the celestials. But, Mr. Speaker, whilst amidst 
all these discouragements, I must again say to you, that, in address- 
ing this honorable body, I never felt, upon any occasion, more un- 
cheering prospects, and desponding anticipations; yet I will not dis- 
guise from you, Sir, that I am impelled to proceed in the discussion 
by one other cogent and almost irresistible inducement. It is the 
ardent desire I feel, in the event of the passage of this bill, of hav- 
ing my name separated from the transaction. Yes, Sir, whether ap- 
pearing before you and this respectable auditory, in person, as I 
now do; or whether my name shall find its way to the people of 
Virginia, and to the world ; or whether it shall be m}' fortune, good 
or bad, for it to find its way to posterity; I ardently desire it should 
be distinctly understood by all, that I could never reconcile it to 
myself, to approach, with cruel speed, the first great written charter 
of the rights of man, and heedlessly to immolate it upon the unhal- 
lowed altar of untried expedients, visionary notions, and false con- 
ceptions — mere blunders of the mind. Yes, Sir, the holy sanctuary, 
erected amidst most imminent perils, by the unequalled wisdom, pa- 
triotism, and heroism of our Godlike ancestors, for the safety and 
for the preservation of the rights, the liberties, the morals, and the 
primiples of the Virginia People — and where, for above half a cen- 
tury they have been inviolably preserved in all their pristine purity 
and energy, perfectly untarnished, even by the rust of time, is now 
to be torn down, and its fragments scattered to the winds by this un- 
holy spirit of innovation. But, Mr. Speaker, I hope it will be un- 
derstood by all, that these observations are exclusively founded upon 
my own views of the subject, without the most distant allusion to the 
conceptions of others. I am acting under the perfect conviction, 
that the gentlemen who are opposed to me are influenced by motives 
the most commendable. I never could, and never can condescend to 
ascribe improper motives to others for a mere difference of opinion 
with myself, and should disdain even to accept a triumph in argu- 
ment, obtained by the ascription of improper motives to my antago- 
nists. No, Sir, I have no doubt, but that the zealous advocates of 



this bill do sincerely believe thrit they will render tiieir country ser- 
vice by its passacfe. I doubt not but that they sincerely think, that 
they can make a bett^^r and a more splendid Constitution for Virgi- 
nia, with the most pe'-fect facility — and that some of the more juve- 
nile, ardent spirits, with their h( arts stored with virtues, and their 
heads with intelliprence, do sincerely believe, that they can make a 
beneficial and splendid one, with as much ease and as little thought 
— with as much pleasure and as little concern, as they could foot 
down a cotillon at Mr. Xaupi's balls. But I beg to be permitted to 
differ with the crentlemen in this opinion. I consider the business of 
Constjtution-makincr as ^m occupation of an extretTiely different ciia- 
racter: and I had supposed, that, upon the meeting of the Conven- 
tion at Staunton, this course of reflection had received a perfect 
damper, arising from the dubious fate of the first proposition pre- 
sented for its consideration. Although t!iat Convention consisted 
entirely of brethren of the same creed, yet it has been said that no 
two of them could be found precisely to agree in that first proposi- 
tion. But, Sir, I hope I may he permitted to say that I see^or think 
I see, a zeal so ardent for the consummation of this measure, that I 
cannot hope to obtain even a listening ear, much less an impartial 
kindly one, to any thing I may have to ofler upon this subject. 

No Sir, the passions are tip; they seem to be on tiptoe; and hu- 
man passions have no ears. It would, therefore, be unreasonable, 
unkind, and even cruel in me, to ask the enamored advocates of 
this bill to give ears to their passions for the purpose of hearing 
■any thine that I had to offer upon the subject ; and it would be su- 
pernatural on their parts to grant the request, were t presumptuous 
enough to make it. No, Mr. Speaker, I make no such request ; 
sti]l. Sir, this reflection gives additional influence to otlier discour- 
agements. Comparing small things with great, Mr. Speaker, my 
condition, on this occasion, reminds me of a similar condition into 
which the Roman sages, philosophers, and orators were thrown, up- 
on the occurrence of a famine in the city of Rome. After all tiie 
efforts for obtaining bread for the inhabitants of that city iiad proved 
unsuccessful ; it was proposed that the people should all assemble in 
the Capitol, and that the most celebrated sages, philosophers and 
orators should adflress them, exhorting then) to emulate the virtues 
of their forefathers, and bear their sufiifrings with fortitude and pa- 
tience, The meeting was accordingly had, when every eflbrt of the 
human mind was brought into requisition in addressing the people 
upon that calamitous occasion. The venerable and venerated Cato 
acted OS censor. A fter the great orators had ended their fine speeches, 
^ — each one. with ears open, and intent, was looking upon the 
censor, for the meed of praise to be awardedto him for his peculiar 
merit: When Cato addressed them to the following etli'ct: "Gentle- 
men, I have been charmed with your eloquence and oratory. You 
have drawn forth all the stores ol" nature, oi' reason, ol" philosophy 
and of science upon this awful, melancholy occasion. But I regret 
< — deeply regret to say to you, that all the fine things you have said 
are perfectly useless and unavailing. You, gentlemen, have been 
addressing the Roman people with hungry stomachs. And hungry' 



o 



stomachs have no ears! ! ! Bread was the only argument that coull 
be heard by hungry stomachs, and, therefore, all your fine speeches, 
have been thrown away." So, Sir, in the present case, human pas- 
sions have no ears for any ari^unients, but such as tend to facilitate 
their own iiididgence. Still less so, at the very moment when they 
are on the tiptoe of fruition. Notwithstanding all these discourage- 
ments, Mr. Speaker, I will now proceed to give a plain, unvarnish- 
ed statement of the impressions made upon my mind by the hest rc- 
tlect^ins I have been able to bestow upon the subject. I shall do 
this purely in a spirit of inquiry after truth, and with the most per- 
fect deference and respect to the opinions of the advocates of the 
bill. Indeed, Sir, I will go so far as to say, that, however awful the 
consequences, in my apprehension of the passage of this bill may be, 
I ought, and shall derive some consolation from the deference and 
respect due to the differing opinions of others. I have been induc- 
ed, Mr. Speaker, to make these developments of my motives and 
views, upon this occasion, in consequence of unfortunately being a 
stranger, perhaps a misrepresented one to a great portion of the 
members of this honorable body ; with whom I now express my de- 
light at being associated upon this floor. If I had been personally 
known to them, I might have been spared the trouble of the whole 
of this exposition. Before I took my seat in this House, I had en- 
deavored to anticipate the process of reasoning, by which I should 
find it engaged in its derivative, corporate character, in instructing 
the people in their high sovereign character; but without success. 
Upon casting my eye over the original preamble to the bill, the dif- 
ficnh.y was dissipated in a moment. Perhaps, Mr, Speaker, it may 
not be st!-ictly in order to refer to this preamble, since it has been 
stricken from that bill, and another substituted in its place. But I 
refer to it merely for the purpose of illustration, in relation to the 
remarks intf^nded to be made upon its substitute, and in that 
view I presume it to be in order. (Mr. Speaker nodded his assent.) 
I will then proceed to read the original preamble to the bill. It is 
in" the following words: "Whereas it is represented to the General 
Assembly, that a portion of the good people of this Commonwealth, 
are desiroiis of amending the Constitution of the State, this Assem- 
bly f^el it their duty to ascertain the ivishes of the people thercvponJ* 
Tlie preamble states, that "it is represented to the General Assem- 
bly." &ic. The first inquiry I made, was, in what manner was it 
represented ; whether by ruuiour or petition? I was inibrmed as I 
expected, by petition. The preamble proceeds to state, " that a 
portion of the good people of this Commonwealth are desirous of 
amending the Constitution of the State.^^ It will here be observed, 
that there is a diiference by no means immaterial, betv/een the fact 
here stated, and that stated In the substitute upon the same point; 
although the original preamble had stood the test of two preceding 
Leci^islatures, and to tiie last stage of offering amendments to the 
bill during the present session. The next inquiry I made was, what 
portion of the good people had made this representation ? I was in- 
formed by some 11,000, by others 15,000 — consisting of freeholders, 
of non-freeholders; infants as well as adults. But I was extremely 



surprised to be itiformed, that all the petitions with these sifi^natures, 
had been presented to precedinj? Legislatives, and not one petition 
to tliis. So far, therefore, as this Legislature has acted upon this 
subject, it has been from its owti voluntary inipulse, uiiim;)el!Kl by 
a single petition from the people addressed to itself. Upon looking 
to the deduction in the preamble upon this statement of ('ac<s, it ;ip- 
peared to me, to be a perfect non sequitur. This deduction is in 
the following words: — " r/ris Assemblij ffel it their duty to ascerKiin 
the wishes of the people thereupon." Why frel it their duty? Be- 
cause, as it states, that a certain portion of the people had already 
done the same thing. Now, it appears to me, that this incident 
could not by any means confer any new duty upon the Legislature, 
iu relation to that portion of the people who had declined expressmg 
the same wish : but left their rights and duties with that portion of 
the people precisely where they stood before. I can see nothing of 
the relation of cause and efiect in this case. I cannot discern any 
connexion, relationship, nor affinity between the incident asserted, 
and the deduction made from it. Of course, no new duty could be 
thereby imposed upon the General Assembly, "to ascertain the 
wishes of the people thereupon;" nor to instruct the people to as- 
certain their own wishes. But all the rights and duties of the peo- 
ple remain precisely where they did before, to be acted upon accord- 
ing to their own sovereign pleasure, and if it were their own plea- 
sure, to ascertain their own wishes. There is a singular peculiarity 
in the language employed in making this deduction. ''This As- 
sembly /ee/ it their duty" — referring this new duty, thus derived, to 
the sensibilities of the heart, rather than to the reasoiungs of the 
head. I have no doubt, Mr. Speaker, but ihat this preamble, is the 
honest result of the frankness and candour of its .author. I have 
no doubt but that it is a fair exhibition of thfe true picture o( his 
own mind. But I cannot help tliinkint!", that he has mistaken the 
real source of the derivation of tiiis feeling. — It cannot be from the 
incident to which it is ascribed; because there is no connexion be- 
tween the one and the other. I must therefore conclude, that the 
feeling was anterior to the incident, and that it was derived from his 
own considerations, reflections and wishes upon the subject; and 
therefore, could not -add any new duty whatever to tliis General As- 
sembly. This circumstance reminds me of a recent incident, which 
may, in its consequences, put the whole civilized world in arms. — 
Ferdinand the 7tii, and his intolerant bigoted priests, felt it their 
duty to avail themselves of the incident of the Portuguese deserters 
who took refuge in Spain, to return those deserters to Portugal with 
arms in their hands for the purpose of destroying the constitutional 
charter, given to that nation by Don Pedro the 4th. But it is presium- 
ed, that this feeling was tiol deri\ ed from that incident, was anterior 
to it, and was derived iVom their own considerations, reflections and 
wishes for the destruction of that charter, from its origin — per fas 
aut nefas. — The preamble which is now substituted for the original 
one just read, commences in the following words: " Whereas frequent, 
earnest and respectful petitions have been presented to this Legislature 
of Virginia, praying the passage of a law, affording facilities by which 



a full expression offhe puhlic voice may be had as to the propriety of 
calling a Convention to amtnd the State Constitution.'''' I will mere- 
ly reaiind you here, Mr. Speaker, that there is a difference, in the 
statement ot* a material fact, between the original preamble, and the 
substitute. The first asserts '' that a portion of the good people of 
this Commonweal di, are desirous of amending the Constitution of the 
State;'" the last asserts that " frequent, earnest and rc*pec(/'uZ peh*- 
tions have been presented (not one to this Let>islaiure) to the Legis- 
latw-es of Virginia, praying the passage of a law affording facilities 
by whch,'' 4-c. The preamble proceeds, "and whereas it is believ- 
ed by the present General Assembly, that the protracted agitation 
of this qnesiion has engendered feelings and jealousies inimical to 
the public weal, and which can be best allayed by a full, fair and 
unquestionable declaration of the public will alone : And whereas 
they are persuaded, by experience and observations, that from the 
extent of our territory, number of our population and other causes, 
a general and satisfactory development of public sentiment, can 
scarcely be had without the aid of Legislative facilities: And tvhere- 
as they conscientiously entertain the opinion that the grant of such fa- 
cilities is strictly within the limits of their Legislative powers." It . 
cannot escape observation, Mr. Speaker, that there is a peculiar sin- 
gularity in the organization of this substitute corresponding with 
the one in the original. The power of the General Assembly, to 
pass this bill, is there referred to the forum of the heart, instead of 
the head, — to feeling, instead of the understanding; — so here, we 
are referred to the forum of the conscience, and its dictates for the 
same purpose. I will barely here remark, Mr. Speaker, that, as 
regards myself, I do not believe any one of the declarations here 
made — so far from it, I conscientiously believe, that nothing is so 
likely to produce the deprecated effects, as agitating this question 
by the voluntary impulse of the Legislature, after the people had 
ceased to call upon them to do so. And I will further say, Mr. 
Speaker, that I am conscientiously of the opinion, that the grant of 
such Legislative facilities, is not within the powers of this House, 
according to the sense in which I shall now proceed to consider that 
term. A grant of Legislative facilities, is certainly a new term iu 
Legislative phraseology. I presume its meaning will be looked for 
in vain, in the last edition of Jacob's Law Dictionary. 

It is often said, Mr. Speaker, that there is nothing new under the 
sun. But in these evil, fashionable days, every thing appears to me 
to be new under the sun. I hope, Mr. Speaker, that the worthy in- 
genious author of this preamble, will not conceive that the definition 
I shall attempt to give of the meaning of this term, "a grant of le- 
gislative facilities," will be made in a spirit of criticism, still less in 
a spirit of sarcasm. No, Sir, I am incapable of indulging any 
such spirit; nor should I now make a single remark upon that point, 
did I not conceive it to go directly to the very essence, and to in- 
volve the very git of the question now under debate. The term, 
"facilities," is the least technical, and the most indefinable term cf 
any in the English language; and was for that reason, as I con- 
ceive, most ingeniously chosen by the gentleman for the purposes of 



this bill. It is subject to attenuation, till it loses all meaning in 
something less thnn the shadow of a shade. I have never known, 
except in one instance, the term introduced into legal phraseology. 
It was in the act under which Lithgow underwent a trial in this 
city. In that case, it becaiiie necessary to ascertain its precise tech- 
nical meaning. It baffled the skill of the most renowned Judges 
and Lawyers. In vain, they endeavoured to affix to it some identi- 
ly — some meaning. It escaped every grasp of their keenest intel- 
lectual efforts. They found it as slippery as an eel, and it always 
escaped from every hand that attempted to grasp it. Such, Sir, 
was the vain efforts at defining the single term " facilities." This 
preamble presents an entire new tribe o(" facilities — "a grant of Le- 
gislative facilities." There will be no difficulty in affixing a pre- 
cise meaning to the term by reference to the enactments, introduced 
into the bill under its sanction. It there plainly and simply meanSj 
as I conceive, a mandatory instruction to the people, by their re- 
presentatives, to vote for or against a Convention; and that too, ac- 
companied both with distrust and reproof. This plain definition 
may be seen in the following enactments of the bill : 

"Section 1. — That it shall be the duty of the several sherifls 
and other officers, authorised to conduct elections witliin this Com- 
monwealth, at the time and place of holding their respective elections 
for delegates to the General Assembly, in April next, to open a se- 
parate poll for the purpose of taking the sense of the people upon 
the question, whether they desire a Convention or not. The poll so 
to be taken, shall contain two columns; one for the names ot those 
who vote in the affirmative, and the other for the names of those 
who vote in the negative, and shall be headed thus: 

"Shall there be a Convention to amend the Constitution of this 
Commonwealth.'"' 

CONVENTION. NO CONVENTION. 

"The sheriff or other officer as aforesaid, shall take the vote up- 
on the question aforesaid, of every person lawfully qualified, who 
•-hall come forward during such election, to give his vote; and he 
siiall arrange the names of all those who vote in the atfirmative in 
the first column, under the word "Convention;" and the names of 
all those uho vote in the negative, in the second column, under the 
words, " No Convention." 

It will here be observed, that the following words, "the sherifl'or 
other ofiicer as aforesaid, shall lake the vote upon the question afore- 
said, of every person lawfully qualified, luho shall come forward dur- 
ing such election, to give his vote ;^^ impose a mandatory instruction 
upon the voter. The word " shall, " as applicable to the voter, is 
a mandatory term; and although in the sentence, in which it is here 
used, it might be construed into an optional one; yet it would not 
alter the eft'ect of a just interpretation in the smallest degree: — Be- 
cause, the sole object of the enactment is, that there shall he a vote. 
upon the question — ^^ Convention,'^ or " JV' o Convention. — And if 
that effect bo not produced by the enactment, then it has no effect at 



all, and becomes perfectly useless and nugatory. Here, then is seen 
a complete inversion of the order of the great principle of instruc- 
tion. The servant instructing the master. This General Assembly, 
in its derivative corporate character, instructing the people in their 
original sovereign character; and that too with distrust and reproof. 
Distrust in this — that the enactments are evidently grounded upon 
the fear, that unless the people of Virginia are stimulated to this 
vote by an act of the Assembly, they will give no vote at all. And 
reproof in this — that those who have expressed their will, are held 
forth as an example for imitation to those who have not. Whereas, 
1 believe, that those who have not expressed this will, have failed to 
do so, in consequence of their not wishing to do so. The bill pro- 
ceeds in the same spirit of dictation and instruction. It goes on to 
say, "every person shall be permitted to vote upon the question 
aforesaid," &ic. Here a legislative permit is granted to the indivi- 
dual voter in his sovereign character: whereas, the voter derives his 
right to vote from a pre-existing, paramount authority. Suppose, in 
carrying into effect this provision, formal permits were to be granted 
to each individual voter, oughi the voter not to refuse to vote under 
the permit, but to vote under his paramount right'? The bill does 
not stop here. It goes on to refuse ih'is permit to another description 
of people. This will be seen in the following words — "anof no 
other person shall he permitted to vote thereon.''^ Now, Sir, as much 
attached as I am, to the freehold right of suffrage, I deny the right 
of the General Assembly to make this exclusion. Yet, if this bill 
were to pass, and I should be called upon to strike out these words, 
I should refuse to do so. Because, having legislatively usurped the 
power of calling upon the people to give this vote, I would give all 
the provisions of the bill a legislative character. It should be 
unique — croiuided in usurpation — it should continue in usurpation. 
If, on thecontrary, tlie people were left at liberty to exercise their 
own will, in their sovereign character, I contend, that non-freehold- 
ers have as much riglit to petition the Legislature to amend the Con- 
stitution, as the freeholders. Indeed, all persons in the community 
have an equal riglit to petition the Legislature — freeholders, non- 
freeholders, women, adults and infants — and all are in the daily ex- 
ercise of it. But I conceive, that the right of petition is one thing, 
and the proper qualification of voters in frannng fundamental laws, 
a very different one. From all these considerations, it seems to me, 
that the term, "a grant of legislative facilities," as used in the pre- 
amble, is a mandatory instruction of the people, in their original so- 
vereign character ; and, of course, an unwarrantable usurpation of 
their rights. In the farther progress of this bill, with the view of 
granting them legislative facilities, it becomes converted into a pe- 
nal statute; and after assigning new additional duties to our minis- 
terial otficers, without compensation, it amerces them with heavy 
fines tor the non-performance of these new duties : — in one instance, 
one hundred dollars; and in another, not less than one, nor more 
than five hundred. Thus making another addition to the question- 
able code of "mala prohibita." — It is here readily admitted, that the 
term " grant ef legislative facilities," may be constraed to raeari 
2 



the mere lending of our ministerial officers to the people — clerks- 
arifl slu^riiT. — for ihe purpose of en.ibliii^ tiiein to express iheir will. 
Bvi si.rb cannot be its loeaning, when tested l»y the enactments of 
th- bil); lUid, in thai sense, it uoiiid be utterly iis(;less and ineffica- 
cious. The people wmu no such laciiiiies. — They have beuec fa- 
cilities thein-elvts than this General A'Sjuibly h.!>> lo j.rant them. — 
Every day alli>i-ds evidence of tiii> fad : and ntitlier the extent of 
terriior\, noi i-ie popiilousness ot' t'-e country, atibrds the sraa lest 
obstacle to their exercise. Indeed, the people have aUnost reduced 
then» lo a manna!; and they pats ihroui^h theni with ahnosi as 
muih Tacdity, as a well drided con.pnny of soldi'rs passes through 
their n...nual exercise. There is, at this moineiil, an election jroi.ig 
on lor ihe Presidency, !>ftvvecn Mr. Adorns and General Jackson; 
and the people, throughout the whole United States, notwithst. i>d- 
ing ih.^ir extent and popiiiousuess, have not felt the least difficulty, 
without the Bid ef '' legislative f^icilities," in expressing their .vill 
upon tiiai question, whenever ihey have been disposed lo do so. — 
The members of the Letii.^latnre of Pennsylvania, have recently 
left the Legislative chamber — appointed their own President and 
Secretary — caused resolution:^ to bp prepared expressive of their 
will upon tiie occasion — and nomiualed General Jackson ^s the fa- 
voured candidate, widiout any '•' Ifgin'aiive facibty^^ whatever. So 
may any other collection of people do, who have the will to do so ; 
whether the expression of thai will be for the call of a Convention, 
or any thitij; else. I .hink, upon a review of this argument, it will 
be St en that I have untjueslionfddv demonstrated, either thai thia bill 
is an iisu'-patii.ii upon the rights of the people, or liial it is perfectly 
useless and nugatory ; and in either case, that it ought not to 
pass. 

AiU;Ough, after exhibiting the militant materials, of which this bill 
is composed, 1 diink 1 mijht safdy leave it to its own self-destruc- 
tiou; yot I will not av;»il myself of that circumstance, to screen our 
Constitution from the most rigid scrutiny into its own intrinsic me- 
rits, the more especially, as I am invited to that course by the char- 
ges hivishly brought again.a it ye.sterd;«y by the gentleman from 
\Vythe. i do iiot propose, huuevtr, to go into a minute exaaiina- 
ticn of those charges; but to devcte to tlicm a few general reflec- 
tions, excluding ail local and personal cojisiderations. Indeed, Mr. 
Speaker, I think our Constitution will find a triumph in the charac- 
ter of those charges tiieinseives, v/hen we lock to the great labour 
evidently bestowed . upon ti<em by the gentleman, and the fertility 
and ingenuity of his mind, which have directed those labors. The 
gentleman commence.-!, by presenting to our view a variety of laws 
for {unish-ng petty t-llences, some of which, I thii.k he said, were 
antridy repealed, ^'.:.i all >( dien; subject to die ordinary course of 
lej,ii!ation. He then retT)iuded us of certain supposed local inter- 
ests and antipathies, which I h'r;d hoped had long since subsided, and 
been forever (orgoiien. The gentleman, tor illustrations, resorted lo a 
grcMi variety of >uj)j>osit"! >u;- cases, all of them in the extreme, and 
seea^'.g ;o be derivnl from the best eflbrta of the extreme ingenuity 
of bis own mind. I would remark, Mr. Speaker, that of all the 



11 



modes of reasoning, that which is drawn from extreme suppositions, 
is Jlie most fallacious. These extreme s'.ippositioiis ;re .ilvva. s o 
cep'iop.s from the general rn'es, and the error in th«^:r application 
consists iii Tiiking thi? exception for the rul'-, instead of ihe proaf of 
ihf' rule. So, ui the geiitlenian's reasoning by a!iali!,.:v. His er- 
rors will be found to consist in ineeuiously e\hibiting the resem- 
blances, nnd \vitlih(»lding the dili'eieiices in the cases suoposed to be 
anrlogons. But ther- is one of the most extrava2"inl of his si.p- 
pcsitioas cases, which calls for n;(»re particular examination. The 
gentleman supposed the <'ase of a!; (be non-frt;eho;ders, being a ma- 
joritv, mtetink and formiug a Constitution for the government if 
the Statp; and concluded, by ;lie supposed case, that Congress and 
the prople ot die State, would be I cnnd to acktiowltdge it as our 
only legitimate Co'.istitution. The repiy is, that the supposition is 
not supposabie, and would be utt'^rly i;iidmissable, because utterly 
imiMacticable. Whenever an attempt of that kind should be made, 
it would at once produce the natu»*^! Jivision of parties among nian- 
kiiid — that is, between those who liave property, and thof.e who have 
none. And whenever those who h »ve no property -hall attempt to 
govern those who have, a war — an exter)ninaiing war, must be the 
consequence; and this would set at defiance every attempt at niik- 
Intr a social compact. From the time of Adam to this moment, 
mankind have been divided into two parties — those who have pro- 
perty, and those who have none. This is the natural division of 
party amongst mankind. Odier parties, more ardent and violent, 
are often got up by political exciteinents and other causes; but they 
are temporary in their character, and always cease with the causes 
which produced them. Wiiereas, tliis natural division of party, is 
etern.il. From these considerations it will appear, Mr. Speaker, 
that whilst this supposition might serve to amuse the imagination, it 
is too extravagant to be brought into use in the practical affairs of 
mankind; and the only '"eply I shall make to the whole of thest- ex- 
travagant suppositions is. to remind the gentleman of a very com- 
mon one, and of a similar character: ''Suppose the sky were to fall, 
it would catch larks." But, I pre.^:lme, that no danger is to be ap- 
prehended by the present geueratioii from >-ither event. 

Having made diis general reply to the charges brought against 
the Constitution, I will now proceed to examine its own intrinsic me- 
rits. And here, I confidently express the opinion, that as it was the 
first, so it is the best writteii Constitution the world ever saw; that 
it fonr.s the only scientific government known to me. And here, 
Mr, Speaker, permit me to take up the gauntlet, thrown by the late 
lamented Mr. Adams — that the British Constitution formed the on- 
ly scientific government in the world — deeply lamented for his great 
revolutionary services, and, Mr. Speaker, let the mantle of oblivion 
be thrown over his more recent political aberrations. I war not 
with the dead! ! ! When I speak of a scientific Constitution, I mean 
one founded in great principles of truth, deri.ed from nature, and 
which have good moral tendencies over the society for whose go- 
vernment they are intended, and established. , 



I'A 



And, Mr. Speaker, is there no merit in our Constitution, from its 
being the first great written social compact f The first great writ- 
ten charter of the rights of man? Do onr Godlike Ancestors de- 
serve no credit for first developing and proclaiming to ihe world, 
that all rightful governments were founded upon the natural rights 
of man ; and depend upon his consent for all their legitimate pow- 
ers ? Nay more, Mr. Speaker, infinitely more; for bringing into 
practical use for the benefit of mankind, these great first principles, 
by reducing them to writing in the form of our present constiiution? 
Europeans had long since conceived the idea, that all legitimate go- 
vernments were foinided on the rights of man, and derived from his 
consent; but it remained for the honor and glory of our forefathers 
to proclaim the principle, and to reduce it to practical use for the 
benefit of mankind. You have been told, Mr. Speaker, by the Pre- 
sident of the United States, that we owe a great debt to the nations 
of Europe, for the lights they have reflected upon us through 
their researches into scientific knowledge; that they have erected 
130 light-houses of the skies, and filled them with star-gazers for the 
purpose of scientific researches; and that their discoveries had been 
reflected on us, for the improvement and embellishment of the sci- 
ences here. And for this benefit we owe tbem a sacred debt of gra- 
titude. How much greater, Mr. Speaker, is the debt of gratitude 
they owe to our immortal Virginia forefathers, for introducing into 
practice the great principle of the rights of man, which serves to se- 
cure human rights and human liberties — and thus to improve and to 
extend the solid happiness of mankind? The ol)ligatioM is incom- 
parably in our favour; because their lights reflected on us, go mere- 
ly to the embellishment and improvement of the sciences; whilst 
our great light, reflected on them, serves to illuminate political sci- 
ence, and thus to improve the political condition of the whole mass 
of mankind. Instead, then, Mr. Speaker, of approaching tliis holy 
ark of the rights of man, first erected by our forefathers, with parri- 
cidal hands for its immolation ; ought we not rather to pause and 
look with awful veneration upon the sacred edific;^? And, instead 
of tearing it down, pride ourselves in this great work of our (ore- 
fathers? Our innnortal sires, who are now reposing in unmerited 
oblivion, whilst we ought to reproach ourselves for our tardy indo- 
lence in not commemorating their names whh the highest honors ever 
awarded to mortals. I will now proceed, Mr. Speaker, to examine 
the peculiar organization of the Virginia Constitution, and to de- 
monstrate the position assumed. First, then, Sir, as to its founda- 
tion. — The Virginia Constitution is founded on land ; the only solid, 
durable and indestructable substance given by God to man. — Se- 
condly, as to its principle — its principle is that of representation, 
founded upon the freehold qualification of the voter. — Thirdly, this 
principle is two-fold representation: — first, by man in his individual 
character: second, by intermediate agents. Fourthly, it is fi)unded 
upon a division of departments: — Legislative, Ex'-cuiiNc, and Judi- 
cial, in the formation of this last department, there may be some 
departure from the strict principles of science. Properly and sci- 
entifically speaking, there are, in the nature and reason of things,, 



13 

but two preat departments in government. The Legislative, whose 
duty it is to make laws — or, to prescribe rules of conduct for the 
observance of the people. The Executive, whose duty it is to car- 
ry into effect those laws — or the rules thus precribed. The Judicial 
department, therefore, must scientifically be considered, as rather a 
scion from the Executive department, than an original, substantive, 
independent department in itself. And accordingly the Executive, 
formerly did interpret and decide upon the meaning of all laws ; and 
executed them according to his own decisions. But from the vast 
variety of ramifications and insinuosities of human transactions in 
the intercourse of society, the confines of right and wrong were fre- 
quently so' nearly approached that it became a work of great labour 
and science to propound and apply the meaning of the law, to all 
these muhifarious, diversified cases. Hence, the necessity of a Ju- 
dicial, growing out olthe Executive department; and hence the ob- 
vious duty of tile Judicial depariment will be seen to consist in pro- 
pounding the law, and applying its meaning in all cases which shall 
be brought before that department, for the purpose of enabling the 
Executive department to execute the law according to its true mean- 
ing and intent. But this departure from the strict technicality of po- 
litical science will find an ample excuse, if not justification, in the 
importance of the Judicial department itself. — Here then are exhi- 
bited the four great Doric pillars, upon which the Virginia Consti- 
tution is founded Permit me now, Mr. Speaker, to examine, more 
minutely, the peculiar structure and organization of each. First, 
then, as to its foundation on land, and the qualification of the free- 
hold right of suffrage. To present a clear view of this very impor- 
tant subject, it will be necessary to look into certain great first prin- 
ciples, and to ascertain the original ends and objects of all legiti- 
mate governments. These ends, or objects, ought to consist of three, 
and no more. First, protection to the society from external violence, 
or what is generally called, the salus populi. Second, the protec- 
tion of person. Third, the protection of property. These are all 
the ends for which legitimate governments are instituted. Before I 
proceed further in a more minute analysis of this particular case, it 
will be necessary to premise, that all that can be done by fundamen- 
tal laws, is to select some great principles from nature, which, in their 
application to society, will always produce good moral tendencies. 
Fundamental laws must, in the very nature of things, be general in 
their character and operations, and all their beneficial effects to so- 
ciety, must arise from their good moral tendencies. Here then, is a 
government, founded upon represantation, having two great obliga- 
tions imposed upon it — and of course two great duties to perform-— 
to wit: the protection of person, and the protection of properly. — 
The salus populi not being brought into question here as having no 
relation to it — a question arises, as to the proper qualification of the 
voter for carrying into effect this principle of representation, so as 
to ensure to the government the means of enabling it to discharge 
both its obligations, and to perform both its duties. Ought not the 
voter to be so qualified as to have a direct interest that the govern- 
ment should perform both these great duties? Would any qualifi- 



14 

cation tend to produce both of these great ends, when the voter was 
only interested in the accotnplisiiment of one of them? Still less so, 
when the qualification would give the voter a direct interest against 
one of these ends, intended to be accomplished ? Or, in other words, 
admitting that the duty of liie fjjovernrnent is to protect property 
as well as person, ought not the qualification of the voter to consist in 
the possession both of property and person ? In that case its uniform 
and necessary tendency would be to produce the prottction both of 
person and property. In the case of not having both these qualifi- 
cations, the uniform, natural tendency of the want of one of them 
would be, to protect the rights of person and destroy the rights of 
property; and of course strip the government of the essenti;il means 
to perform the great duty of the protection of property. But, Mr. 
Speaker, this is not all. The duty enjoined upon the government 
to protect propert, is much more diificult in its execution, than the 
duty to protect persons. The love of dominion over person has been 
almost entirely swept away with the- feudal system; whilst the love 
of dominion over properly has become substituted in its stead, nnd 
is almost universal. Yes, Sir, it is this universal pas>ion of avai iee, 
which calls for the restraints of government, and which it finds the 
greatest difficulties in furnishing. So much so, that in a perfect 
protection of property would be found, almost a perfect protection 
of person. But, Sir, the justice of the qualification of property has 
been questioned. If the charge of injustice, or immorality can pro- 
perly be applied to this qualification, the proposition '>n favour of it 
should instantly drop from my hands. No, Sir, I am not one of 
that tribe o( Machiavelian politicians, who justify the means by the 
end; I peremptorily deny that any end can be good which requires 
immoral means to efiect it. And upon tliese principles, I contend, 
if the freehold limit of the right of sufi'rage be not the on/// just one, 
that it is the only just and at the same time scientific one that has 
ever been devised. Can any thing be more just, wise, and rational 
than to require all llie qualifications of the voter which are necessa- 
ry to produce all the ends, for which the vote is to be given? Can 
nny thing be u)ore just, wise, or rational, than to require such per- 
manent, common altachment to the country, as is emphatically call- 
ed for by our fundamental laws ? And can any evidence be so strong, 
as that which arises from the ownership of the soil? I will proceed, 
31r. Speaker, with the illustration of this point by a suppositious 
case ; not one far-l'etched and extravagant, but one in familiar use, 
and of every dny occurrence. Suppose a mercantile partnership to 
be formed, consisting of three partners — A, B, and C — and that the 
articles of partnership be considered as their constitutional charter. 
Suppose the mental and personal endowments of the three partners 
to be precisely equal, but in addition to A's mental and personal en- 
dowments, lie hnd the capital, I'orming the input stock of $100,000; 
whilst B and C had not a cent. Suppose, instead of making some 
security for the division of the mercantile profits of the input stock, 
in the articles of copartnery, or the constitutional charter, he were 
to leave it to the principle of general sufirage. How much do you 
suppose would be voied to him by B and C, for the use of \m mo- 



Xif 



oey? Do you suppose that he could reasonably expect more thau 
an equal portion in the division of these profits, upon the genuine 
principles of liberty and tquality, as the legitimate offsprings of the 
principle o( general suffrage? The partnership being ended, and 
the 'liviijion of the input stock being put in question — ought not A 
to think himself very well off to get one third of his own money? 
And suppose A, besides his input stock, to be worth $50,000 in 
other property, whilst B and C were worth nothing; could he rea- 
sonably expect any other result than that B and C would vote tlie 
whole $100,000 to themselves, leaving him nothing? This would 
be the very essence of the exercise of the right of general suffage, 
grounded ujwn its own gf miine, peculiar principles of liberty and 
equality amongst all maiikind. But, would it be founded in the com- 
mon and ordinary principles of justice and of morals? And would 
not A have ample reason to regret, that he had failed to secure him- 
self agaiiist this result, by the constitutional charter ? Would he 
not justly have to reproach himself for his extreme folly in trusting 
his property to the right of general suffrage, with" all its popular 
charms? Yes, Sir, his folly would be so great, as to deprive him of 
all the sympathy of society and justly subject him to its laughter 
and derision. Just as great would be the (oily of the people possess- 
ing property, in forming a social compact, to give up the manage- 
ment of it to be decided by the votes of those who have none, or in 
other words, to the popular principle of general suffrage. And in 
such a case, its results, in point of justice, would be precisely simi- 
lar to those jusi described. A gentleman from Fairfax, the other 
day, most appropriately, eloquently, and pathetically invoked the 
venerated name of one, who is now no more, in favour of his side 
of the question. He drew in vivid colors, a very striking picture of" 
the virtues and accomplishments of this great benefactor of mankind. 
He feelingly pointed to the mournful trappings, with which this cham- 
ber is now surrounded, to testily the lamentations of all upon this ir- 
reparable bereavement. I hope and trust, Mr. Speaker, that every 
heart here is shrouded with the like emblem of mourning and lamen- 
tation. I can only speak for myself, Sir; and I can say in sincerity 
and in truth, that no man feels more sincerely, than myself, this 
great public calamity. During his life time I knew him well, Sir; 
having been honored, during no inconsiderable part of it, with his 
frank, undisguised, and familiar friendship. I enjoyed, Sir, the un- 
disguised overflowings of his warm heart, which were always open 
to every friend. Indeed, Sir, he carried this frankness and openness 
of heart so far, as often to subject himself even to the malicious 
shafts of his enemies. 

Until the last Christmas of his life, I was honored with his most 
affectionate correspondence; and I mention this circumstance now, 
the rather because, amidst a thousand other calumnious falsehoods, 
it has often been- asserted that there was a misunderstanding be- 
tween this great, good man and myself. Sir, I was thus afforded 
every opportunity of judging of the excellence of his heart, and of 
the acquirements of his head ; and I now take great pleasure in giv- 
ing my testimony in their favour. Allowing Ibr the imperfection^ 



T^r 



common to human nature, I now assert a most thorough conviction, 
that his heart was unblemished, and his mind pre-eminently embel- 
lished. I am told, Sir, that the name of this lamented benefactor 
of his country and of mankind, has had greater influence in aiding 
the passage of this bill, than, perhaps, any other circumstance what- 
ever; whilst I iliink I hazard nothmg in expressing the opinion, that 
not one of its advocates would give his consent to the European 
form of Govenanent he has recommended lor adoption. But, Sir, 
notwithstandin:^ my admiration anfl veneration of his talents, I could 
not always subscribe to his opinions. No man, Mr. Speaker, is wise 
at all hours. Whilst, therefore. I must give the gentleman all the 
aid that he desires from this great name, 1 hope I may be permitted 
to call to my aid, in this importani point of t!ie argument, some 
principles laid down by him in his posthumous letters. In one of 
those letters, Mr. Jefferson says: "only lay down sure principles, 
and adhere to them inflexibly." Here, then, is a perfect agreement 
between Mr. Jefferson and myself. I agree that nothing will pro- 
duce good eflects that violates principles, however specious may be 
the pretext for its adoption. Mr. Jeflerson then proceeds to lay down 
the principle in the following words: ''the sure foundation of Repub- 
lican government, is the equal rights of every citizen in his person 
and prop».rty, and in their manggemejit.^^ Here, too, we agree per- 
fectly in the principle laid down. It would seem from this principle, 
that Mr. Jeflerson himsell adcnits the propriety of a property quali- 
fication of some sort. In this sense, then, we should agree in the 
application of this principle. We may diflbr, however, widely in 
some of tlie results. What is the meaning of the last words in the 
principle laid down? "and in their management." Does Mr. Jef- 
•ferson mean, that the equal right of every citizen is to manage his 
own property, or that of another? If his own property, then he 
must have property before he has its management; and, in that case, 
it would irresistibly follow that Mr. Jeflerson conceived a property 
qualiiication, of the voter, «as indispensable. In this case, then, 
we shall be perfectly agreed. But if Mr. J( fterson means, that the 
man without property shall have the management of the property 
of another, then we are directly at points ; and I deny the right, the 
justice, or the policy of his principle. This, however, is the true 
ground upon which tiie right of general suflrage rests. Presuming 
that Mr. Jeflerson could never sanction this principle, he, of course, 
admits the right of a property qualification of some sort. Taking 
it, tl;en, for granted, that a property qualification is necessary, two 
questions arise: The first is — v\hat kind of property is bestsuited 
to the object? The second — how much property ? This leads di- 
rectly to an examination of the merits of a freehold limit to the right 
of suffrage. And this question will be tested by an inquiry into the 
peculiar properties of land, as contra distinguished trom every other 
species of property. Land is the only solid, fixed, durable, and in- 
<^estructible substance given by God to man. Separate any thing 
from land that grows upon it, and it immediately becomes corrup- 
tible and destructible ; whilst land itsilf, possesses inherently the fa- 
culty of regeneration and reproduction. It is the source of all 



other things. It is the sourse of our own existence ; and whether 
we take the Mosaic account of the creation of man out of clay or 
not, we all know, without it we could have no existence. It fur- 
nishes all human indulgences. All the necessaries, comforts and 
luxuries of life are derived from mother earth — from Golconda's 
most brilliant gem, to the coarsest pabulum that sustains human ex- 
istence. There is besides another intimate connexion and applica- 
tion between earth, land and the inhabitants upon it. These will be 
found in our conceptions when we speak of a state or a nation. 
When we speak of the Slate of Virginia, we include all the land or 
territory within the limits of Virginia, as well as all the inhabitants 
upon it. It is impossible in our conceptions, to separate the inhabi- 
tants from the land, or the land from the inhabitants. The same 
conception will be found in speaking of France, or any other nation 
— it will always include both the inhabitants and territory. Ac- 
cordingly, in speaking of uninhabited territory, it is never called a 
nation. The territory of Arabia is never called the nation of Ara- 
bia, but the deserts of Arabia. And the wandering Arabs are never 
called the Arabian nation, but tribes of Arabs. — This arises from 
the want of that application and fixture of the people to the territory, 
which are essential to the formation of a nation. So in regard to the 
Aborigines of this country, who are allowed only the usufruct of the 
soil for the purpose of hunting, while the United States claim the 
right of soil. They are called Indian tribes; and although, in com- 
mon parlance, they are sometimes called nations, as the Creek Na- 
tion, he. yet, in the Constitution of the United States they are em- 
phatically called tribes, in contrast with nations. — "Congress shall 
have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, among the 
several States, and with the Indian tribes." From all these consi- 
derations, it seeins evident, that land, earth, territory, is too impor- 
tant an agent in the concerns of mankind, to be entirely disregard- 
ed in the formation of fundamental laws for the government of the 
inhabitants thereupon ; and, from its peculiar properties, forms the 
best limit upon the right of suffrage in the representative system. 
This conclusion would be the inevitable result upon the consultation 
of nature, reason, philosophy and science; because it furnishes the 
best evidence of a permanent, common attachment to the country. 
The word ^^ permanent,''^ used in the Bill of Rights, evidently refer- 
ring exclusively to land, for the best evidence of a common attach- 
ment to the country, as actually and practically explained in the 
written Constitution founded upon the Bill of Rights. To ascer- 
tain this point more fully, let a contrast be drawn between the pro- 
perties of land, and another species of property: A fine horse, bri= 
die and saddle, and a strong elegant pair of spurs. However op- 
posed any gentleman here may be to a freehold qualification, it is 
presumed, that not one would fix upon this species of property as a 
better qualification for the voter. VVhy not? Because it has no ten= 
dency to inspire the owner with that permanent, common attachment 
to the country, which is the only pledge for the fidelity of the voter. 
Compare the natural propensities of the owner of this species of 
property with those of the freeholder of five and twenty acres of 



land, the amount required by our Constitution. Suppose the free- 
holder to have cultivated and improved this land with his own hands, 
and derived from it, a comfortable subsistence for himself and fami- 
ly. Would he not naturally become attached to the soil from which 
he had derived his comforts and his liappiness? And feel die most 
grateful affections of his heart interwoven with the labours of his 
hands? If so, would not these affections afford the best evidence of 
that permanent, common attachment to the country, which is called 
for by our Bill of Rights, and is founded in the reason and nature of 
things.'' Whilst the owner of the horse, bridle and saddle, might be 
engaged in riding about and taking his pleasure, and so far from af- 
fording an evidence of this same permanent, common attachment, 
its tendency would be to inspire him with constant notions of wan- 
dering ; and the kind of property would afford him the best means 
of indulging his propensity; and upon the first giddy thought of 
leaving iVis native country, tlie owner might mount his horse, and 
heedlessly take himself oif in a canter, abandoning it forever. In 
further illustration of this point, Mr. Speaker, indulge me in relat- 
ing a plain, simple anecdote. Upon establisiiing a temporary go- 
vernment for Louisiana, after its acquisition by treaty, the people 
sent three deputies to Congress with an urgent memorial for the ad* 
mission of that territory into the Union upon the footing of an ori- 
ginal State. — Mr. Derbigny, an intelligent, astute la\^ yer, without 
property — Mr. Detrihon, a native of Louisiana, and an extremely 
wealthy sugar planter— Mr. Sauve, a highly accomplished French 
gentleman, who had removed to Louisiana, and had also become an 
extremely wealthy sugar planter. As chairman of the committee, 
who were charged with that subject, I was desirous of obtainitig in- 
formation of the interests, and feelings of the people of Louisiana 
from the owners of the soil; but from their retired modesty, and 
their keeping Mr. Derbigny in their front as their speaker, I found 
no small difiiculty in accomplisliing my object. — An opportunity 
however occurring, I addressed myself to Mr. Detrihoti in substance 
as follows: — "I understand Mr. Detrihon, you are a native of Lou- 
isiana?" He replied, "Yes Sir, I was born in Louisiana." "You 
are an owner of land in Louisiana, I presume?" "Yes, Sir, I am 
a sugar planter." "I presume you feel much interest in the govern- 
ment now proposed for your country ?" " Oh Yes, Sir, I am all 
anxiety upon the subject." "I presume you feel great attachment 
to Louisiana, as the place of your nativity?" The moment that 
idea was presented to his mind, with all the warmth and ardor of a 
Frenchman, he burst forth in a bla7,e of the most patriotic enthusi- 
asm, — " Oh Yes, Sir, 1 love Louisiana — 1 dearly love Louisiana — I 
love every thing in Louisiana — I love the very ground of Louisiana 
— I love every tree, that grows upon the ground of Louisiana." — 
Here, Sir, was a sudden burst of the true amor patriot, founded up- 
on nativity, and improved by the ownership of the soil ; that true 
love of country which affords the best evidence of a permanent, 
common attachment to it, and the best pledge of the fidelity of the 
voter. Besides all these considerations, Sir, the freehold limit is 
rendered certain in its execution ; whereas every other limit, hereto- 



fore devised, has always been subject to electioneering fraud and 
management. Two and twenty Constitutions have been adopted in 
the United States since that of Virginia, all founded upon the prin- 
ciple of general suffrage under some modification or other. Each 
one imposing some limit upon the right of suffrage, and no two 
agreeing in the san)e limit. This circumstance demonstrably proves, 
that general suffrage is not founded in science; or if it be, ihat its 
advocates have not yet discovered the true principle of the science j 
for if they had, they would all have fixed upon the same limit. 

I fear, Mr. Speaker, that I am fatigueing yourself and this honor- 
able House, by going so minutely into detail upon this subject. If 
so. Sir, let its importance plead my excuse. And before I leave this 
part of the subject, let me be permitted to present a comparative 
view between the freehold right, of suffrage and another principle of 
limitation, said to be the most popular of all the substitutes proposed, 
and the rather, as this is Mr. Jefferson's favorite principle, whose 
great name has served to extend its popular influence. It is laid 
down in Mr. Jefferson's letter in the followina: words: "let everv 
man, who fights or pays, exercise his just and equal rigid in their 
election." Upon this principle, we are directly at points. I contend, 
that the military is the very worst principle that can be introduced, 
as fixing the qualification of the voter in civil institutions; and that 
it has no claim to any shadow of right or pretext whatsoever. It is 
a fundamental principle, that the military shall be subservient to the 
civil authority. What would be the necessary tendency and effect 
of laying the foundation of your civil institutions in a military prin- 
ciple? And that too, f)unded in a claim of right, for military ser- 
vices? Would it not tend directly to invert this order, and to make 
the civil subordinate to the military authority? If so, it is presumed, 
not a solitary advocate could be found in favor of this inversion of 
principle. But, Sir, I contend, that there is no shadow ofrigkt, nor 
even pretext of claim, grounded upon rendition of military services. 
To render this point ptrfecily clear, it will be necessary to resort to 
original, or first principles. In the formation of all social compacts, 
there is a reciprocity of rights and duties amongst all the members 
forming the compact. It is the duty of all persons, possessing the 
requisite physical capacities for the purpose, to render military ser- 
vices for the protection of the community. But, as in rendering 
these services, they extend this protection beyond themselves— so 
those who do possess physical capacities for that purpose, have a 
right to a just compensation from the incompetent classes, The 
government is the just arbiter between these differing interests, and 
it determines and decrees what shall be the just compensation paid 
by one interest to the other. The militia laws are intended to de- 
signate those who possess these physical capacities, and are bound 
to render these military services, as well as the compensation to be 
paid by those who do not possess such physical capacities. When 
the services are therefore rendered, and the just compensation paid, 
it completely obliterates all obligations and duties on both sides; 
and leaves the military without the least shadow of claim to any 
other compensation whatever — and less than all others, that of the 



right of suffrage. This point will be more strongly illustrated by 
reference to the regular army. There, these military services and 
compensations are settled by voluntary contracts; and when they arc 
mutually discharged, there is an end of all obligation whatsoever 
on either side. Pay then your military, in military honors, milita- 
ry offices and money — but never pay them in your civil and religi- 
ous rights. The best way, however, to test the merits of this mili- 
tary principle, is by looking to the modus operandi. Being a mili- 
tary principle, it ought to be carried into effect in a military form, 
and the voter should be bound to exhibit himself in his military cha- 
racter. What then must the soldier do to entitle himself to the be- 
nefit of this principle? He must certainly put himself in a complete 
military attitude. He must then, first equip himself with a full suit 
of regimentals. A musket and bayonet glistering to the sun, a car- 
touch-box, with four and twenty rounds of cartridges complete. On 
the day of election, thus equipped, he should take his proper stand 
in the ranks of his regiment, and the regiment in due military form, 
with the colonel at its head, should march to the polls, drums beat- 
ing and colours flying. Under such circumstances, Mr. Speaker, 
who do you suppose would be elected for your civil representative? 
Especially, if the colonel of the regiment had been elected just be- 
fore by general suffrage? And what chance do you think. Sir, those 
who pay would have against those who Jig/tt, in a contested election, 
under this military form of conducting it? Nay, Sir, what fate do 
you think would attend an old man, hobbling in upon a crufch— > 
like myself for instance — who, although not possessing the physical 
capacities for a soldier, might have a head upon his shoulders, and 
might dare to vote against the colonel of the regiment? Could he 
expect a better fate than to find one of these glistering bayonets 
thrust amidst his short ribs; whilst the valorous soldier would plume 
himself upon the glory of the achievement, amidst the applause and 
merriment of his military comrades? Surely, Sir, this state of things 
could not be desired by any. Whilst a review of these considera- 
tions ought to admonish us how easy it would be, by a mere false 
conception — a mere blunder of thought, to convert a government, 
founded upon a free representative system, into a military despotism. 
Other great men have also undertaken to form Constitutions, and to 
fix a principle lor the just limit of the rigiiis of suffrage. The cele- 
brated Bolivar, the great Liberator and Military Chieftain, has re- 
cently converted himself into a civic jurist, and after fixing upon 
the popular rights of general suffrage, having first emancipated all 
slaves to partake of this qualification, he has deemed it proper to 
fix limits to that right by certain exclusions. Amongst the rest, the 
exclusion of all habitual drunkards. Bolivar had previously intro- 
duced the trial by jury. It is to be presumed, that Bolivar never 
stopped to consider the modus operandi, by whicli this principle of 
exclusion was to be carried into effect. Suppose a voter to approach 
tlie polls, and to be challenged by the officer, conducting the elec- 
tion, as an habitual drunkard. The voter should deny the fact. 
How could the fact be ascertained so as to proceed in the election.^ 
Sir, great and splendid minds often indulge themselves in fascinating 



conceptions without condescending to look at the modus operandi ^ 
and from recent circumstances, 1 really fear, Sir, that the great Bo- 
livar will shortly convert himself into a Jack-at-all-Tradcs. So, 
the worthy learned gentleman, from Frederick, yesterday presented 
us an entire new basis for the right of suffrage; it would seem at 
open war with Bolivar's. He asserted, that the only just basis of 
representation, was intelligence. Agreed, Sir. But it is respectful- 
ly submitted to the gentleman, to point out the mode for ascertain- 
ing the proper degree of intelligence or fixing upon its proper limit. 
But, Sir, the considerations in favor of the freehold limit to the right 
of suffrage do not stop here. There are others still more irresisti- 
ble and conclusive. It is justified by t!)e experience of all times, 
and it was chiefly this experience, w hich most happily for us and for 
our posterity, led our ancestors into its adoption. Our forefathers 
had neither the safety, nor the leisure for indulging the fantastical 
chimeras of the mind, in framing their fundamental laws. They 
were impelled by dangers the most pressing and imminent, to resort 
mainly to experience for their guide. Happily both for themselves 
and for us, they well knew that they must have a government ground- 
ed on solid principles ; for, if they failed, their lives would be the 
forfeit. 

It has been often said, that they made the Constitution with ropes 
around their necks; and hence they were unwilling to resort to un- 
tried expedients. They looked to the freehold limit of the right of 
suffrage as it then existed in Virginia, and found it attended with 
the best moral tendencies over society. They looked to our British 
ancestors, from whom it was introduced here, and found in Great Bri- 
tain the same moral tendency there. They looked up to our Saxon 
ancestors, and found the same beneficial tendency there. Indeed, 
they looked back to the period of time, whereof " the memory of 
man runneth not to the contrary," and wherever the freehold limit 
of the right of suffrage had been adopted, at all periods, it produced 
the same beneficial results. Experience, therefore, under all circum- 
stances, and at all times, has borne its testimony in favor of the free- 
hold limit to the right of suffrage; and. Sir, upon a review of the 
whole argument upon this case, it will be found that the freehold 
right of suffrage will stand approved by nature, by reason, bj' phi- 
losophy, by science, and by experience. 

I have asserted, Mr. Speaker, that there are two principles of re- 
presentation adopted by our Constitution — the one, to be carried 
into efiect by man in his individual character — the other, by inter- 
mediate agents for his benefit. The first applies to the legishulvc 
representative, whose duty it is to make laws, or to prescribe the 
rules of conduct for the observance of the people. The other, to 
the election of the ministerial ofHcers for carrying into efiect those 
laws. It is this principle of election by intermediate agents, which 
has afforded the chief reproach to the Virginia Constitution, and 
has served to render the Constitution of Virginia more unpopular, 
than any other principle whatever. Yet, Sir, if the principle be im- 
partially examined, it will be found to be grounded in science, and 
to be attended with the best practical results. The Virginia Con- 



stitution prescribes that the voters, in their individual capicities, 
should choose their legislative representatives; and after investing 
them with powers of legislation, they are also invested with the 
power of choosing the ministerial agents for carrying the laws into 
efi'ect. And why should not the people entrust the Legislature with 
the power of electing the ministerial oflicers for executing the laws, 
after they had invested them with the paramount power of making 
the laws? There is no reason why they should not be entrusted with 
this additional power, and the best possible reasons why they should 
be invested with it. The reason is, that the intermediate agents 
are better qualified for selecting the ministerial officers than the peo- 
ple themselves are, in their original characters. Accordinj^ly, the 
Virginia Constitution provides, that the legislative representatives 
should elect the Governor, the Members of the Council, the Judges 
of the Superior Courts, and the highest military officers; and no in- 
telligent impartial man, ran doubt, but that these intermediate agents 
would make more judicious elections, than would the people in their 
individual characters — whilst the popular rage of the day insists on 
leaving to the people the election of all descriptions ofotlicers, Le- 
gislative and Judicial, as well as Ministerial; and that too, ground- 
ed upon the principle of universal suffrage. It is this unfortunate 
misconception of the mind, wliich has introduced most fatal, immor- 
al tendencies among the people; and threatens more danger to our 
political institutions than any otiier false conception or unhappy ex- 
pedient which has heretofore been devised. This subject will be 
further illustrated in the exnmination of the organization of our Ju- 
diciary system, which I will now proceed to make. I do not pro- 
pose to inquire into the merits or demerits of our system of Superior 
Courts, because I do not believe tliat there is any peculiarity in its 
organization. They are intended to preserve uniformity in legal 
adjudications; and tiiat object I believe to be as well and complete- 
ly carried into effect, as in any other judicial system. But the great 
business of dispensing justice amongst individuals, will be louitd lo 
be committed lo the C/omity Courts, and to the County Court Jus- 
tices. The frnmers of our Constitution, impelled by the same wise, 
circnmspe(;t regard to experience, which induced them to adopt the 
freehold right of suffi-age, determined them to adopt the County 
Court system already in existence. This system was originally 
brout-ht bv our forefathers from Great Britain, and experience had 
attested its moral tendencies both there and in this country. It is 
grounded upon the great moral principle of dispensing justice free- 
ly, without reward. And, although the Counlv Court Justices are 
not fleprived of ali rea:n'd, yet their compensation is received ni a 
ministerial, not in a judicial character, This compenr,ation consists 
in a monopoly of the sherifialty amongst the County Court Justices; 
but it adds not one to the numl)er of officers, nor a cent to the ex- 
pense of the State. Under this system, the County Court Justices 
are made strlciiy, the conservators of the peace. Their interest 
unites with the good dispositions of their nature, to keep iheir neigh- 
bors at peace; whereas, the perquisite system, which is opposed to 
it, and ;s intended as a substitute, bribe? the Justices to become t!)e 



common disturbers of the peace, in spite of the good feelings of their 
nature. And this is more particularly the case, where the election 
of the Justices is made by the people in their individual characters, 
grounded upon the principle of Jiniversal suffrage. 

Under the County Court system ol" Virginia, the Justices of the 
Peace consist, generally, of the middling class of society ; and one 
great moral, beneficial tendency of the Constitution of Virginia is, 
to preserve the government in tlie hands of the middling class of 
society. This beneficial tendency alone, is of more value to the 
people, than all the artificial contrivances in all the Constitutions of 
the United States put together. Liberty can never be endangered 
while the administration of the government is in the hands of the 
middling class of people. Indeed, in that case, it would be scarce- 
ly necessary to impose restraints upon the governors in the funda- 
mental laws; because the middling class of society can find no in- 
terest in doing wrong to an}'. The great danger consists in placing 
the govermnent in the hands of the extremes of society — cither the 
extreme rich or the extreme poor; because they have a direct interest 
in plundering society for the benefit of their extreme orders. At 
this moment there is an example of each of these cases, which ought 
to afford the most instructive, awful lesson that ever was presented to 
the consideration of maidiiud. In Great Britain, the government has, 
for a long time, been in the hands of the extreme rich; and from an 
artificial course of policy, in favor of their own order, they have al- 
most annihilated the middling class, and have reduced the laboring 
class to poverty, distress, wretchedness and starvation. This is done 
by tithes and taxes — by varying the distribution of the proceeds of 
labor, by taking from the productive and giving to the unproductive 
laborer — impelled by a spirit of avarice which knows no bounds, and 
which is the real source of all modern despotism. 

In Kentucky, under the principle of general suffrage, the govern- 
ment was placed in the extremes of society; and the debtor part of 
the community, availing itself of artificial expedients, stripped the 
creditor part of the community of one half its dues. iTnder the ex- 
citement, produced by this state of things, it is not improbable, that 
Kentucky was saved from a civil convulsion by her connexion witlj 
the other States. 

Let these two examples tlien, admonish the People of the United 
States, and most particularly of Virginia, against placing their go- 
vernment in the hands oi" either exti'eme uf society. Ail the tenden- 
cies of the County Court system of Virginia are moral, all its re- 
sults are bem-ficial. Under its influence, the County Court Justices 
are the most disinterested, the most vahiable and the most nmral 
class of men that ever existed in any community. Deviating in 
some respects fi-om the received maxim of the separation of depart- 
ments, the Justices of the Peace, constitute the essential Legisla- 
tive, Executive and Judiciary of this Commonwealth. They meet 
here in their Legislative character and m;il;e laws — they propound 
and decide upon the meaning of the laws in their Judicial character 
— and they direct many of them<to be executed in their Executive 
character. Departing from another political jLaxim; the unity of 



the Executive; they form tlie most numerous, and most powert'ul 
Executive in the world. In addition to their official influence, they 
possess a great moral influence over society. Being scattered in 
neighborhoods over the whole State, and each Justice possessing a 
moral influence over his particular neighborhood; their moral influ- 
ence becomes co-extensive with tlieir official influence; and tlieir 
union forms the strongest Executive in the world. And hence is 
seen a more implicit obedience to the laws of Virginia, than perhaps 
in any other country in the world. In their Judicial character, the 
Justices of the Peace have fewer temptations to give an undue bias 
to their decisions, than the Justices in any other system heretofore 
devised, and hence it is that almost all their decisions are impartial 
in their objects and just in their results. — This will appear evident 
from the very small number of the reversals of their judgments by 
the Superior Courts. It is acknowle.iged, however, that there are 
some exceptions to tliese results; but they are such only as grow out 
of the common imperfections of human nature. The beneficial dis- 
pensations of these Justices may also be seen in their Legislative 
character. 

I tliink I hazard nothing in saying, that the Virginia Assembly, 
during the last half century, have done more good to society, and 
less har.m, than any other deliberative assembly in the world ; and I 
think I may be indulged in making this remark, without the impu- 
tation of vanity in claiming any share in this merit, since I have 
been one of those citizens, who have received these beneficial dis- 
pensations, without contributing to them; except in the years '98, 
99, and 1800, in which I merely discharged the duties of an indi- 
vidual member. Yet I will not disguise from the House my opinion 
that there have been some aberrations — some material aberrations 
from correct principles of legislation ; but they have always been 
unintentional, and always corrected, whenever the errors become 
manifest. 

Let me now, Mr. Speaker, contrast the opposite system of per- 
quisites, with tills benignant system of the administration of justice, 
"free, without reward." The tendencies of the perquisite system 
are all immoral. They serve directly to corrupt society, and ex- 
tend this corruption even to the middling class; the very heart and 
core of society. The Justices themselves become converted, by their 
interest, into conmion disturbers of the peace. The election of 
the Justices of this system is founded upon the right of general suf- 
frage. Tlic offices themselves are numerous, and are said to be 
sought after with more avidity than any other offices within the gift 
of the people. Hence, the baneful electioneering spirit is found to 
exert itself more to obtain these offices than any others within the 
gift of the people. Hence, a waste of morals, a waste of time, a 
waste of money, and a waste of whiskey will be seen in the corrup- 
tion of the people for their votes; and even justice herself is offered 
as a premium to the most popular voters — thus converting Courts of 
Justice into Courts of favor. Justice is no longer blind — but is an 
Argus of an hundred eyes open to the popular influence of the voter; 
ant? it is now even said, tliat the middling class have been ousted 



J 



from all these offices, and they have been placed in the hands of the 
most unprincipled and least competent class of society. The ex- 
|)eiise too, of tliis system, is enormous. Whilst the people are amused 
with the privilege of choosing their own petty neighborhood tyrants 
— the poor are scourged with heavy amercements in the form of per- 
quisites. The trial of a single warrant will cost a poor man, per- 
haps, ten times as much as the poor man in Virginia pays for the 
whole of his governmental protection, including all the dispensations 
of justice. The whole annuid taxes called for from the poor man in 
Virginia, amount to only iwo-and-three-pence; whereas, the trial of 
a single warrant, under tlie perquisite systenj, would cost, per- 
haps, ten times that sum I had once an opportunity of deriving 
soa)e minute and particular information upon this subject, in conse- 
quence of being upon a committee on a memorial from the Justices 
of the District of Columbia, who prayed to extend their perquisites 
to the abridgment of those of the Clerk. This brought about a 
direct collision between the Justices and the Clerk. The Clerk 
most efi'ectually exposed all the vices of the perquisite system, and, 
amongst other things, asserted — perhaps proved — that a demagogue, 
in the neighboring county of Maryland, possessing a wonderful nack 
at pleasing the people, never failed to succeed in the elections for 
Justices of the Peace; — when elected, being armed with a litigious 
pettyfogger, and a subservient constable, kept his neighbors so per- 
petually by the ears, that the annual amount of his perquisites ex- 
ceeded the compensation of the Governor of the State. Here, then, 
are presented for our choice, two systems for the administration of 
justice: the one founded upon the principle of freely administering 
justice wjihout reward — ^the other, of a compensation by perquisites. 
The one, having the best moral tendencies — the other, the worst 
evil tendencies. Ought not the General Assembly, and the people 
of this Commonwealth, to be extremely cautious, how they abandon- 
ed the one and adopted the other.? And ought we not first to inquire, 
what would be the difference in the moral condition of two societies 
at the end of a century, the one acting under the influence of moral, 
and the other under immoral tendencies, during the whole of that 
time .'' I have designedly introduced the examination of tlie organi- 
zation of the Judicial department, before that of the Executive, al- 
though not the first in order, because, I conceived, that a thorough 
examination of the one, would render an extensive and minute ex- 
amination of the other unnecessary. I shall, therefore, only reinark, 
that the wisdom of the venerated framers of the Constitution, is as 
conspicuously displayed in the formation of the Executive, as in 
either of the other departments. For this department, the British 
Government furnished no model. ' The Executive department, of 
the British Government, is founded neither in principle nor in sci- 
ence. Its origin is of divine right; or, at least, it is founded in some 
claim or pretext paramount to the rights of man. Hence, the irre- 
sponsibility and inviolability of the King. It is denied that there is 
any principle of irresponsibility or inviolability in nature — and, of 
course, not in science ; and hence, I deny the assertion of the late 
Mr. Adams, that tlie British Government is the only scientifiic one 
4 



in the world. On the other hand, I assert, that the Executive of 
Vircinin, being founded in a principle of responsibihty, which is 
found in nature, and of course in science, connected with other great 
scientific principles in its foundation, heretofore developed, makes it 
the only scientific government in the world. Besides, the Executive 
is elected upon the principle of intermediate agents, that is to say, 
by the Legislature, and not by the people; which principle, I also 
conceive, founded in nature and science. Elections are better made 
in that way; with less expense, with less intrigue, and with less cor- 
ruption: And as to the powers of the Executive, although they are 
said to be nominal, they are, as I conceive, as great as ought ever 
to be intrusted to any Executive, under any legitimate and rightful 
government whatever. In regard to the Executive Council, or Coun- 
cil of State, I shall merely observe, that that branch of the depart- 
ment, also, is founded in the scientific principle of responsibility ; 
perhaps a responsibility too severe. Complaints have been made 
against its organization; but I know of none, having any just foun- 
dation, which may not be easily remedied by wise and correct legis- 
lation. 

I have now exhibited to you, Mr. Speaker, an outline view of the 
four great pillars upon which our Constitution is foimded; with a 
more strict examination and analysis of some of its most important 
component parts. And permit me to ask you. Sir, what impressions 
have been made upon 3'our mind by the exhibition ? Do you not 
find it the best, as it was the first great written, charter of human 
rights, and human liberties:' Do you not find it based upon a solid, 
durable and indestructible substance? Approved and sanctioned by 
nature, by reason, by philosophy, by science and by experience.'' 
Has it not completely answered all the great ends of its institution ? 
Have not all its tendencies over society been moral, and all its effects 
beneficial? If so, Sir, what more could have been done by the best 
code of fundamental laws, that human wisdom could devise? No- 
thing, Sir. All that can be done by fundamental laws, is to fix up- 
on some great principles of truth, founded in nature, and so to ap-. 
ply them to society as to produce at all times good moral tenden- 
cies. Two and twenty Constitutions have been formed in the U- 
nited States, since the formation of the Virginia Constitution ; and 
in my judgment, not one of them comparable to it in point of ex- 
cellence and utilit}-; in my judgment, not one of them founded in 
scientific principles. Their great error generally, appears to me to 
consist in this Eutopean idea, that every office should be filled by 
the votes of every man in his individual character. .In consequence 
of this unfortunate misconception, the intrigues and artifices of the 
electioneering spirit have exerted their baneful dominion over soci- 
ety, and corrupted it to its very core. So. far, then, from improving 
upon the original model they Iiave becon)e deteriorated in propor- 
tion to their aberrations from it. These are not propitious days, 
Mr, Speaker, for constitution-making. The erroneous notions of 
the perfectibility, the liberty and equality of man liave not yet en- 
tirely evaporated. And out of these has grown the great error of 
modern Constitution-making It consists in the chimerical, impracti- 



cable notion, of making man perform all his political duties in his 
individual character, as being- indispensable to self government. I 
.am, therefore, inclined to think, ]Mr. Speaker, that the last Consti- 
tutions formed have been the worst; and that a tolerably correct 
scale of their relative demerits may be found in their dates from the 
original model, beginning with the last, first. Several of the States, 
Mr. Speaker, have been engaged in attempts to amend their Consti- 
tutions; but I believe with very little profit to the people. Why 
then, Mr. Speaker, should we imitate such unprofitable examples ; 
and, with thoughtless haste, proceed to demolish our own beloved, 
venerable, and venerated Constitution? The first holy ark of safe- 
ty erected for the preservation of the rights and liberties of man- 
kind. Surely this can never be; especially when we recollect, that 
through the benign influence of its moral tendencies, it has given 
Virginia a name pre-eminent with her sister States. Yes, Sir, Vir- 
ginians stand pre-eminent for political virtues, morals, and princi- 
ples. Amidst the trafficking scenes of legislation which have lately 
disgraced the United States, no one would dare to approach a Vir- 
ginian, to attempt to corrupt his principles by overtures of interest. 
Whence this honorable celebrity for the Virginian, but from the uni- 
form moral tendencies of our fundamental laws for above half a 
century? With these blessed effects before our eyes, would it not 
be wonderl'ul that we should become their destroyers, and in their 
ruin prostrate our own fame? And will not this prostration be the 
inevitable effect of becoming traitors to our own institutions? And 
can we hope to triumph, when we ourselves tear down the noble 
bulwarks which have heretofore sustained and protected us? For, 
trust me, Mr. Speaker, whoever shall form the Convention to amend 
this Constitution, will approach it with hostile hearts and unrelent- 
ing hands, and scatter its last fragment to the winds. They will 
never be content with a substitute, without something new, something 
entire, something splendid, something gj-and. Ought we not then 
to pause, Mr. Speaker, and think a little, before we give the last, ir-^ 
revocable stroke to this s;)d work? Can we not venture to jilford 
ourselves a little time for rejection? Do we really fear that a little 
time will furnish our own convictions of our own errors? If con-^ 
viction should come, would it notbe infinitely better before, than af- 
ter the irrevocable deed is done? There is no urgency. The peo- 
ple are not pressing upon us. They can bear their unparalleled 
happiness a little longer. For, Sir, so far as relates to their own 
fundamental laws, they are enjoying more political blessings thou 
any people under the sun. Let them then still continue iheir enjoy- 
ment. Mr. Speaker, permit me now to address myself to those 
gentlemen, who still seem to "be under the influence of some nepida- 
lion and alarm at the apprehension that this honorable body, in a 
recent election of a Senator to the United States, might afford ^ome 
evidence of a relaxation in its hosiility against the present adminis- 
tration of the General Government, and that, too, from the choice 
of one gentleman of the same political creed over another, merely 
from personal considerations. Sir, the incident was wholly unim- 
portant. It was not worth the trouble of a thought. Its effects 



were merely transitory and evanescent, and have almost already eva-' 
porated. But, Sir, principles are eternal. If you rashly tear dovvti 
your own principles — those principles which have heretofore con- 
ducted you to pie-eminence, and insured your trisimphs — -then will 
you voluntarily j)lace yourselves at the feet of your enemies. Then. 
Sir, will you be low indeed. Then Sir, will you he humbled in the 
dust. Do you think, Sir, that the present administration could en- 
jo}' more triuujphant pleasure, than to see Virginia uprooting the 
ioundations — ave, Sir, the very foundations of all her fundamen- 
tal institutions ? Tiie true source of all her own political virtues, 
her morals, and her principles; and the real terror of all political 
evil doers. ^ Let, then, these gentlemen take care, how they lend 
their aid to this sad work of destruction. iVlr. Speaker, is there 
nothing of solemnity and of sacredness attached to the first great 
written charter of the rights of man, from the very circumstance of 
its being the first .^ Is there nothing of veneration and of adora- 
tion due to its immortal authors — our Godlike Virginian ancestors, 
who first burst tbrih this irreat light over the world and made that 
world infinitely our debtor.'* Surely, Sir, the inspirations, arising 
from these considerations, ought to stay the desolating hand of des- 
truction. Let us then. Sir, reverse this destructive course of thought 
and reflection. Let us cling to the first h dlovved ark of our politi- 
cal salvation. Let us reverently commemorate the names ol' its ori- 
ginal builders. Let us inllexibly adhere to our own institutions, 
and our own characters, and be Virginians still. Let us call forth 
from uiUTierited oblivion, the names of our Godlilve ancestors, and 
award to ihetn the higi)est honors ever bestowed on mortals. If 
ever the honors of deification belonged to mortals, surely they do to 
the great founders of oiu- republic. Let us then introduce their 
names into our families, and make them familiar as household 
words, ieachii)g our children to lisp them with love and admiration. 
And permit me to indulge the hope, Mr. Speaker, that ere lotig, I 
shall see the most renowned of them, filling the vacant niches in the 
rooms of this Capitol. Is there a single Virginian, who, though 
not an immetliate descendant, is not proud of being the decendant of 
those whose representatives achieved this great work.^ And what 
«)Ught to be the feelings of every iunnediate descendant of these 
Godlike men.'* Ought he not to pride himself in his sire.^ Ought 
he not, whenever the name of his sire is mentioned, with pride and 
exultation, standing otj tiptoe, and pointing to his name, exclaim j 
that is my Godlike Sire — ihe Patriot, and the Hero, who won the 
battle upon St. Chrispian's day.-* Mr. Speaker, I find my feelings 
are becoming intermingled with this subject. It is, indeed. Sir, a 
prolific one, and I could dwell on it with delight, with rapture, with 
enthusiasm. But I find my strength exhausted; and 1 fear, I have 
idready exhausted the patience of all who hear me. Permit me 
then, Mr. Speaker, to return you. Sir, and this respectable auditors 
my sincere thanks for the .attention given me: — And I have done. 



T. IV. White, Fruiter^ opposite the Bell Tavern. 



DEBATE 



ON THE 

BILL FOR THE PUNISHMENT OF 



AND OF 

0TUER CRIMES AJ^D OFFE.WCES AGM^ST 
THE UJV-JTEI) STATES, 



m SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES— Feb. 1808. 



MR. GILES 

Then rose and delivered a speech substantially as follows : 

He said, that on a subject of so much delicacy, difficulty and Jin- 
portance, as the one now under consideration, it was natural to ex- 
pect, tl>at the committee who reported the bill, would be called upon 
to present to the Senate, the reasons which had induced them to in- 
troduce the principle, upon which that bill was predicated. That, as 
he considered each individual gentleman of that committee, better 
qualified than himself, to state the genera) motives operating on the 
committee, and certainly to state his own individual impressions up- 
on the subject; Mr. Giles would confine himself to stating some of 
the leading motives of his own conduct in introducing the principle 
reported in the bill.* Mr. Giles begged to be indulged with a few 
preliminary observations; which, altliough not directly in point upon 
the constitutional question presented for discussion, would ultimately 
be found to be, not without some bearing upon it. Mr. Giles pro- 
ceeded to ob,serve, that one great object of every government was, 
the protection of the rights of individuals, and however diversified 
the forms of different governments may have been at different times, 
they have all, at all times, concurred at least in this one point : that 
one of the most effectual means of protecting rights, is the punish- 
ment of wrongs. In the execution of ttiis delicate power, so pecu- 
liarly interesting to the governed, different governments have beea 
variously organized as to the manner of executing it. In govern- 
iments founded on force, the power of punishing has generally been 
left solely to the will and pleasure of the Executive. In govern- 
ments founded on consent, the modifications of this power have been 
various ; according to the degree of confidence or jealousy enter- 
tained by the people towards their rulers. Modern jurists have ex- 
tended their political speculations very far, in multiplying barriei»s 

* There was some difference of opinion in the committee. 



tbi' the protection of innocence against possible or pTesumed optsres- 
sions on the part of the government; and it is even now questiona- 
ble whether tliey have not extended them so far as practically to 
have converted the»n into shields tor the. protection of guilt; a a ef- 
fect that never coidd liuve been intended by the most i^pecu]ative 
philanthropists. Indeed, it has been seen that in a nation celebrated 
for its political intelligence, as vvt'll as foi' its military prowess it.ie 
visionary idea was once conceived, of placing the protection "' s! 
rights upon the unreal basis of tl)e perfectability of mau; bi:: <f 
this political vision was ever attempted to be reduced to practice, it 
was soon abandoned : because it was found not suited to the meridian 
of even that gallant iiaiion, wl.o had the credit of the invention. 
Hence Mr. Giles concluded, that the power of punisiiing wrongs, is 
an essential ingredient in the tormation of all governments; and that 
it ought not to be so limited and restrained, as to destroy its practi- 
cal energ3\ The constitution of the United Stales displays much 
of this spirit of jealousy against its administrators, and the amend- 
ments to it still more: of courL-e they impose many limitations and 
restraints upon the goverftment in the execution of the power of 
punishing. This may be accounted for by the circumstances wliicli 
preceded and gave rise to the constitution and its amendments. The 
American revolution was produced by the oppressions of a distant 
government ; and in the formation of all the State constitutions, 
which preceded that of the United States, the whole of which was 
founded upon the fair consent of the people, this natural effect was 
produced: that in the formation of their own governments, the peo- 
ple transferred a great portion of the jealousies which they feit 
against the rulers of a distant government to the rulers they were 
about to establish for their immediate government at home. 

The constitution of the Unite<l Slates, although formed some time 
after the revolution, yet exhibits a great portion of the spirit of jea- 
lousy produced by it — and the amendments still more, probably from 
the passions called into action by the eloquent and animated discus- 
sions against the adoption of the constitution itself. The formation 
and adoption of the constitution of the United States are deemed to 
be amongst the most wonderful political events, ever presented to the 
contemplation of the human n)Ind. Considering the contemporane- 
ous passions excited by the conflicting systems of policy observed by 
the different States in relation to each other, the strong jealousies 
existing in relation to real or supposed differences of interest amongst 
the different States, and highly excited by animated discussions upon 
great national objects just preceding the calling of the convention; 
the differences of habits, manners, and opinions, amongst the people 
in different parts of the United States, aini other causes,; it is won- 
derful, that a constitution founded on a spirit of mutual conces- 
sion should be formed so admirably calculated to combine and pro- 
tect the interest of the whole, and at the same time so peculiarly 
adapted to the peculiar character, genius and temper of the Ameri- 
can people. In addition to these, and many more difficulties, the 
convention were without a model for imitation. They had to solve 
the new and difficult political pr'oblems, of extracting from pre-exist- 



iiig SlBte governments, all powers of a f^eneral nature, and of leaving 
wiiii them the exercise of all po\rers of a local nature ; and these pow* 
ers, thus selected* «ei"e to be so modified and adjusted, as to suit the 
high and jealous temper of the Anieric;iu people. Notwithstanding 
all these difficulties, it will he found upon the most critic^ examina- 
tion of the instrument, that whilst it contains sufficient energy com- 
pleteSy to eflect the objects of its institution, it affords to innocence 
the most complete protection against the oppression of government, 
that ever has been devised by aji y political institution. To eflect this 
great object, it was determined to distribute these general powers, 
arn )*)gsi three great departments, forming the government of the Uni- 
ted States: the legislative, executive and judicial departments. -- 
- Mr. Giles said, this adjustiueiii had been made with such consum- 
mate wisdom and skill, that wh^iu vcr it iiad been made his duty to 
examine the arrangement, his reiieciions had always resulted in new 
and increased adn7iration of the excellency of its provisions. 

The theory of three distinct departments in government is, perhaps, 
not critically correct ; and although it is obvious that the framers of 
our constitution proceeded upon this theory in its formation ; yet in 
the practical adjustment of the departments to each other, it was found 
impossible to carry this theory completely into effect. In the nature 
of things, there can be but two great departments in government : 
the legislature, whose duty it is to prescribe rules of conduct; or in 
other words, to make laws for the government of the people ; the 
executive — to carry these laws into effect. But, as from the imper- 
fection of language, and the impossibility of making laws precisely 
definite and strictly applicable to every case growing out of the va- 
riety and perplexity of human transactions, the meaning of the laws 
is not definitively anderstoad; the judiciary department is introduce,d 
to explain the meaning of the laws prescribed by the legislature, to 
aid the executive in carrying those laws into effect — Hence it is obvi- 
ous, that the judiciary is a branch of the executive department; and 
accordingly, under the constitution, the President appoints all judi- 
cial officers, and except the Judges, all other officers of the court<? 
hold their offices during his pleasure. 

Mr. Giles observed, it was not his intention or wish to legislate into 
the constitution one scintilla of power not intrinsically contained in 
the instrument itself: nor by a w eak or timid exercise of the powers 
!t does intrinsically contain, to paralyze or destroy its energy, and 
thus to counteract the great objects oiits institution — "the common 
defence and general welfare of the United States" as contradistin- 
guished from particular or local welfare. It will be observed, said 
Mr. Giles, that he did not use these terms as conferring on the gov- 
ernment any power whatever, but merely as the ends for which the 
specified powers were conferred ; nor did he propose to disturb the 
distribution of the powers amongst the several departments of the 
government. He had made these remarks to rescue the constitution 
from certain absurdities, which fiad been .attributed to it, by the ap- 
plication of certain generic and technical phrases in the interpreta- 
tion of it, instead of examining its own intrinsic organr/.ation. Foi* 
instance, super^cial observers take it for granted, that the three great 



depiartments of the government are co-ordinate and indopendem of 
each other. It is to be observed, that the words "co-ordinate," "inde- 
pendent," are not to be found in any part of the constitution. They 
are borrowed from the technical phraseoh)gy of another country ; 
and do not apply to the United States, at least without great limita- 
tion. If by the word co-ordinate is meant that the judiciary depart- 
ment is equal in dignity, co-ordo, it is admitted. If it be meant in 
point of time, co-ordo, it is not the fact. The legislative department 
pre-existed the judiciary department; for, according to the constitu- 
tion, the establishment of the judiciary department was entrusted to 
the legislative dep^artmeni: and of course that department must ne- 
cessarily pre-exist the department to be established by it, and the 
fact is well known to be so. With respect to the Avord " indepen- 
dent," as applicable to the judiciary, it is not correct, nor justified 
bv the constitution. This term is borrowed from Great Britain, and 
by some incorrect apprehensions of its meaning there, or from some 
other cause, is applied here to the department itself, instead of the 
officers of the department. In Great Britain the phrase is an inde- 
pendent Judge, not an inde-pendent judicial department. According 
to the English constitution such a phraseology would be absolute 
nonsense. In this country, the terms have been used as synonimous; 
whereas, there is the most palpable difference both in the form and 
eflect of their meaning. An independent department of a govern- 
ment is conceived to be a department furnished with powers to or- 
ganize itself, and to execute the peculiar functions assigned to it, 
without the aid, or in other words, independent of any other depart- 
ment, A moment's attention to the constitution will serve to show, 
that this is not the constitutional character of our judicial depart- 
ment. An independent Judge, may be defined to be a person who, 
in the exercise of judicial functions, is placed above temptation in the 
discharge of his judicial duties; or in other words, a Judge who will 
neither gain nor lose any thing by deciding for or against the gov- 
ernment, or for or against any "individual or number of individuals; 
or a Judge whose salary is fixed, and who does not hold his office at 
th-e pleasure of another person. 

In England, the King is the fountain of honour, and justice ; and 
formerly, decided upon the meaning of the laws in his own person; 
afterwards, that branch df executive duties was conlided to his com- 
missioners, who were a})pointed by him, held their appointments ^/wr- 
inghis pleasure, and were dependent upon him for their compensations, 
until by the statute of 13 of AViJliam 3rd, it was declared, that the. 
Judges should hold their ofiices during good behaviour : still how- 
ever their oftices were vacateil ii]jon tlie deniibe of llie Crown, until 
■ the 1st of Anne, when it A\as declared that tlie office of Judge-should 
not be vacated until six months after the demise of the Crown ; and 
finally a statute of 1st George III. //i« salaries of the Judges were fixed, 
and xt was declared that their offices should not be vacated upon the 
demise of the Crown, This statute completely established what, in 
England, is called the independence of the Judges. But to infer from 
this, that the judicial department there, is independent of the parlia- 
mnt, wl^ilst that department is deemed omnipotent, would be au ab,- 



solute mianpplication of terms, and incompatible with every principlt; 
oi t1)e British constitution. From these observations, it is not to be 
inferred, that our constitution is precisely analogous to the British 
in all these respects; but to show the meaning of the term "inde- 
pendent," in the country from which it was borrowed, and its mis^^ 
application to our constitution. It was his wish to discard these 
technical, generic terms, which rather emi)arrass than assist us in the 
correct interpretation of the constitution. It was his wish to examine 
the instrument, and to deduce our interpretation of it from its own 
context. For whatever degree of independence is attached either to 
llie judicial department^ or to the Judges themselves, according to the. 
constitution, it was his wish, should be fully enjoyed by the depart- 
ment, or the Judges, without the smallest abatement; but the con- 
stitution, as it is, should be the standard of interpretation, not what 
it is described to be by general, borrowed, misapplied phrases. With 
this general exposition of the constitution, he would now proceed to 
examine the precise question under consideration. The question is, 
can congress declare by law, what acts amouixt to treason against 
the United States under the constitution? He said, that from the best 
reflections he had been able to bestow upon the subject, under a 
strong sense of the duty imposed upon him, he had no doubt, but 
Congress can, and ought to do so. And since his reflectipns, he had 
wondered that he ever had doubted the legislative right. The first 
clause in the constitution upon which this question arises, is in the 
following words: "Treason against the United States shall consist 
only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, 
giving them aid or comfort. No person shall be convicted of trea- 
son unless on the testimon}' of two witnesses to the same overt act, 
or on confession in open court." 

Mr. Giles said, that the only reason which could be deduced from 
jhis clause, for excluding Congress from passing all laws, whicii 
might be deemed necessary and proper, for carrying into eflect the 
power therein contained, was, that in the distribution of powers, thin 
particular power was classified amongst the judicial powers. But it 
will be observed, that it is not directed exclusively to the judiciary, 
nor legislative department; and it will also ^)e observed, that some 
oi^ the powers classified under the judicial department, are particu- 
larly directed to the legislative department for execution: hence it 
may be fairly concluded, that the mere classification of this power^ 
with the judici'al powers, is not of itself sufficient to exclude the ne- 
t'ssary legislative power for carrying it into effect. 

A reason however may be assigned, perhaps not satisfactory to all, 
far this classification of powers. It is derived from the last part of 
the clause, which seems to be a limitation to the judicial, as well as 
legislative department. This part of the clause requires tivo wit 
nesses, at least, to the same overt act of treason, as indispensable to 
a conviction; whereas, in other criminal cases, conviction may be 
had according to. the ordinary rules of evidence in courts, upon the 
testimony of one witness. This limitation upon the ordinary rules 
of evidence in the courts, would of itself have justified the classifica- 
tion of this power, jiccordiug to the constitutional arrangement. 



Hence it appears irresistibly conclusive, that according to thi.s particu- 
lar clause of the constitution, the power of declaring wliat act shall 
amount to the treason of levying war, and of adhering to the enemies 
of the U. States, is conferred on the government generally, and not on 
any department exclusively. This clause must evidently be consi- 
dered, both as conferring power, and limiting its exercise. The word 
"consist," is the word conferring power; the word "only," is the word 
limiting its exercise. The word "consist," is directory to the gov- 
ernment generally, and not to any department exclusively. The word 
"only" excludes from the whole government the power of introducing 
all constructive, or imaginary, treasons ; and limits its power "only" 
to the two species of treason included within that term — to wit, the 
treason of "levying war," — and the treason "of adhering to the 
enemies of the United States." The word "onZi/," therefore in this 
clause relates ''onhf to the species of treasons embraced by it; and 
not any particular acts, which may amount to treason under either 
of these species. Hence, the clear, and obvious language of the con- 
stitution is this: the government of the United States may declare 
what acts amount to treason, of "levying war, and adhering to the 
enemies of the United States;" but it shall not declare any other act 
whatever treasonable. The reason of this arrangement will be the 
more obvious, by reference to the doctrine of treason in the country 
from which these terms are borrowed. In England, exclusive of the 
two species of treason recognised by our constitution, there are va- 
rious other treasons, and many of them constructive ; such as ima- 
gining the King's death, Uc. ; showing too much civility to the 
Queen, or Princesses, he. ; counterfeiting the King's coin, he. he. 
The great object therefore of the constitution was, to exclude from 
the government of the United States this whole family of treasons ; 
and the terms used, are extremely proper for this exclusion, and for 
i\\e inclusion of tiie two species ^'■only''^ recognised by the constitu- 
tion. But it is said, treason is already defined by the constitution. 
Is the fact so.'' Let the enquiry be made, and also the extent to which 
the definition goes. " Treason against the United States shall con- 
sist only in levying war against them, and in adhering to their ene- 
mies, giving them aid and comfort." Two species of treason are 
here defined ; but no act amounting to either species of treason is 
defined. Ask the question, what is treason against the United States ? 
The constitution answers, " levying war against them, or adhering 
to their enemies." Reverse the question, what is levying war against 
the United States, or adhering to their enemies ? The answer is, 
treason — No act, which will amount to either of these offences, is 
defined. This definition, aUhough extremely useful, as a guide to 
the government, is of no practical use to the citizen ; because, it 
gives him no information of any act which amounts to treason ; and 
which, if he commits, he will be guilty of treason, and subject to tiie 
highest punishment known to our laws. This knowledge of the na- 
ture and tendency of acts, is the only knowledge that can be uschil 
and necessary to the citizen. 

It appeared to him wonderfully strange, that offences the most 
complicated in their nature, the mgst dangerous iu their effects to 



society, and the trtost fatal to the individual committing them, should 
not be explained to the people, should be locked up in the breast of 
the Judge; and that an attempt to explain them legislatively to the 
people, should bethought to bean alarming invasion of their rights, 
if notcriuiinal itself. But if the terms levying war, &;c., be already suf- 
ficiently definitive of the oftence, it is presumed that some gentleman in 
his place will tell us, what specific acts will constitute the offence: for 
his part he had paid great attention to the subject, and in the present 
state of things he acknowledged himself perfectly incompetent to it. 
Nor would the difiiculties be lessened by a recurrence to all the ju- 
dicial opinions, yet given upon the subject. These attempts had de- 
monstrated not only the incorrectness of the supposition, that these 
treasonable acts were defined, but the indispensable necessity of some 
legislative definition ; for it is believed that no two Judges have yet 
delivered the sanie opinions upon some of the most essential charac- 
ters of many of these acts; and if Judges themselves should not be 
able to comprehend, and precisely to fix this constitutional definition, 
how can it be expected that the people at large can do so ? He had 
always been taught to believe, that one essential characteristic differ- 
ence of a free, from a despotic government, consisted in giving full 
information to the citizen of every penal act, and the punishment 
consequent upon its commission ; and is there nothing in the con- 
stitution which recognises this principle, and almost makes it injunc- 
tive upon the government? In the 6lh article of the amendments to 
the constitution, most of which may be considered as a bill of rights, 
I find these words : 

"In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjo}' the right to 
a speedy trial," Sic, "and be informed of the nature and cause of 
the accusation," &c. For what purpose should he be informed of 
the nature, and cause of the accusation, if when he is informed of 
both, he is unable to ascertain by examining the law, whether he 
has been guilty of any offence, or not.'* And is it not of infinitely 
more importance to the citi/,en to know the nature and consequences 
of any particular act he is about to commit, than to be informed of 
the nature, and cause of his accusation, when after he shall have 
been thus informed, he is unable to ascertain by any law, whether 
the nature and cause of the accusation against him be criminal, or 
not? Indeed, without the knowledge of the criminality of the 
charge, a knowledge of the charge itself would be of very little ad- 
vantage to him. Again, suppose a citizen should be indicted upon 
the identical words of the constitution : •' of levying war," without 
the specification of any particular overt act amounting to that of- 
fence, would such definition be sufficient for conviction? Certainly 
not. More definition is tlierefore required, than can be found in th»i 
constitution. 

The next question which presents itself for consideration is, howr 
can this farther definition be obtained? What department is most 
competent to it? What is the proper department under the consti- 
tution? He said, there can be uo doubt but the legislative is the" 
only constitutional and competent department for that purpose. Mr. 
<J. said, it would be recollected, that according to the interpretation 



put upciii the clause of the constitution first read, it was stated that 
the power of declaring, or ascertaining the acts which would amount 
to the treason of " lev^^ing war," he, and to the treason of " adhering 
to their enemies," &i.c. was conferred on the government generally ; 
and not on any department exchisively. If this position be correct, 
(which appeared to him to be a plain matter of fact), he would now 
call the attention of the Senate to another clause in the constitution, 
which he considered directory, as to the proper department for ex- 
ercising this power. The clause he alluded to, was in the eighth 
b'ection of the first article of the constitution. He would read both 
clauses together; — third section, third article, — "Treason against 
the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or 
in adhering to their eiienjies, giving them aid and comfort." — Eighth 
section, first artitcle, — Congress shall have power "to make all laws 
which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the 
foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by the constitution in 
the government of the United States, or in any department or ofli- 
cer thereof." No'w ask the question, is the power of declaring or 
ascertaining what acts amount to the treason of "levying war 
against the United States, or of adhering to their enemies," &.c. 
vested by the constitution in the government of the United States.'* 
Answer. — It certainly is. What is the proper department for pass- 
ing all laws necessary and proper for carrying this poiocr into execu- 
tion? The constitutional answer certainly is, "Congress." — It 
this exposition be correct, and it appeared to him to be self-evident, 
it is no longer a constitutional question, but it is a question of ex- 
pediency'. Is it necessary and proper luider existing circumstances,. 
to pass such laws? This question has been before answered in part, 
but would be further examined presently. The clause in the con- 
stitution last read, has also had a general caballistical phrase applied 
to it. It is called "the sweeping clause," and attempts have been 
made to infer from it general powers to the government, although he 
■siiould discard that interpretation; and readily admit, that it confers 
no power of itself upon the government, it is of infinite importance, 
in adjusting all powers vested in the government, by ilie constitu^ 
tion. It determines upon the department in which the ultimntc 
power of the government is vested. The first part of the clause re- 
lates to powers previously and specifically given to Congress. The 
words are "to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into 
execution the foregoing powers." This, although -extremely pro- 
per, is the least important part of ibis clause; because all necessary 
and proper means for carrying into execution all the powers specifi- 
cally vested in Congress, might have been inferred ; it was however, 
perhaps, better to express it, and leave nothing to inference; but the 
remaining part of the clause, is the real operative part of it. The 
words are "and all other powers vested by this constitution in the 
government of the United States or any department or officer there- 
of." The wisdom and foresight of the framers of our constitution, 
are particularly discernable in this article. — They clearly foresaw, 
that many difilculties mlgLt arise in the execution of many of the 
powers vested in the government of the United States, or in sotne of 



die departments tiiereof, which at the same time, could not be coiir 
ceived or imagined; for the purpose theretbre of meeting these dif- 
ficulties, and insuring the due execution and administration of the 
government, this clause was introduced, declaring in effect, that 
whenever any such difficulties should occur, in relation to any pow- 
ers vested in the government, &;c. " Congress should have power to 
pass all laws necessary ami proper for relieving them from such dif- 
ficulties, and carrying such vested powers into due execution." This 
clause in his opinion therefore, must be considered, as also settling 
all questions amongst the departments, respecting the ultimate deposit 
of power. But a formidable difficulty is here interposed. The danger 
of legislating on this subject. — It is said, if Congress should undertake 
to declare what acts amount to the treason " of levying war, and of the 
treason of adhering to the enemies," he. they may declare acts trea- 
sonable, not embraced by these definitions and limitations ; and 
supposing they should do so, where is the remedy? In the first 
place it may be observed, that there is no such supposition warrant- 
ed by the constitution. The supposition itself, is therefore uncon- 
stitutional. The constitution has furnished certain guards against 
its violation in this respect, as well as in all others. The represen- 
tatives ore chosen at certain short periods; are themselves subject to 
the same rules of conduct prescribed to others; and take a solemn 
oath to support the constitution of the United States. It is believed 
that these guards are sufficient for the protection of the constitution ; 
and that the danger oi its violation is merely imaginary ; but in the 
next place, this supposition might be answered by another; — suppose 
the Judges were to declare certain acts treasonable, which are not 
embraced by these species of treason, defined in the constitution; 
where is the remedy? The danger in this case appears to be great- 
er, than in the other; and there is no remedy at all; because the 
Judges are irresponsible — except, (to use their own language,) " to 
God and their own consciences." They are not responsible to the 
people, who alone possess the ultimate censorial power: whereas 
their representatives are responsible, directly to them at short peri- 
ods; and the President and Senate indirectly responsible to them at 
periods somewhat longer. But it can be demonstrated, that the ju- 
diciary department under its present organization, is utterly inconir 
petent to the due exercise of this power, as will be clearly seen from 
the following statement. The Supreme Court of the United States 
has no criminal power whatever. That power is confided to the 
Circuit Courts. There are eighteen Circuit Courts in the United 
States, including the Circuit Court of Columbia, and excluding all 
the Territorial Courts. TheSe courts are composed of twenty-eight 
Judges, and are held at eighteen different places without any con- 
nexion with each other. As far as the opinions of these Judges have 
been ascertained, it is believed, that no two of them have concurred, 
as to all the acts, which amount to the treason of levying war ; — the 
only species that has yet been presented to them for adjudication; 
the other species "of adhering to the enemies of the United States," 
Uc. not having yet occurred; the United States having enjoyed al- 
most an uninterrupted state of peace, ever since the adoption of the 
2 



constitution. If that species of treason should become irequent, u 
circumstance highly probable, in case of a change in the state ot 
the nation, to a state of war, a similar result may be expected. — 
What prospect of settling principles correctly, can we have, if eigh- 
teen different tribunals should settle the same question in eighteen 
dluerent ways? Yet his honorable friend from New York, seem? 
disposed to wait with patience, until some certainty can be estab- 
lished in the usual course of judicial decision; which even in the 
event of concurring opinions, could not happen in a century : and 
unless there could be some new order of things in that respect, 
could never happen at all. Instead of certainly in the ascertainment 
of offences, confusion incalculable must be the consequence. But 
let us see what the Chief Justice says upOn this subject in his opi- 
nions delivered upon the trials at Richmond. "It is true, that in 
that case, after forming the opinion that no treason could be com- 
mitted, because no treasonable assemblage had taken place, the 
court might have dispensed with the proceedings further into the 
doctrines of treason. But It is to be remembered, that the Judges 
might act separately and perhaps at the same time, on the various 
prosecutions which might be instituted, and that no appeal lay from 
their decisions. Opposite judgments on the point would have pre- 
sented a state of things infinitely to be deplored by all. It was not 
surprising then, that they should have made some attempt to settle 
principles which would probably occur, and which were in some de- 
gree connected with the point before them." " This court is told 
that if this opinion be incorrect, it ought not to be obeyed, because 
it was extra-judicial. For myself, I can say ; that I could not light- 
ly be prevailed on to disobey it, were I even convinced that it was 
erroneous; but I would certainly use any means, which the law 
placed in my power to carry the question again before the Supreme 
Court for re-consideration, in a case in which it would directi}' oc- 
cur, and be fully argued." Here we see the Chief Justice paiheti- 
. cally deploring the consequences of opposite decisions upon the 
same point, and lamenting his inability to bring these cases before 
the Supreme Court. For what ? He tells us to settle principles, 
or in other words, to prescribe rules for the government of the Cir- 
cuit Courts — in wliich, consists the very essence of legislation. — 
Hence, the judicial legislation of the Supreme Court is to exclude 
Congressional Legislation ; but he evidently admits the incompeten- 
cy of the Circuit Courts to legislate upon this subject ; and unfor- 
tunately for the legislation of the Supreme Court, it has no juris- 
diction in criminal cases ; and therefore, there is no legal mode of 
bringing the cases before them, for the purpose of settling princi- 
ples, or in other words, for the purpose of legislation. Hence, will 
result all the confusion which the Chief Justice so properly and pa- 
thetically deplores. Yes, Sir, the uncertainty and confusion resulting 
from contradictory decisions of your courts upon the doctrine ot 
treason against the United States, will be such, that no man can 
know when an act is innocent or guilty ; and when his innocence or 
guilt will very much depend upon the court, before which he may 
happen to be brought for trial. Our situation will be, probably no'w^ 



is, like tiiat described in England in the time of Heufy IV, after a 
great many statutes had been passed, and contradictory adjudica- 
tions had been made in relation to this same doctrine of treason. 
In the preamble to the statute of the first of Henry IV, the situation 
of the nation, in relation to treason, is thus described : — '< That no 
man knew what he ought to know, or to do, or to say, or to speak, 
through doubt of such pains." This, if not now, will inevitably be 
ihe case of this country, unless some legislative corrective of the 
present system, be applied. There are also great objections to the 
forms of judicial legislation ; they consist too much, in inference, 
too little, in dictum. They want the words "Be it enacted," he. — 
The Judges so blend their reasonings with their inferences, that it 
requires great legal skill to make the proper analysis. A plain 
man of the best understanding, could never do it. The enacting 
clauses are obscured by the preamble.. It is like enacting our 
speeches interspersed with our laws. — Take for instance, the judi- 
cial opinions lately delivered in the United States upon ihe various 
questions of treason, which have been brought before the courts, 
and ask yourself this question : — Do you understand the doctrine of 
treason now, better than you did before the opinions were given ? 
Is not the subject rendered more confused and uncertain ,'' Can you 
tell whether accessorial treasons in England, are principal treasons 
in the United States? Judge Chase and others say they are. — • 
Judf^e Marshall says he does not know whether they are or not; but 
his reasoning would go to shew, that tliey are not. 

In the doctrines of treason, this is an all-important question ; and if 
the Judges cannot agree, how can plain men settle the question .'' 
And why is it that the people should be kept in the dark upon this 
branch of our penal laws alone? It cannot be on account of the hei- 
nousness of the offence, its dangerous tendency towards society, nor 
its fatal effects to the individual committing it. All these reasons 
plead loudly in lavour of telling the people plainly, what the acts 
are, involving such consequences ; that they may take care to avoid 
their commission. 

He then proceeded to examine further consequences of a different 
interpretation of the constitution ; to which he begged the most se- 
rious attention of the Senate. If the Judges are to declare what acts 
amount to treason against the United States, without any legislative 
aid, one of two consequences will inevitably result: either the sta- 
tutes of England, in relation to these species of treason, the decisions 
of the English Judges thereupon, and perhaps the opinions of some 
of their elementary writers, will become the law of the United States, 
and even immutable or fundamental law ; or all acts amounting to 
treason must be transcribed only on the minds of the Judges. 

Upon the first of these points, let us examine the decisions of the 
Judges themselves. He would first call the attention of the Senate 
to a rule of court laid down in the trial of Fries, and found in the 
Appendix to Tucker's Blacksione, pages 14, 15 ; "Judge Chase, oia 
the subsequent trial of Fries, declared, •that the court would admits 
as a general rule, of quotations from the English books ; not as au» 
thorities whereby they were bound, but as opinions and decisions of 



men of great legal learning and ability, But even then the conrt 
would attend carefully to tlio time of the decision, and in no case 
must it be binding on the juries; as this was pronounced as a gene- 
ral rule by the court, and not as the opinion of a single Judge, we 
may consider it now settled, that the English authorities are not 
binding as precedents ; consequently they do not form parjt of the 
law of the land, but are to be respected only as the opinions of men 
of great legal learning and abilily, which may nevertheless be can- 
vassed, as freely as the opinions of other men. Neither are we bound 
to suppose, that the framers of our constitution meant to adopt those 
decisions, as a guide to our courts in the interpretation of the defini- 
tion of treason against the ( nited States." 

According to this decision, Engfuh authorities are to have no 
binding influence on the conns, but are to be resjjccted as the opin- 
ions and decisions of men of great legal learning and ability. 

I^et us now turn to the decision of the Chief Justice at Richmond, 
with this same rule of court before him. It is suggested to have been 
before him, because this celebrated treatise of Judge Tucker upon 
the doctrine of treason, was referred to in the same decision, and 
almost the whole of the Chief Justice's reasoning upon accessorial 
treasons was drawn from it: "What is the t}atural import of the 
words 'levying war?' And who may be said to levy itf" Had their 
first application to treason been n)ade by our cojistitution, they would 
certainly have admitted of some latitude of construction ; taken most 
literally, they arc perliaps of the same import with the words, rais- 
ing, or creating war; but as those >\ho join after the commence^ 
ment, are equally the objects of punishment, there would be proba- 
bly a general admission, that the term also comprehended making 
war, or carrying on war." 

<^ But the term is tiot for the fjrst time applied to treason by the 
constitution of the (Jnited States. It is a techniea! term. It is used 
in a very old statute of ijiai country, whose language is our lanj.uiage, 
and whose laws form the siibstratmo of our laws. It is scareel}' con- 
ceivable that the term \\;ts iK>t employed by tise fiamers ui" our con- 
stitution in the sense which had been affixed to it by those from whoiii 
we borrowed it. So far as the meaning of any terms, [larticularly 
terms of art, is completely ascertained, iho^c by wIkjoi they are em- 
ployed must be considered as cnspioying them iij that ascertained 
meaning, unless the contrary be proved by the context, h is there-' 
fore reasonable to suppose, unless it be incoir.patilde with other ex- 
pressions of the constitution, that the term "levying war" is used in 
that instrument in the same sense in whicji it was understood in 
England and in tlfts coiuitry, to have been used in the statute of 
the 25th of Edwjnd III, fion'i which it was borrowed." "It is said 
that this meaning is to be collected only from adjudged cases. But 
this position cannot be conceded, to the extent in which it is laid 
dowji. The superior authority of adjudged cases will never be con- 
troverted. But those celebrated elementary writers, who have stated 
the principles of the law, whose statetnents have received the com- 
mon approbation of legal men, are not to be disregarded. Principles 
iaid down by such writers as Coke. Hale, Foster, and Blackstone, are 



not lightly to be rejected." It cannot escape observation that the 
Cliief Justice here expressly lays it down, that the laws of England 
in relation to these species of treason, form the substratum of our 
]aws; from which figurative expression, is evidently inferred an un- 
deniable declaration on the part of the Judge, that the laws of Eng- 
land, in these respects, are the foundation (substratum) of our laws; 
or in other words, the fundamental immutable laws of the U. States; 
and of course, in their essential operation, a part of the constitution 
of the United States. 

But the Chief Justice goes further, and declares, that the decisions 
of the English Judges form a part of these fundamental laws; and 
even the principles in relation thereto, laid down by their celebrated 
writers, are not to be disregarded. It is hardly to be presumed, that 
before this declaration, it had ever entered into the imagination of 
any man, that our Constitution was composed of such materials. If 
it be the case, however, it is devoutly to be wished that these laws, 
decisions and principles of elementary writers should be collated, 
printed, and annexed to our Constitution as legitimate parts thereof; 
and if Congress are to be excluded from all participation in the ex- 
ercise of this authority, the Supreme Court could not render a greater 
service to their country, than to make the collation with all conveni- 
ent despatch, for the information of Congress; and still more, for the 
people at large. But, Sir, are there no objections to these substrata 
of our laws? On no one subject of jurisprudence in Great Britain 
have there been such monstrous perversions of justice, and such pas- 
sionate and contradictory d.ecisions, as on the doctrine of treason; 
and why? Because they have been almost nlways made in violent, 
and troublesome times; and generally, after bloody contests for the 
crown. If this interpretation of the Constitiktion should be deemed 
incorrect, rather than hold some of his njost important rights upon 
substrata Uke these, he had thoughl of proposing an amendment 16 
the Constitution, to authorise Congress to declare what acts should 
amount to treason against the United States. — But in reflecting up- 
on that subject, he (bund the 8th section of 1st article of the Con- 
stitution as good a provision for that purpose, as could be draw)) by 
way of amoidment; and he begged gentlemen to reflect upon it, and, 
see whether they could prepare a belter, to wit: "Cong)-ess shall 
i)ave ])Ower to- pass all laws which shall be necessm-y and proper for . 
car)-ying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers 
vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, 
or in any department or officer thereof." But, Sir, let us now dis- 
card this doctrine of the Chief Justice, and take up the rule laid 
<lown by the Court in the trial of Fries. That the British laws, de- 
cisions, and elementary principles, are not the substrata of our laws 
on the doctrijie of treason, but )nere]y entitk'd to certain respect in 
guiding the Courts to correct decisions; I would then ask, wliere is 
the doctrine of the treason written? Jf our laws of treason are not 
taken from these sources, where are they written f No where, un- 
less on the minds of the Judges. Sir, there are great objections to 
this sort of transcription: 1st, the transcript will be diflerent on the 
mind of every difixjrent Judge; — 2d, it may be different upon the 



mind of the same Judge, at different times, and under different cir- 
cumsianccs. The retina of the human mind is not fit parchment for 
the transcription of laws. It is too much like changeable silk. It 
may vary its complexion, especially when held up to political sun- 
shine. He begged the Senate to take a view of the judicial pro- 
ceedings, which had taken place in the United States in relation to 
this subject. 

Without pretending to go minutely into the examination of the 
evidence before the Courts on the the trials of Fries, and the late 
trials at Richmond, a general view of the different results of these 
trials had always appeared extraardinary to him. Fries, and other 
ignorant Germans, irom a very limited ^strict of country, being 
hostile to an act of Congress, assembled themselves, and with arms 
forcibly rescued some persons from the custody of the Marshal of 
Pennsylvania; the prisoners not being charged with treason, and a? 
soon as the rescue was effected, returned peaceably to their homes; 
and it is believed, never after assembled in arms for any other pur- 
pose. This was considered by the Court as the unquestionable treu" 
son of levying war against the United States. The transactions dis- 
closed on the trials at Richmond, seemed to be of a ver^' different 
character. It appeared there, that a design to dismember the IJni-, 
ted States by force, and to establish a separate government in the part 
thus separated, and also to seize upon, and include in such govern- 
ment some of the territories of Spain, had been deliberately formed 
by the most active^, daring, intelligent, and enterprizing citizens of 
the United States. That partizans were engaged to effect this do- 
sign, extending themselves from the city of New-York in the direc- 
tion of the Lakes, and from thence to Orleans; and from Philadel- 
phia, from tins place, fcc. to Pittsburg, and in that direction to Or- 
leans: wliicli appeared to lie the fn-st object of attack, and from 
%vhencc furtiier operations were to be determined on. That, in pur- 
suance of this desi4j;n, a number of men, with arms, had convened at 
the mouth of Cumberland, with the chief projectors of this enter- 
prize at their head, and entered into a formal eapitidntion for sur- 
rendering then)SL'lves to the authority and laws of the United States, 
after having cautioned the acting officer ot' the United States against 
compelling theni to shed blood in a civil contest, by refusing their 
terms of surrender, and thus urging them to resistance. These trans- 
actions, according to the opinion of the Court, %inqucstionnbly do not 
amount to the treason of leiujing war against the Ijnilv.d Slates; and 
the persons conimitting them ought not even to be connnitted lor trial 
before the tribinial having cognizance thereof. l,>iii the assemblage 
is described by the Judge as demeaning themselves in a peaceable, 
and orderly manner; no act of violence was committed, nor any oul- 
ra«^c on the laws practised. Tiiere was no act of disobedience to 
llie civil authority, iiorwere there any military appearances, although 
the n)en were drawn up in something like a semi-circle, with arms in 
their hands ready for action, Sec. <kc. ; the capitulation, and its ac- 
companying circumstances to the contrary notwithstanding. This 
circumstance, however, was not thought worth mentioning by the 
Judge in his recapitulation of the evidence. These judicial resirits 



4t» 

appeared strange to liim, and he believed they did to every impartial 
man in the United States. 

He did not mean to infer from these circumstances any thing more 
(lian that the highest judicial officers were not exempt from the frail- 
ties and feelings of human nature ; nor did he mean to use them for 
the purpose of detracting one atom of independence from the Judges^ 
— very far from it. He wished they were more independent, than 
Jie ll'ared they were. But he entertained a very different opinion of 
*he honorable and dignified character of an independent Judge; of 
a department ju some respects dependent; and of a Judge, who, for- 
getting tiie nature of his office, is perpetually aspiring not only to 
render his department absolutely independent, but to render it supreme, 
over all the other departments of the government — in the one case, he 
is placed in the elevated and dignified attitude of distributing justice 
impartially amongst his fellow-citizens; in the other, he is reduced 
to the miserable political intriguer, scrambling for power; for when 
once this appetite for power is indulged, the sacred mantle of the 
judicial character will be found but a feeble barrier against its influ- 
ence. There was nothing in names, in relation to the love or influ- 
ence of power. — It was not material whether they were called Judges 
or Consuls, or Censors; once place power before their eyes, and 
they would all, with an equal impulse, pursue the means be£l 
calculated to obtain the enchanting idol.-— This is human nature; 
and under such circumstances, raise up this sacred mantle of the 
Judge, and you will find concealed beneath it, strong marks of the 
frailties common to human nature. Hence, this argument derived 
from the sacredness of the judicial character had but little influence 
on his mind; and therefore, could never be an inducement to him to 
admit their claims to ultimate, and unlimited powers — even the 
oaths taken by the Judges have been suggested by them, as argu- 
ments in favour of their claims to the ultimate power of the govern- 
ment: without seeming to recollect, that their number is seven, and 
that the same oath is taken by above one hundred and seventy mem- 
bers of both houses of Conjjjress ; and as a further protection of the 
constitution. Congress is composed of two branches, placed as mu- 
tual checks on eacl) other. He said, he would now ilftain the Senate 
only a i'itw minutes longer, whilst he made a few obscrvaiions on the 
only remaining clause in the constitution connected with tiiis subject. 
It i* the last clause of the third section of t!ie third article of the 
constitution, in these words : — •' The Congress shall have power to 
declare the punislnnent of treason, but no attahider of treason shal- 
work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the 
person attainted." It will be here observed, that this clau?e relates 
solely to legislative powers, although it is classified with the power 
of the judicial department. An inference has been drawn from this 
clause, as the power of declaring the punishment of treason, is ex- 
pressly given to Congress, it excludes the inference, that Congress 
may also declare what acts shall amount to treason. This however 
Is a mere inference; and if that effect were intended by the framers 
of the constitution, ihey would certainly have expressed it — for it is' 
not possible to conceive, if this idea once presented itself to them. 



they would have lelt a subject of so much delicacy and importance 
to mere inference. This clause was evidently introduced with very 
different views, and so far from its excluding a legislative declaration 
of the acts amounting to treason, it aftbrds an irresistible argument 
in favour of that construction. This clause like the preceding one, 
is intended both to confer power, and to limit its exercise. It gives 
to Congress the power of declaring the punishment of treason; but 
limits its exercise to attainder of blood, only during the life of the 
person convicted. But may not Congress consistently with this 
clause, apply different degrees of punishment, to different acts of 
treason? Are there no different degrees of moral turpitude, in dif- 
ferent degrees of treason? And liow can Congress possibly gradu- 
ate according to the degrees of moral turpitude, different punish- 
ments to different acts, without the power of defining the acts to 
which such punishments are to be applied ? He acknowledged he 
could not see how it could be done, without such definition. The 
doctrine of apportioning punishments to crimes, according to the 
standard of moral turpitude, has always been a favorite one in 
this country, and very probably, was not without its effect in intro- 
ducing this clause into the constitution. 

Mr. Giles said he had done enough however for his ai-gument, if 
he had shown that this inference generally deduced from this clause 
was not warranted by it. He had now presented to the Senate the 
leading motives with him for introducing the principle of the 
bill — and if he had occupied more of their time than was agreeable, 
he hoped the delicacy, difficulty, ami importance of the subjecl 
would furnish his apology. 



T. H. White, Printer, opposite the Bell Tavern- 



[The following number is properly No. 3, in this series of Political 
Disquisitions. In making up the compilation, it was acciden- 
tally omitted, and another number substituted for it. Its proper 
place shouM be after page 14 of this series. Having been omitted 
there, it is introduced in the front, retaining its appropriate No. 3 
- — Because it is amongst the first and most solemn warning given 
to Mr. Adams against his intoxicated sublimations, arising from 
his unexpected and unmerited elevation to the Presidential chair; 
— the obstinate and persevering indulgence in which, according to 
the suggestions of the prophetic spirit of this number, has already 
plunged him into the deepest bottom of the river Po. — It will also 
show; that the first attack upon Mr. Adams' administration was 
not made in any spirit of hostility, neither against himself, nor his 
administration, although the writer then well knevy his entire des- 
titution of republican principles, and political integrity, but solely 
in spirit of kindly admonition against the consequences of a blind 
sublimated ungovernable ambition ; nor would the writer have con- 
tinued his assaults against Mr. Adams' administration, could Mr. 
Adams have been prevailed upon to have spared his own vain de- 
lirious efforts against the liberties of mankind; which the writer 
thinks marked his own administration from its unhappy beginning* 
to its most happy termination.] 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS— No. III. 

Inaugural Speech — The Presidential Chair, or, the Chariot of the 

Sun. 

" Observe the middle path." This v/as the sage advice of the wise, 
experienced Sol; when, distrustingly, he placed the juvenile, adven- 
turous Pheeton in the Chariot of the Sun ; but the rash youth, dis- 
regarding his father's sage advice, lashed up the fiery steeds into an 
erratic course ; and in one single day, wrapped the whole celestial 
spheres into a blaze of fire. Jupiter, to save Heaven and Earth, 
from one general conflagration, with his dread thunderbolts, struck 
the heedless, ill-fated youth into the deepest bottom of the river Po. 
The House of Representatives, distrustingly, by Hook, or by Crook, 
placed Mr. Adams in the Presidential chair. " Observe the middle 
path" ! ! ! What hope is there of this! ! ! Whom has the President 
taken into his bosom, to advise the observance of t^ middle path!!! 
With just, and eloquent delineation, the Presiden^rii his Inaugural 
Speecli, states the beautiful theory of our happy, complicated forms 
of government in the following words : 

" The collisions of party spirit, which originate in speculative opi- 
nions, or in different views of administrative policy, are, in their na- 
ture transitory. Those which are founded on geographical divisions, 
adverse interests of soil, climate, and modes of domestic life, are more 
permanent, and therefore, perhaps more dangerous. It is this which 
gives inestimable value to the character of our Government, at once 
federal and national. It holds out-tixus a perpetual admonition to 
1 



A 



preserve alike, and with equal anxiety, the rights of each individual 
State in its own Government, and the rights of the whole nation in 
that of the Union. Wliatsoever is of domestic concernment, uncon- 
nected with the other members of the Union, or witii foreign lands, 
belongs exclusively to the administration of the State Governments. 
Whatsoever directly involves the rights and interests of- the federa- 
tive fraternity, or of Foreign Powers, is of the resort of this Gene- 
ral Government. The duties of both are obvious in the general 
principle, though sometimes perplexed with difficulties in the detail. 
To respect the rights, of the State Governments, is the inviolable 
duty of that of the Union; the Government of every State will feel 
its own obligation to respect and preserve the rights of the whole." 

But when the President comes to the practical execution, of this 
same beautiful theory, he seems suddenly to have become unfettered, 
of all constitutional ligaments; and in a stale of etherial sublimation, 
to vault himself, from the Presidential chair, into the Chariot of the 
Sun; and dauntlessly regardless of Jove's dread thunderbolts, and 
the river Po, to take with him, as his Charioteer, a still more juve- 
nile, heedless PlicEton,(o) to lash up his meivlesome steeds; if they 
should dare to flag or faulter, during his future boundless, erratic 
course. What means the following unfettered efl'usions of his subli- 
mated mind? 

"To the topic of Internal Improvement, emphatically urged by 
him at his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that 
from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, 
who are, in future ages to people this continent, will derive their 
most fervent gratitude to the founders of the Union; that, in which 
the beneficent action of its Government will be most deeply felt and 
acknowledged. The magnificence and splendour of their public 
works are among the imperisliable glories of the Ancient Republics. 
The roads and aqueducts of Rome liave been the admiration of all 
after ages; and have survived thousands of years, after all her con- 
quests have been swallowed np in despotism, or become the spoil of 
Barbarians." (b) 

Does the President mean to lay the foundation of his claims to the 
gratitude of millions, yet unborn, upon splendid, boundless Internal 
improvements.'' Does he nieim lo ouisuip the Ancient Republics in 
the magnificence, and splendour of their public works, for the pur- 
pose of securing for our Republic, still more imperishable glories 
than they had acquired, by the magnificence, and splendour of their 
public works? Does he mean to outstrip the Roman Empire in 
Roads and Aqueducts, for the admiration of posterity for thousands 
of years to come, after all our future conquests shall have been swal- 
lowed up in despotism, or become the sport of Barbarians? Is this 
the middle path! !! Was it for this our free and happy Constitution 
was formed!!! Was such the spirit which actuated tlie wise, patri- 
otic framers of the Constitution of the United States, when they de- 
clared its objects to be, "To form a more perfect Union, to establish 
justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence. 



promote the general welfare; and secure tiie blessings of liberty, to 
ourselves, and our posterity" ! ! ! 

Suppose instead of tlicse f^reat intended blessings, the framers of 
the Constitution bad declared, that the objects of it were to outstrip 
the Ancient Republics in tlie magnificence, and splendour of their 
public works, to outstrip the Roman Empire in its Roads and Aque- 
ducts; would it have received the approbation, or assent of any hu- 
man being? Would the President have yielded to it his own appro- 
bation, and assent? If not, does he not now see, the etherial height 
of his sublimation in these erratic efiusions? 

But, perhaps, the President may say, these are not the avowed 
ends for which the Constitution was formed. The end expressed, 
was, "the general welfare;" and the magnificent, splendid public 
works, and tlie roads and aqueducts, are the means of effecting this 
great and general end. Be it so. Will the change of the name, 
svail an atom in the practical effect of the thing? Will the actual 
structure, take one drop less of the sweat of the brow of labor? Will 
the laborer be content with being told that these splendid, costly, en- 
chanting monuments, are not the end, for which he labors, but the 
■means to produce another end? Will this fallacious metamorphosis, 
stay one drop of sweat from his brow, or give one drop of comfort to 
his heart? Will it save to his wife and children one crumb of bread? 
What are the essential ingredients of governmental splendour, taken 
in all, or in any of its variegated forms? They are the proceeds of 
the sweat of the laborer's brow; productive labor. Nothing can pro- 
duce governmental splendour of any kind whatever but the proceeds 
of productive labor. Vvill it produce the general welfare? Will it 
diffuse happiness amongst millions now born, or to be hereafter born; 
to take these, from man's own uses and enjoyments, and invest them 
in governmental splendour, let the shape this splendour assumes be 
what it may? Will it not take the means of subsistence, and comfort 
from those w ho earn, and those who want them ? If so, would that pro- 
duce the general welfare? would that diffuse general happiness? Cer- 
tainly not. The general welfare, the general happiness would be 
promoted by leaving to individual man, all the proceeds of his own 
toils; except the smallest mite, whicli would sufiice for all essential 
governmental objects. It has heretofore been believed, that this was 
the great political secret, which Jiad been discovered and revealed in 
the fundamental institutions of the United States. It was this, which 
gave them their moral influence over the rest of the world. 

The great error in all previously existing governmental institutions 
consisted in this; that Governments were thought every thing, the 
people nothing: That Governments are the active instruments for 
creating and diffusing happiness; and the people, the passive instru- 
ment of receiving all governmental blessings. The people of the 
United States first discovered, that just the reverse of this old, re- 
vered political dogma was true. That the people were almost every 
thing, and the Government very little, in the scale of human happi- 
ness. That individual man, was the active instrument in producing 
prosperity, wealth, and happiness; and rightful Government, {be pas- 



. sive instrument of seeing them enjoyed by (hose to whom they right- 
fully belonged. That the only rightful purpose of Government, was 
to secure to man two great objects, which man in his natural state 
could not secure to himself — safety' and justice. The safety of the 
people, against violence from without, and from within. Justice, im- 
partial justice to all ; against the violence, or wrong of any. After 
effecting these great objects, the less Government has to do in hu- 
man affairs, the better. Almost all governmental intermeddling, be- 
yond the safety of the people, and tiie distribution of justice amongst 
them is governmental usurpation and mischief. Unfortunately ior 
man, Governments are necessary evils, possessing vast creative powers 
to do mischief, but very limited creative powers to do good. Hence, 
they have generally been, more the scourge than the blessing, when 
they might have been more the blessing than the scourge of the Iiu- 
man race. It would not be possible for the mind of man to calcu- 
late the extent of the improvements in the moral, intellectual, and 
pecuniary condition of the people of the United States, particularly 
in the moral, at tliis moment, if by some good fortune, they could 
heretofore have escaped, or now be relieved from all funded debts, 
all banking institutions, all tariffs, and all other monopolies and fa- 
vorilisms, with the whole tribe of mala prohibita, which they neces- 
sarily produce; and instead of these unwise, immoral, unjust, and 
vicious artificial contrivances, be left to the enjoyment of the proceeds 
of their own labor, to be disposed of at their own discretion, accord- 
ing to their own views of the best means of promoting their own in- 
dividual happiness; and consequentially, "the general welfare." 

Suppose, then, that the President, instead of indulging himself in 
the fanciful sublimated notions of drawing from the people, as far as 
he can, the whole of the proceeds of their labor; and in squander- 
ing them, in humble imitations and vain rivalships of ancient Em- 
pires, and Republics, and modern ones too, in the magnificence and 
splendor of their public works, could be prevailed upon to lighten 
the burdens of the people ; to lake from them only the smallest mite, 
which would suffice for all rightful Governmental objects, and leave 
ail the rest to their individual enjoyments; would not the sum of hu- 
man comforts and human happiness be increased by this wise and be- 
neficent policy.'' Would not the diffusion of comfort and happiness 
amongst those whose toils produce every comfort, every happiness, 
and every splendor, afford to the President liimself, more merited 
honors, and more imperishable glories, than outstripping both anci- 
ent and modern Governments in the splendor of their public works ; — 
even if it were in his power to do so? Would not such merit, and 
such fame be more novel, more apf)ropriate, and more imperishable, 
than the glory of public works? The moral influence of tlie Ame- 
can institutions upon other Governments, and the people of other 
Governments heretofore, has arisen solely from the belief that the 
American people had discovered this great desideratum in Govern- 
ments: That the sum of human happiness arose chiefly from man's 
individual energies; and that rightful Governments only stood arbi- 
ters in deciding to whom the fruits of those energies belonged: That 



5 

jovernments, therefore, ought to take the least of the proceeds of 
hose energies, for their own rightful limited objects; and to leave 
he most to man's Individual enjoyment. But the President seems 
o have abandoned this great American discovery, and in quest of 
lis imperishable glory, seems humbly to be following in the wake of 
ill other despotisms; in getting from the people all he can, and 
quandering all he gets, in public splendor; and thus attempting to 
lutstrip all other Governments in their own appropriate vices. How 
;reat will be the shock to all philanthropic admirers of American in- 
litutions; when they see, that instead of setting a new and grand 
(olitical example to the world ; the administrators of these institu* 
ions, are themselves abandoning all their promised blessings; and 
re vainly entering the lists of rivalships with other Governments, in 
he worst of their despotic vices!!! In taking from the people all 
hey can, and squandering all they get in public splendor!!! These 
general hints are rapidly sketched, not with any unfriendly feelings 
owards the President, nor towards the success of his administration; 
lut more in fear, than hope, to remind him of the danger of his first 
alsH movement; and if possible, to prevail upon him to descend from 
lis lofty vaulting into the Chariot of the Sun, and replace himself in 
he Presidential Chair, with all his appropriate Constitutional fetters 
lound; to dismiss his heedless, flighty, trafficking Charioteer; to 
Drget the prismatic glitter of the spheres above, and look steadily 
t what we plain folks are doing here below — to recollect, that al- 
nough in the celestial regions, the whole order of things may be su- 
lerlrttive; nothing can go beyond the comparative in this nether 
^orld; and, therefore, he should never cease to recollect, that in the 
lanagement of the affairs of us plain folks, by the dispensation of 
trict, impartial justice, he will always find that — 
March 25, 1825. In medio tutissimus ibis. 

NOTES. 

(a) "To take with him as charioteer, a still more juvenile heed- 
ess Phjeton." The extreme inaptitude of this selection, may per- 
aps, be more particularly shewn hereafter, grounded upon more 
ubstantial considerations, than Mr. Kremer's charge of trafficking 
i)r his place. It was natural to expect some trafficking about the 
^residential election from one, who is said to be an adept in Legis- 
ative trafficking — who is said to have boasted of the success of his 
kill in trafficking for the adjustment of the Missouri question; in 
loing which., the writer thinks, he trafficked away a great Constitu- 
ional principle, tariffs, &ic. Sec. The writer knows nothing of Mr. 
iremer, or as Mr. P. P. Barbour dubbs him in his report, " The 
■Ion. Mr. Kremer." He has been represented to the writer as an 
idmirable specimen of the common and very ordinary fruits of the 
)opular principle of general suffrage. The writer would be glad to 
)e informed; whether Mr. P. P. Barbour does not think, that there 
3 some difference, between an adjunct given to a name, as matter of 
.curtesy in debate; and an adjunct given in an official report? Up- 



on the first installation of the General Government; the Senate 
thought that out of respect to the opinions and usages of other Go- 
vernments, and the dignity of our own, some title should be affixed 
to the respective high dignitaries, charged with the Administration of - 
the Government of the United States, and applied to the House of ! 
Representatives for a joint committee upon tliM grave and solemn 
subject. The committee was granted; but could not agree with the 
Senate's committee. The Senate however, still adhered to what they 
thought essential to the dignity of their own Government, and a 
courtesy to all other Governments ; but whilst anxiously engaged in 
their patriotic reveries upon the important question, the House of 
Representatives presented their answer to the President's Speech, in 
the Constitutional style, and title, "The President of the United 
Slates," and thus left the Senate in the lurch. The Senate never- 
theless, adopted a resolution in the nature of a protest, and entered 
it on their Journals. 

As men appear to be every thing, and principles nothing, in these 
degenerate days; it may be expected, tiiat this resolution in all its 
pristine splendor, will sliortly be triumphantly ushered further, aftor a 
profound sleep for six and thirty years. Perhaps, <Ae Hon. Mr. Kre- 
mer may be chosen, as the best stock, upon which, to engraft tlie 
first sprig of nobility. 

(h) " To the topic of Internal Improvement, emphatically urged 
by him in his Inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is 
that from v/hich I am convinced that unborn millions of our posteri- ■ 
ty, who are, in future ages to people this continent, will derive their 
most fervent gratitude to the founders of this Union, that in which 
the beiueffcent action of its Government, will be most deeply felt and 
acknowledged." 

*'Its Government"- — like the Ohio letter, still in the singular. The 
State Governments designedly omitted, or casually overlooked, al- 
though they made conspicuous figures in the inaugural description of 
the theory of our Governments. Is this ''beneficent action'^ in favor 
of Internal Improvement, to be exerted by the General or State Gov- 
ernments? It seems to be the impression of the President, that if 
the General Govcrninent does not exert its "■hriuficent action" in fa- 
vor of Internal Improvement, there will be no Internal Improvement 
at all — clearly a non sequitur. Will not the ''beneficent action'' of 
the State Governments, produce the same eflectsf Are they not at 
this frantic moment, sufliciently "enraged" about Internal Lnprove- 
mcnts, to call for this "beneficent action V What says the Govern- 
ment of New York.'' What says the Government of Pennsylvania.? 
What says the Government of Ohio? What says tlie Government 
of Virginia? And what will say the Government of every State 
in the Union, when called upon to relinquish its jurisdiction over 
the Internal Improvements? At the time of the adoption of this 
Constitution, coald it have been believed, that iii less than six 
.inrl thirty years thereafter, th.-rc would have been a regular co.m- 
mittee in the H :)use of Representatives, called the committee on 
Roads and Canali; as if a distinct substantive granted power? 



nd that the President of the United States, would claim exclu- 
ve jurisdiction over that subject, when at that time this power was 
sver even pretended to have been granted! !! Mr. Cobb, in debate, 
iferred to Mr. King for that fact. Mr. King shook his head. Every 
ther member of the Convention, would also shake his head at hav- 
ig the same question put to him. It is hoped, that all the State 
overnments will raise their bristles and shake their heads, particu- 
rly the old thirteen, will shake their hoary locks, when they find 
lat they are to be stripped of this essential power, and thus left with- 
Jt a spark of vitality in their empty sounding corporations. It is 
onderful that the slave holding States do not see the inevitable dan- 
?r to the great principle of labor, upon which their safety, their 
eakh, their prosperity and happiness depend; and rise up in mass, 

repel this danger, before it be too late ! ! ! That they do not see 
at conflicting S3'stems of police, may, and will be established in re- 
tion to the principle of labor, if Internal Improvements should be 
iTused through those States, accompanied with the exclusive juris- 
ction by the Government of the United States.'* Do they not see 
at the usurpation of exclusive jurisdiction, is a necessary conse- 
fence of the usurpation of the original power itself:' and that there 

danger enough already from other exciting causes ? If New York, 
ith her present formidable executive, perhaps a second Bolivar; if 
ennsylvania, with her habitual attachment to Internal Improve- 
ents; — If Ohio, with like attachments — If the slave holding States,, 
om a sense of common danger, should resist this alarming usurpa- 
on, and the other State Governments become sensible of their violc:- 
id rights; let the Presidentelect bethink himself of Jove's tfiiinder- 
olts, and look fearfully to the river Po. 

He may yet find, that however triumpliant and flattering in their 
rst impressiou, these unconstitutional, artificial contrivances of In- 
rnal Improvements, tarifls, &.c. Sec. in their practical consequences, 
lay become mill-stones around the necks of their sublimated, visi(ui- 
ry, misguided contriver:-- 



FUOM THE RICHMOND ENQ.UIIIF.R, FEBRUARV 25, 1825. 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, 

NO. I. 

Mr. Adams's Letter respecting Internal Improvements. 

From accidental causes, the writer of tliis communication did not 
ee the following letter, said to be written by Mr. Adams, until with- 
h a few days past. 

The opinion of John Q^uincy Adams, on the subject of 

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. 

"The questions of the power of Congress to authorise the making 
»f Internal Improvements, is, in other words, a question, whether the 
)eople of this Union, in forming their common social compact, as 
ivowedly for the purpose of promoting their general welfare, have 
lerformed their work in a manner 50 ineffably stupid as to deny them- 
elves the means of bettering their own condition. I have too much 
espect for the intellect of my country to believe it. The first ob- 
ect of human association is the improvement of the condition of the 
issociated. Roads and Canals are among the most essential means 
>f improving the condition of nations, and a people, which should 
leliberately, by the organization of its authorised power, deprive it- 
elf of the faculty of multiplying its own blessings, would be as wise 
is a creator who should undertake to constitute a human being with- 
lut a heart." 

\_Ohio JVational Crisis. 

The writer differs in opinion with Mr. A. in every statement con- 
ained in the foregoing letter. He thinks the people of this Union 
lave not in the formation of their Constitutions, performed their 
k'ork, "so ineffably stupid;" as to deny themselves the means of bet- 
ering their own condition; and yet, have not authorised the General 
government to make Internal Improvements: But, in the execution 
•f their work have disposed of the means of bettering their condi- 
ion, in a manner, much wiser, and better for that end, than is the 
dan proposed by Mr. A. Although the writer mighi. Justly pre- 
ume from Mr. A's long course of diplomatic education, the refine- 
aent of his taste would be such, as to assure the writer, that Mr. A. 
eould himself be entirely pleased with the comity he has dealt out 
o others, yet he cannot prevail upon himself to pronounce Mr. A's 
etter the most ineffably stupid, he has ever seen from any man learn- 
■d, or unlearned ; he will, however, confidently express his belief, 
hat there is not one assertion, nor principle contained in the letter, 

1 



«'hich is not either luilbuiKled or misapplied. The letter commences 
in tiie following words: "The question of the power of Congress to 
authorise the making of Internal Improvements, is, in other words, a 
question, whether the people of this Union, in forming their common 
social compact, avowedly for tlie purpose of promoting their gene- 
ral welfare, have performed their work so inefiably stupid, as to de- 
ny themselves the means of bettering their condition." The writer 
peremptorily denies the assertion, that the people of this Union were 
forming their "common social compact," whilst engaged in forming 
the Constitution of the United States. That Constitution, is not a 
''common social compact." It is a very uncommon federal compact: 
So uncommon, that such an one exists not, nor ever did exist, in this 
world, unless recently imitated by some of the South American States. 
The Amphictionic league, perhaps, was the nearest resemblance 
of it. The people of this Union were, in a previous existing state 
of government, when they undertook to better their condition, by 
adding a new government to their pre-existing governments. This, 
of course, could not be a common social compact, formed by a peo- 
ple emerging from a state of nature; but a federal compact, formed 
by a people in a pre-existing state of government. The great ob- 
ject of this federal compact was to better the condition of the people- 
The means for effecting this great object, consisted in a distribu- 
tion of the governmental powers, between the pre-existing State gov- 
ernments and a new government then to be created. The great prin- 
ciple of distribution was, to retain to the pre-existing State govern- 
ments, all subjects of a local, or municipal character; and to grant 
to the proposed additional government, all subjects of a general cha- 
yacter. — Nor is the question stated by ]Mr. A. the true question by 
which to test the power of the General Government, "to authorise 
the making of Internal Improvements." Nor has it the least affini- 
ty to the true question. It is a question in disguise. The true ques- 
tion is, whether the people of the pre-existing States in their sove- 
reign character, when fornilng the federal compact,^ did, or t!id not, 
take from their pre-existing State Governments, the power of making 
Internal Improvements, and grant it to their General Government, 
or, according to the mbanity of Mr. A., whether the people were so 
■'ineffably stupid," as to have done so. ^ They certainly were not, 
and did not. 

If tliey had done so^ where can be found the terms of the grant 
in their federal con)pact? Mr. A. pretends not to point them out. 
Nor does he seem willing to rely upon Mr. Clay's nor Mr. McLane's 
nomenclature for tlic derivation of the power — to wit: "-to create," 
"to construct," "to build up," to fix firm Post Offices, and Post 
Roads; "to facilitate commerce," &c. but gets at this object at once, 
by the obliteration of the State Governments altogether. The whole 
letter is founded upon the false hypothesis, that the people had form- 
ed but one "common social compact." If the pre-existcnce of the 
State Governments be admitted, then the whole doctrine founded up- 
on one "common social compact," is either unfounded or misapplied. 
Because, in fact, the people have formed twenty-four distinct com- 



3 

mon social compacts, as the basis of twenty-lbur State Governments. 
One distinct common social compact, for each State Government. — 
Mr. A's mode of usurping this power, is bolder and shorter than 
either Mr. C's or Mr. McL's, and would be much more effectual, but 
for one difficulty in its way — his principle of usurpation, is directly 
opposed by matter of fact too stubborn to be removed by arguments 
Their mode of usurpation, is founded upon an ingenious play upon 
Suggested convertible terms. It is easy to see, that by this play 
upon words, every other usurpation may be effected when wanted. 
The power of making Internal Improvements, is a distinct substan- 
tive power, and according to Mr. A. it affords more important means 
of bettering the condition of the people, than uny of the granted 
powers. It is also the most susceptible of definition. It is then tlie 
last power, which sliould be inferred, as an accessory. If this power 
be the most important, and the most susceptible of definition, why 
was it not expressed in the grant itseU? It could not have been from 
inadvertency in the framers of the Constitution. It could not have 
been from any difficulty in tiie definition. The importance of the 
power, would peremptorily forbid the one inference, and the facility 
of the definition of the other. It must then have been omitted, be- 
cause it was not intended to be granted. It must have been omitted, 
because it ought not to have been granted. The usurpation of the 
power, therefore, is as directly opposed to the spirit and intention as 
the words of the instrument. The real question then is, not a ques- 
tion; "whether the people of this Union, in forming 'their common 
social compact,' as avowedly for the purpose of promoting their gene- 
ral welfare, have performed their work in a manner so "ineffably 
stupid," as to deny themselves the means of bettering their own con- 
dition," but a question, whether the power of making Internal Im- 
provements, as the means of bettering the people's condition, avow- 
edly for the purpose of promoting their general welfare, was retain- 
ed to the Slates respectively, to be exercised by the pre-existing State 
Governments, or was in fact taken from them, and granted to the 
General Government at its original .formation. Whctlier wise or not, 
the people in forming their federal compact, did determine to retain 
the power of making Internal Improvements, to the State Govern- 
ments respectively, and not to grant it to the General Government. 
This General Government, was intended to exercise jurisdiction over 
general objects only. — By general objects are meant, such objects 
only as extended their influence beyond the geograpiiical limits of 
the States respectively; and not such as miglit be subjected to a lo- 
cal municipal regulation within State limits. Internal Improvements 
are characteristically subjects of local municipal police, and ought 
therefore to have been the last, which should have been granted to 
tlie General Government for general objects. Nothing is necessary 
for the General Government to become "National," but the usurpa- 
tion of jurisdiction over local, municipal police. The inevitable con- 
sequences would be, the annihilation of the Slate Governments, and 
the substitution of one consolidated "National" Government; or to 
'ise the French phraseology, one and indivisible. Whilst the French 



4 

term is most appropriate, its frightful example furnishes the strongest 
admonition against the adoption of its principle. In its application 
to the United States it would be infinikely more frightful, than in its 
application to France. The more frightful eftects, would be pro- 
duced by the greater variety, and stronger oppositions of sectional 
interests in the United States than in France — all these, need not be 
specified here. One, however, will be mentioned in illustration. In 
certain States, slavery is the principle of labour, upon wliich society 
chiefly depends for its subsistence and prosperity. This principle of 
labour, is necessarily diffused throughout all the various ramifica- 
tions of society. In other States, tlie principle of labour is free. — 
Slavery is not recognised. So far from it, that in some States, there 
is a blind fanatical prejudice against its existence, accompanied with 
the most passionate, visionary desires for its extirpation. This fana- 
ticism is wrought up into a phrensy, which disdains to yield for a 
moment, even to fate and necessity itself. Nothing is deemed itn- 
practicable, by this passionate delirium. 

Could a government, one and indivisible, regulate different socie- 
ties, founded upon these diflerent principles of labour? Concede it 
the right of jurisdiction over this subject, and could it for a moment 
restrain this thoughtless, destructive fanaticism? Could these fana- 
tical mad caps be brought to think for a moment upon the utter im- 
practicability, of eradicating one general principle of labour, dif- 
I'used throughout a whole society ; and substituting a different prin- 
ciple of labour in its stead? 

Would famine, the first inevitable consequence of such a mad at- 
tempt, attended with the certain annihilation of the slaves, avail 
aught against the phreusy of their officious benefactors? AVould 
they listen for a moment, to the clearest demonstration, addressed to 
unbiassed reason; that, eradicating one principle of labour, and 
substituting another in its stead, is a political problem, that admits 
of no solution without utter destruction to society? Nothing could 
slay the phrensy of the delirium. Let then the slave-holding States, 
be cautious, how they countenance this fanatical doctrine of one and 
indivisible. But would either the slave-holding or the non-slave- 
liolding States, consent to cede to the General Government, their 
right of jurisdiction over the persons of individuals, within their re- 
spective limits, as to the question of bond or free? If not, then let 
uU beware of the gilded poison in favour of one grand consolidated 
"National" Government; of one and indivisible. 

There are other questions presented by the usurpation of the 
power, to make Internal Improvements, which the writer thinks, re- 
quire the most profound consideration, belbrc the rash experiment is 
consummated — is the jurisdiction of tiie mtniicipal police, over tliese 
Internal Improvements, when n)ade, to be usurped also? Is such 
jurisdiction to be exclusive with the General Government? Is it to 
remain exclusive with the State Governments? Is it to be conc.iirrent 
with both? These questions will necessarily involve others. Is the 
jurisdiction over j)crsons, and things, within the limits of the States 
'respectively, now with the State Governments respectively; or is it 



5 



now with the General Government? If with the State Governments, is 
that power to be usurped alsof Have the States ever given up to the 
General Government, jurisdiction over the liberty of persons, or over 
the right of things, iviihin their respective limits'? Or is that juris- 
diction retained by the States, to be exercised by the State Govern- 
nienls respectively? Suppose the jurisdiction over the persons of 
individuals, whilst upon the Internal Improvements, Roads, Canals or 
any other, be exclusive with the General Government ; what would 
be its efiects, as to the question of bond, or free, in relation to such 
individuals? If free, according to the laws of the General Govern- 
ment; thun the same individual, who might be free, while upon the 
Internal Improvement, in a slave-holding State, might be bond, when 
off the Internal Improvement, within the same State, and if bond, 
3vhilst upon the Internal Improvement, within a non-slave-holding 
State, might be free, when off the Internal Improvement, within the 
same State. If the jurisdiction be exclusive with the State Govern- 
ments, then the whole of this grand scheme will be subject to the 
power of such governments respectively. If concurrent, then there 
might be a direct conflict in the principle of bond, or free, in relation 
to the same individual at the same time — similar conflicts might ex- 
ist in relation to things. 

It is high time the question of jurisdiction, between the Genera! 
and State Governments, over persons, and things, within the limits 
of the States respectiveh', should be settled, and ascertained. It 
would have been better to have been done heretofore. T-he unjust 
and enormous tariff, makes it important in relation to things — a ques- 
tion of State taxation depends upon it. If it had been earlier done 
in relation to persons, tiie electioneering fanatical mischievous dis- 
cussion concerning the Missouri question, might have been avoided. 
The writer thought it had been definitely settled b\^ a law of the 
second of March 1807: as will be seen hereafter. But others se'em 
to have thought otherwise, or not to have thought at all tipon the sub- 
ject. It appears to the writer, that the question essentially involved 
in the proposition for imposing conditions upon Missouri, in the ad- 
mission of that State into the Union, upon the footing of the original 
States, was a mere question of jurisdiction between the General and 
State Governments, over persons, within the limits of the States re- 
spectively, as to their condition of bond, or free; or in other words, 
as to the liberty, or slavery of such persons. If so; would the boast- 
ing free States have been willing to have surrendered such jurisdic- 
tion to the General Government? Would Pennsylvania, for in- 
stance, have been willing to surrender to the General Government, 
the power to decide upon the condition of the coloured people in 
Philadelphia, as to bond, or free? Would the uninformed, fanatical, 
intermeddling State of Ohio, have been willing to surrender the 
same right, in relation to the coloured peo[)le within its limits? If 
not, then upon every principle of consistency, the members from 
those States ought to have been the last, to have insisted upon an- 
-.pexing conditions in the admission of Missouri, asserting the right 
of jurisdiction in the General Government, over persons, as to bond. 



or free, witliin the limits of Missouri. The same considerations will 
apply to every other object of municipal regulation, over the Inter- 
nal Improvement, when made. This Internal Improvement mania 
seems to have become general ; and to have swept before it, every 
thing like dispassionate reflection, and calculation. The incurable 
disease seems to have arisen from the happy success of the Grand 
Canal of New York; and so to have infected the administrators of 
the General Government, as to have determined them, per fas, aut 
ncfas, to outstrip New York in the glory of canal-making. But it 
seems to the writer, that New York far from affording an example in 
favour of the usurpation by the General Government, exhibits at this 
moment, the strongest case in point against it. It proves, that State 
Government, to be fully competent to all the purposes of Internal 
Improvements, without the aid, or intermeddling of the General 
Government. It completely takes away the plea of necessity as the 
justification of the usurpation. 

Governor Clinton, in his splendid mnliifarious message, to the 
New York Legislature, cuts up, as it would seem to a stranger, the 
great State of New York into mince meat, by plans for Roads and 
Canals, the work of a century it would seem in other hands, and 
yet, he invokes not the aid of the General Government. So far 
from it, he appears to be alarmed at the General Government's vo- 
luntary stretching forth its voracious claws, towards the .Grand Ca- 
nal, already completed. He is already upon the look out for pro- 
lection, against their apprehended destructive influence. He calls 
upon the States for a new constitutional provision for that purpose. 
He recommends the Senate of the United States, as a proper tribu- 
nal for deciding all questions of jurisdiction between the General 
nnd State Governments ; w hilst Mr. Clay volunteers his good offices 
in proposing to refund to New York all expenses incurred in making 
the Grand Canal. Two consequences would probably result from 
this oflicious liberality, if accepted. It would produce a grand waste 
for the proceeds of tlie present unjust enormous tarifl': and aflbrd a 
pretext tor keeping it on, after every other object for which it was 
imposed should cease, except the protection of manufactures. The 
jurisdiction over the Canal, might perhaps be obtained in considera- 
lion of refunding the costs of making it. Mr. Clay could not in- 
tend to give above $7,000,000 of the proceeds of the imjiost foi- no- 
thing. Governor Clinton seems, nevertheless, resolved to shun these 
meretricious overtures. Other States are also competent to all the 
objects of Internal Improvements within their own limits. Even 
within the limits of eacii State, tlicre is room for great seciional in- 
justice in every jdan for Internal Improvements. This sectional in- 
justice must increase, in proportion to the extension of the limits of 
its exercise: and must become intolerable under a system of the 
General Government; which essentially consists in defraying all the 
expenses out of the proceeds of the imposts. These proceeds being- 
paid in one place and expended in another — the writer thinks it 
would not result from this view of the subject, that in withholding 
the power of making Internal Improvements from the General Go- 



vernmeiit, ll)e people did perform their work so ineffably stupid, ns 
Mr. A. would conceive. Whether or not Mr. A. has not subjected 
himself to the rebound of this courteous expression, let the sober, 
reflecting part of the community decide. 

But Mr. A. not content with this bold doctrine, proceeds to illus- 
trace it metaphorically. Thus: The first object of human assor'a- 
tion is the improvement of the condition of the associated. "Roads 
and Canals are among the most essential means of improving the 
condition of nations, and a people which should deliberately by the 
organization of its authorised power deprive itself of the faculty of 
multiplying its own blessing would be as wise as a creator, who 
should undertake to constitute a human being without a heart." 
Mr. A's. first assertion is right in the abstract; wrong in the applica- 
tion. Now, let Mr. A's creative metaphor be analysed, and applied 
to the real state of things. The creator in the metaphor is intended 
to represent the people creating their constitution. The act of con- 
stituting a human being, the act of constituting their government; the 
heart of the human being — Internal Improvements. Let then, these 
various metaphorical allusions be applied to the practical state of facts. 
When the people undertook to organize their authorised power, or 
in plain English to make their Federal Constitution, they were di- 
vided into thirteen distinct States under thirteen distinct governments, 
loosely bound together by articles of confederation. — Wiien jMr. A. 
wrote his letter they were under twenty-four distinct State Govern- 
ments and one General Government; the effect of compact. The 
people of the thirteen States, finding that some of their more gene- 
ral interests could not be advantageously managed by distinct State 
Governments, undertook to establish a government for the better 
management of such interests. In this undertaking the great con- 
sideration was, in what manner the distribution of all the governmental 
powers should be made between the State and General Governments 
for the purpose of producing the general welfare of the people, then 
associated in distinct States. The people determined that their wel- 
fare would be best promoted, by retaining the power of making In- 
ternal Improvements to ilie States, to be exescised by the State Go- 
vernments respectively, then thirteen, now twenty-four; and accord- 
ingly did so. Here then are twenty-four States each invested 
with the power of making Internal Improvements within its owti 
limits. This power of Internal Improvements is represented in the 
metaphor, by the heart of the human being proposed to be created. 
Could any thing be more " ineffably stupid," than to tear out the 
hearts of twenty-four human beings, already grown to full maniiood, 
and crowd them into the bosom of one human being? Tiie twenty- 
four human beings in that ease would necessarily be destroyed by ra- 
dical depletion: The one human being by redundant plethora. Mr. 
A. has doubtlessly heard of the disease of the perturbation of the 
heart. This sometinies happens when one heart is allotted to one 
human being. What then must be the effect of crowding twenty- 
four thumpers, into one human bosom ! i The application of thi?* 
analytical illustration of ]Mr. A's, own metaphor, to the actual eon- 



8 

ciilioii of tlie political histitutioris of the United States is most re- 
spectfully submitted to himself, and to every other political Solomoii- 

VERBUM SAT SAP. 



NO. II. 
GOVERNOR CLINTON'S MAGNIFICENT MESSAGE, 

OR, THE GRAND POLITICAL KALEIDESCOPE. 

Upon reading this magnificent multifarious message, a grand glit- 
fering kaleidescope appeared to the imaginary view of the writer, 
without a mental effort on his part; although he had neither seen 
nor heard of one for several years before. The writer could not 
account for this involuntary intrusion upon his imagination in any 
other way, than by presuming that the magnificent multifarious mes- 
sage, was a just and striking emblem of a grand kaleidescope, 
decked within with all its infinitely variegated brilliants. In the 
contemplation of this splendid enciianting scene, every political peb- 
ble in the great State of New York, even to its remotest corner, 
seemed to be polished with prismatic glitter; and when the Grand 
Canal was ushered into view, with its full share of prismatic splendor, 
its effect alone was exquisitely fascinating; but the congregated as- 
semblage of the whole group of political brilliants, exhibited a spec- 
tacle too grand, too glittering, too sublime, too felicitous, too en- 
chanting, for the imagination to conceive, or for the pen to describe. 
Happy people of New York, to be overspread in every nook and 
corner of the great State, with so many glittering political blessings! 
Thrice happy in the sweet recollection, that they are all effects of 
the exclusive exertions, and the successful experiments of State in- 
stitutions;* that they have been all achieved by the wisdom and ex- 



*NoTE. — "Happy people of New York, to be overspread, in 
every nook and corner of the great State, with so many glittering 
political blessings!! Thrice happy, in the sweet recollection, that 
they aix' all ell'ecfs of the exclusive exertions, and the successful ex- 
periments of Slate institutions!!!" The writer could not envy the 
people of New York, the enjoyment of all these glittering political 
blessings ; if without one particle of alloy. So far from it, he 
\vould participate in their enjoyment, by the sincerest sympathy. 
But in the estimation of the writer, there is alloy enough in the po- 
litical condition of New York, to neutralise all these brilliant bles- 
sings. The principle of general suffrage, proposed to be still more 
general ; and to extend its influence to the election of more ofiicers. 
A State Bank capital of $25,000,000 exclusive of the United States 
Bank capital. Judgment bonds — land subjected to executions — 
corporations as well of banks, as others, almost numberless, &sc. &tc. 
Heavy buriiiens upon allj who are not partakers in their plunders. 



erlions of their own sages, without the intrusive helping hand of 
tlie now courteously yclepped "national government" with its des- 
tructive "centripetal" tendencies. In the view of the writer, this is 
the brilliant of the most precious and intrinsic value. This is the 
true diamond which disdains to borrow one particle of artificial pris- 
matic ornament. In its own essence, is its own enchanting brillian- 
cy. In its own excellence, is its own precious value. This preci- 
ous diamond, is, when unadorned, sometimes called " State Rights,^' 
and sometimes, "the federative principle;" and "needs not the bor- 
rowed aid of foreign ornament, but is, "when unadorned, the most 
adorned." This tnost precious gem of this most magnificent mes- 
sage, has feasted the eyes, and fascinated the heart of the writer. It 
has exhilarated his drooping spirits, and inspired him with the follow- 



In the opinion of the writer, no political system ever was devised, 
better calculated to give fraud, and cunning advantages over honest 
productive labor. The writer has no doubt, but its eflects will be 
seen in perpetually ousting industrious, unsuspicious farmers of their 
farms, in any stage of their crops; and in any condition of their fa- 
milies ; and in cheating honest industry generally out of the pro- 
ceeds of its labor. In regard to the principle of general sufi'rage, 
when extended to the election of all Slate ofiicers, legislative, exe- 
cutive, judicial, ministerial, and military, waiving all other objections 
founded on both reason, and experience, the writer would inquire ; 
what would be the amount of taxes required for its execution, in 
morals, in time, in labor, and in whiskey? How many election days 
for the execution of this electoral principle would be necessary in 
the year.'' How much whiskey would be expended on each election 
day-f* How much would be expended in intrigues, and cabals, for 
the necessary preparatory qualifications to exercise the inestimable elec- 
tive franchise to the best advantages'? Upon a moderate allowance 
of every election day, for getting drunk; and two days afterwards 
for getting sober, there would be almost, as great a waste of labor, 
and a greater waste of whiskey and of morals, than is required by 
the ceremonials of the Catholic Church in Mexico. — There the 
Priests require, one third of the year, for holy days ; or more pro- 
perly speaking; Priests' days. In New York, perhaps nearly, as 
many, would be required for the due exercise of the great constitu- 
tional elective franchise by men of all colors. White men — red 
men— yellow men — black men, &ic. [See Mr. Rufus King's speech 
in the New York Convention.] This great political blessing, in its 
practical effects, is nearly as detrimental to productive labor ; and 
more injurious to individual morals, than the church discipline of 
Mexico. The practical difference is more in form than in sub- 
stance. — Priests are the holy instruments in the one case. Dema- 
gogues, the political instruments, in the other. Both love the peo- 
ple ; and do all for the people's good. The Priests save their souls. 
The Demagogues their votes, and both pick their pockets. Poor 
deluded people! ! ! Doomed to be plundered, under every form of 
government ! ! ! 

2 • . - 



io 

ing reflections, to whicli lie most earnestly solicits the protound at- 
teniion hf all reflecting men, of all parties in the United States. 

If all these political blessings have been acliieved for New York, 
by State institutions alone, can the people of that great State be 
prepared to exchange these institntions, for one grand consolidated 
"national" government? To thro\y their most precious pearls be- 
fore swine of distant regions ? It cannot bt. Can there be better 
evidence of the inestimable benefits of State institutions, than the 
brilliant picture Governor Clinton's message exhibits? Can there 
be better evidence of the inevitable necessity for the preservation of 
"Slate Rights," or "the federative principle," in the complicated 
political system of the United States? Why, then, in the full tide 
. of the most successftd experiments, is nothing heard of in the 
fashionable political world, but one splendid consolidated "national" 
government? After the United States had been resounding for 
nearly half a century, with the grand discovery of the federative, 
connected with the electoral principle, and proclaiming it to the 
world as the great panacea of human happiness; after it had been 
sounded and re-sounded amongst ourselves, and boasted, and bla- 
zoned abroad, that the federative principle could bind together the 
most extended countries, the most populous nations, the most oppo- 
site interests, and the greatest variety of human pursuits; so as to 
secure man in the enjoyments of all his political, civil, and religious 
rights, against the consolidated despotism of his fellow man; to 
abandon the principle at once, without injury, without complaint, 
without cause, witliout pretext, in llje midst of every political bles- 
sing; boasting and gasconading, still cannot Jbe short of another 
wonder of the world!!! Nay, more!! The greatest wonder of 
the world! ! ! This is not all. By whom, is this whimsical caprici- 
ous abandonment about to be made? By Monarchists? Oh, no! ! 
By Fedf'ralists ? Oh, no ! ! By Republicans? OIj, no! ! But by De- 
mocrats. — By exclusive patriots — by friends of the people — by lovers 
of the people — by relief schemers — by national madcaps ! ! * Could 
it have been anticipated at the time of the change of the Federal for 

the Republican dynasty in 1800; and until 1816, that a set of up- 

^ — - *. 

As one strong evidence of the immoral tendencies of the politica 
schemers of New York, and their injurious eflects upon society, it 
has been ascertained, that, in 1827, there were confined in their se- 
veral Penitentiary and correctional establishments, above thirteen 
hundred convicts, out of a population somewhat exceeding one mil- 
lion three hundred thousand souls ; when at the same time, the con- 
victs in the Virginia Penitentiary, were less than HO, out of a white 
population, exceeding six hundred and sixty thousand souls. 



* "National madcaps." The writer believes; that a new party 
is rising up in the United States; whose object is, to change the 
Federal, into a National Government. By the term "national mad 
caps," he means to designate this new party, both inns and outs, and 
none others. The writer thinks it a mad attempt. 



li 

start politicians, who during all this time, could define the precise 
limits of the granted powers, even to the splitting of a hair, would 
come forth in the open day, before the year 1825, and at once in ef- 
fect, sponge oft' every limitation upon the powers specified in the 
Constitution? Laugh to scorn the federative principle? Substitute 
the principle of "one and indivisible" in its stead ; and, in its con- 
sequences, abandon altogether the Republican principle itself! ! ! If 
the Federal Government be the first to abandon the federative prin- 
ciple, and consequentially the Republican principle itself, what is to 
become of the boasted moral influence over ourselves, over all na- 
tions, and all other individuals, of this grand discovery in political 
science ? Can it be enforced or even preserved by egotistic boast- 
ings amongst ourselves ? and by contemptuous reproaches, and law- 
less intermeddiings in the affairs of others? By an insatiable thirst 
for territory, already boundless in effect? By looking out for the 
acquisition of little sheets of land in the midst of the ocean for an 
extension of jurisdiction? By substituting municipal, for interna- 
tional law? and thus setting at defiance the rights of all other civi- 
lized nations on the face of the whole globe, and by vain, weak, su- 
perstitious, and presumptuous intermeddiings in the affairs of others. 
Let, then, eve-i-y sober reflecting American, who still retains his affec- 
tions for the fundamental institutions of his country, look steadily at the 
delirious ambition, and destructive spoliations of these "national" 
mad caps at home ? Let him look at the contemptuous taunts, the gas- 
conading threats, and the lawless intermeddiings abroad, and then 
ask himself, whether these things ought longer to be endured? 
Whether they ought not to be frowned down by a just, high-minded 
and honorable people ? In relation to home affairs, notwithstanding 
the present mania for Jnternal Improvements, evanescent, it is hoped, 
as it regards the General Government, which has seized upon the 
unthinking visionary portion of the people ; the writer thinks, that 
if the question of granting that power to the Federal Governments 
even at this frantic inauspicious moment, were brought before the 
State Governments, and presented singly and directly to their con- 
sideration, there is not one State Government in the Union could be 
induced to sanction it — more especially, if it is to be followed up by 
the grant of an exclusive, co-extensive jurisdiction ; and sure he is, 
that if such a grant had been proposed at the time of the adoption 
of the Constitution of the United States, by the respective Stales, it 
would have produced its instant and unanimous rejection. In re- 
gard to "national" jurisdiction over Internal Improvements, what 
will be said of those advocates for it, if any there be, who have al- 
ready battered down the court of the last resort in Kentucky? and 
seek to batter down, or at least to cripple the jurisdiction of the Su- 
preme Court of the United States? Are they prepared for the 
counteraction of their own views by the extension of the national 
judiciary, already quite unmanageable ? Are they prepared for the 
creation of national justices of the peace, with the necessary minis- 
terial officers along the whole extent of the proposed Internal Im- 
provements, for the purpose gf enforcing the national municipal po.- 



12 

lice thereupon? From Wasiiington to New Orleans, and every 
nliere else that the wandering iniaginations of the "national'' mad- 
caps may lead tliem? This can liardly be presumed. But even if 
it were, it would not be more absurd nor inconsistent, than a thou- 
sand other frantic fashionable political schemers. What says the 
Constitution upon the subject of exclusive jurisdiction ? "To ex- 
ercise exclusive legislation in all cases A\hatsoever, over such Dis- 
trict (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particu- 
lar States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the 
government of the United States, and to exercise the like authority 
over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the 
State, in which the same shall be, for the erection of Forts, JMaga- 
zines, Arsenals, Dock Yards, and other needful buildings." It must 
be presumed; that in this clause, exclusive legislation was authoris- 
ed to the full extent it was intended to be granted. It particularises 
"Forts," "Magazines," "Arsenals," "Dock Yards," and finally 
descends to " other needful buildings." Yet not one word is said 
about exclusive legislation over "Roads," and "Canals." Indeed, 
neither the word "Road," except as connected with the Post Office 
Establishment, nor "Canal," nor the words "Internal Improve- 
ments," are to be found in the whole instrument. How then can 
the power over either, be inferred ? How can exclusive legislation 
Ije exercised over either? But the clause contains conclusive evi- 
dence against the intention to grant either. The jurists say, expres- 
sio unius, exclusio aherius ; a fortiori, expressio inferioris, exclusio 
niajoris. 

The writer has not yet seen any direct claim to exclusive legisla- 
tion avowed. He believes the bill from the House of Representa- 
tives before the Senate, for punishing offences against the United 
States, sets up no pretension to exclusive legislation over the Cum- 
berland Road. — But will it not become necessary, upon the exten- 
sion of Internal Improvements? Can it be believed; that the fra- 
mers of tlic Constitution, who descended to such minute particu- 
larities in granting exclusive legislation over all places, in which its 
exercise was deemed necessary, would leave out ten thousand times 
a larger space where it must have been deemed equally necessary, if 
intended to have been granted at all, over such omitted space ? Can 
better evidence be required, incontesiably to prove, it was not inten- 
ded to have been granted? Could the power itself have been in- 
tended to have been granted, without also expressly granting the ex- 
clusive jurisdiction, which was essential to the execution of such, 
power? Whence then, is either the power, or jurisdiction to be de- 
rived ? jMost certainly, not from any provision in the Constitution ; 
and of course, it must be, from usurpation. 

In regard to afl^iirs abroad, it must appear, to even casual observ- 
ers, that the boasted moral influence of the fundamental laws of the 
United States, is rapidly abatiui.';. The nations of Europe seem to 
stand amazed, at the new-fangled pretensions, and monstrous intru- 
sions set up by the " national" mad caps. From the time of the 
military occupation of Amelia Island, a lawless act of despotism, as 



13 

i\te writer thinks, unsurpassed I)y the act of any autocrat upon the 
globe — from the time of the affected crusade against the Seminole 
land bandits, believed to be about three hundred; accompanied with 
the most ferocious atrocities, unsanctioned by the laws of God, or 
man, in the opinion of the writer, but sanctioned by instruc- 
tions from our own administration, and which terminated in the mili- 
tary occupation of Pensacola, the Seminole land bandits being dis- 
regarded, and almost forgotten. From the time of throwing the 
gauntlet against all Europe in relation to the South American States. 
From the time of the bombastic intermeddling in Greek affairs; 
when Mr. Speaker Clay, in a threatening, gasconading tone, un- 
sheathed one million of glittering American bayonets, in terror, to 
astonished Europe, &tc. the moral influence of American institution- 
al principles has evidently been rapidly retrogading. Great Britain 
herself, although stimulated by the strongest retali.atory, political, 
and by the most tempting commercial interests, was induced to stand 
aioof for a long time in relation to the adventure of the recognition 
of the Mexican, and the South American States ; (now most fortu- 
nately recognized by Great Britain) and stands uncommitted to this 
day, as far as is known to the public, in the throw of the gauntlet 
against all Europe. Even the sympathetic British radicals, seem to 
have been astounded at the presumptuous Greek adventure. What 
then must be expected from the deliberate effort, to establish munici- 
pal blockades ? to interpolate a new-fangled principle into the laws 
of nations, and to execute it by force, without the consent of any 
nation? and against the rights of all nations.'' To place Great Bri- 
tain — to place France — to place all the world, under its subjection. 
In quest of water bandits, to proclaim a new order of pirates to the 
world, called '■'■land pirates,'''' and to authorise their seizure upon 
land ; regardless of the impossibility of distinguishing by legal evi- 
dence, when once out of view from fresh pursuit, " land pirates, ^^ 
from other landsmen.'' — From land planters, land gentlemen, or lan-d 
labourers*.^ Are not these, and many other outrageous acts of the 
"national" mad caps, both in relation to internal, and external af- 

* "In quest of ivater bandits, to proclaim a nevv order of pirates 
to the world, called "land pirates;" and to authorise their seizure 
upon land, regardless of the impossibility of distinguishing by legal 
evidence, when once out of view from fresh pursuit, " land pirates, 
from other landsmen. — From land gentlemen, or land labourers." 
The writer, "albeit unused to the pvffmg mood," is ever delighted 
with rendering deserved praise. With great pleasure, he presents 
iiis thanks to Mr. Tazewell from the bottom of his heart for his able, 
and eloquent speech, upon the bill for the suppression of piracy. It 
has inspired new hopes. He is delighted to see the old genuine 
\irginian morals once more revived. Sound principles, and good 
morals once more introduced into the administration; and the Con- 
stitution may yet be safe. But the writer doubts, whether Mr, 
Tazewell's zeal, has not carried him too far. He therefore takes the 
liberty, most respectfully, of requesting Mr. Tazewell's candid, and 



lairs, sufficient to deinaiid the most serious utteiilioii of all sober re- 
flecting men of all parties? The whole of whose doctrines are now 
put at nought, and set at defiance. Why cannot these national mad 
caps, be content in the enjoyment of their rightful political blessings 
at home ? Why all this restlessness, all this intermeddling both at 
home, and abroad? More, much more, miglit be said in a review of 
these momentous subjects, as the writer conceives them to be; but it 
is not the writer's intention to go into minute illustrations. His 
great object is, to call into action the devoted attention, and pro- 
found reflection of others, merely to sketch an outline view ; and by 
avoiding details, to exhibit to the public consideration, if he can, 

MULTUM IN PARVO, 
February 15, 1825. 

liberal review of the following extract from his oratorical, luminous, 
and unanswerable speech : 

" I have no doubt, Sir, on this subject of fresh pursuit: a pirate 
is an outlaw, a beast of prey; wherever you find him, you liave a, 
right to pursue and slay him. For my part, I don't care wliether 
the pursuit is fresh or not; I believe you may lawfully go any where 
he unlawfully is. You may take him, condemn him, and after you 
bave condemned him, I would not pardon him. If, in this pursuit, 
you find any one aflbrding him refuge, giving him aid or comfort, 
you are at liberty to attack liim also; he is an accessary both before 
and after the fact, a parlicejis crimiiiis, and must take the consequen- 
ces of his guilt." 

Mr. Tazewell confounds the distinction between fresh and stale 
pursuit. The writer thinks the distinction all important to the doc- 
trine of ''fresh pursuit.'' "Fresh pursuit" implies continued view. 
If the view be once lost, the pursuit is not " fresh," and ought to 
be discontinued. How could the person of the pirate be identified, 
after once out of view? By what evidence could the just and ne- 
cessary discrimination be made, between the innocent and the guilty ? 
Surely this discrimination could not be trusted to the pursuers ? 
Men acting under the potent influence of the most angry, ungovern- 
able passions, with arms in their hands to execute vengeance upon 
the detested objects of pursuit? Who could be found innocent by 
such triers? But the circumstance, most worthy of remark in this 
new device for suppressing "land pirates," consists of its connection 
with another proposition in the bill, offering a premium for all pi- 
rates, land, or water, who should be caught, and hung. 



15 

NO. III. 

The contrast, or Governor Pleasants'' s quiescent Message — Governor 
Pleasantsh Message is in strict contrast with Governor Clinton^s. 

It has none of the properties of the grand political Kaleidescope. 
It has nothing within to feast the eye, nor to felicitate the heart. It 
is quiescent. It is memorable, not for its contents, but for its non- 
contents. For several years past, Virginia has been protesting 
against the centripetal tendencies of the projects of the General Go- 
vernment. Conscious of the rectitude of her morals: Certain in 
her expositions of the Federal constitution: Unseduced by the blan- 
dishments of tempting interests — Virginia stood upon the watch- 
tower, and undismayed, warned her sister State Governments against 
the actual and meditated usurpations of the General Government. 
Until now, Virginia had not received any kindly sympathetic re- 
sponses, to these prophetic warnings. Her voice, however, was not 
unheard, nor her warnings disregarded. In spile of prejudices, pur- 
posely excited, her undeviating morals and sound principles gave res- 
pect to her prophetic alarms. At the last session of Congress, all 
the preliminary efforts for usurping the power of making internal im- 
provements and protecting manufactures, by increasing the already 
enormous tariff, were consummated; accompanied too, with avowed 
principles, which, in the opinion of the writer, struck at the foudation 
of the federative principle and of all State Rights, and if acted up- 
on in future, would deprive the State Governments of their last spark 
of vital energy. Some of these principles are not less despotic and 
far more injurious, than the avowed principles of any known des- 
pot upon earth. What principle is, or can be, more despotic than 
intermeddling in the established and settled occupations of society? 
In driving laborers by oppression from one occupation, to take shel- 
ter in another.'' What can be more injurious, what can be more un- 
just, than taking away from one, and giving to another.'' What can 
be more unprincipled than sectional bargainings, for sectional plun- 
derings.f' Yet this is said to have been one of the means resorted to, 
for effecting the ends of despotism. If so, the worst of the Roman 
tyrants never did worse; and the more improved modern autocrats 
would be ashamed, if not of such tyrann}', at least of such folly and 
injustice. Is such a crisis to silence Virginia.'* to put down Virgin- 
ian morals and Virginian principles.'' Forbid it every noble Virgin- 
ian sentiment!! Why should Virginia become quiescent? Why 
should she succumb.'* Why send in her adhesion.'' Is it because she 
has become convinced of her error .f* Unfortunate conviction!; 
Just at the moment when others have become convinced of her 
truth!! Is it because she has not the means to do herself justice.'' 
Unfortunate mistake!! She has abundant means in her own hands, 
and in the hands of others, associated with her in injury, in feeling, 
and in interest. 

How much then, is it to be lamented that Governor Pleasants did 
not call upon the General Assembly to persevere in Virginia's right- 



16 

fill resistance a little longer? If he had done so, he would now have 
found a potent auxilary in Governor Clinton — and doubtlessly soon, 
in every State government in the Union. His unfortunate recession, 
has placed Governor Clinton in the front rank in the glorious work 
of saving the federative principle!! of saving State Rights; in bet- 
ter hands it could not be placed ; whilst Governor Pleasants must 
take his place as an auxiliary. New York takes the front rank in 
this great work — Virginia Ibllows in her wake. Is it not then, much 
to be lamented, that Governor Pleasants did not come forth in a 
manly style, expose to the General Assembly the usurpation of the 
General Government over the power of making Internal Improve- 
ments; and call for a solemn protest against it? That he did not 
call for retaliatory measures against the unjust increase of the enor- 
mous tariff? If he had done so, there cannot be a doubt, but that 
he would have found a hearty co-operation in all the southern and 
south-western States. These States deeply feel this sectional injus- 
tice, and are prepared to do themselves retaliatory justice; and can 
the success of such retaliation be doubted? What must be the in- 
evitable consequences of a tax upon all animals on foot, and their 
drovers, and upon domestic manufactures, when brought within the 
limits of the plundered States respectively? Let the plundered 
States, for example, lay a tax upon Kentucky hogs and their drovers, 
and where would Kentucky find another market? There is none 
other. She must then, either keep her hogs at home, or pay the duty. 
In the one case, she would have, to use her own phraseology, hog 
and hominy enough, excellent articles when wanted, but of little 
worth when not wanted ; but she would then be almost without mo- 
ney. In the other, it would exhaust all her little cash to pay the tax. 
In either case, she would be made to feel the retaliatory effects of 
her beloved tariff; of her darling scheme for encouraging "Nation- 
al Industry." One inevitable consequence of this dilemma, would 
be such an uproar amongst the multitude on the Kentucky side of 
the line, that the sturdy popularity of the champions of this relief 
scheme, would probably be borne down by the torrent. Mr, Clay 
has been so much delighted, and so busily engaged in the singular 
employment of grinding farmers and planters into mechanics, that, 
in the judgment of the writer, he has either overlooked, or disre- 
garded the true local interests of Kentuck}^ He has stated a fact, 
in debating on the Cumberland Road, this session of Congress, 
which ought, in his sober reflections, to have admonished him against 
putting the Kentucky market at the pleasure of the injured and in- 
sulted Atlantic States — to wit : That the Atlantic market was more 
important to Kentucky, than the Mississippi market. In either case, 
however, the market is hazarded. But the essential interests of 
Kentucky, are against a high tarilf at all times.* Kentucky manu- 



*NoTE. "Kentucky manufactin*es but little for exportation, and 
never can manufacture much. — Her political institutions are at open 
war witii every system of manufacturing for exportion." The la- 
borers of Kentucky have upon their own shoulders, the momentous 



17 

factures bat little for exportation, and never can manufacture mucli. 
Her political institutions are at open war with every system of man- 
ufacturing for exportation: and the tariff has no effect upon house- 
hold manufactures for family consumption. — Nor could a counter- 
vailing tax upon manutactures, fail of success. If the States of 
Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, 
Mississippi, and Louisiana, were to unite in such a tax, where would 
domestic manufactures find a market ? To the South American States 
they would look in vain. There they would meet British competition. 
To Mexico they would look in vain; there they would find a British 
preference. British subjects are already in the mines. British agents 
in the Cabinet — whilst the United States have no minister there. Why 
or wherefore, cannot be conceived. Surely it cannot be out of compli- 
ment to N. Edwards, the cidevant renegado minister, with $'1 1,000 of 
public money in his pocket. Domestic manufactures would then be 

concerns of governing themselves, and others. They are perpetu- 
ally called off from their labor, to exercise the glorious elective fran- 
chise, or to qualify themselves to do so, by frolicks, and due potati- 
ons of whiskey. These laborers, it is true, have other rights; but 
they are deemed of little worth, in comparison with the glorious 
elective franchise. They have the right to labor. They have the 
right to the proceeds of their labor. These rights are found more 
useful, and beneficial to themselves, to their families, and to their 
country; but they are less dignified, and delectable in their exercise. 
They must, of course, always give place. 

In Great Britain, Mr. Clay's great manufacturing prototype, the 
operating artisan, is strictly drilled upon the true mechanical princi- 
ple — division of labor. His mind is not indulged with the range 
of two ideas ; nor his body with two varieties of action. He is 
strictly drilled to a single incessant effort of mind and body. At 
this, he toils all day, and night too, if required; and when his toil is 
ended, he is allowed of the proceeds thereof, barely enough to af- 
ford him a scanty subsistence of the coarsest fare; and a scanty co- 
vering of the coarsest materials. All the rest of his hard earnings 
are taken care of by his blessed benefactors — his employer — his 
king — his priest. — He is never drawn from his incessant uniform toil 
to exercise the glorious elective franchise, nor to whiskey frolicksi, 
by way of due preparation thereto. Even if disease overtakes him, 
his only solace, and refuge, is a poor house. The most wretched 
doom, of the most miserable wretches. 

In a competition for the profits of manufactures there is a fright- 
ful odds, between the Kentucky whiskey drinking politicians, and 
the regularly drilled British artisan. 

If Mr. Clay wishes to dignify Kentucky with the appellation, of 
a manufacturing State, he must correct this irresistible political ten- 
dency against it; and invent some improved drilling for the operat- 
ing artisan. 

. Tariffs will not do. What a blessing to Kentucky, to add to her 
pfpseut host of law-givers, a new host of wretched artisans." 
3 



18 

without a market, or wliat would amount to the same thing; would meet 
ivitli a fair British competition in the market. But two questions arc 
made against these measures— 1st, They would endanger the Union — 
2d, They would be repugnant to the Constitution. They would not be 
repugnant to the Constitution. They would preserve both the Union 
and the Constitution. The way to save the Union, is not to yield to sec- 
tional bargainings, but manfully to resist them. Good morals and 
sound principles, supported by unyielding resistance, never will dis- 
solve the Union. Sectional bargainings and sectional plundering^ 
Ought, and will dissolve the Union, even if it were made of adamant. 
In the administration of a written Constitution, ignorance and vice will 
corrode and destroy the most durable parchment; whilst wisdom and 
virtue will preserve and render it eternal. But infinitely better dis- 
solve tile Union, lamentable as it would be, than submit to sectional 
plunderings at the avaricious whims of the plunderers. Fortunately 
for the plundered States, they would have nothing to fear, if insatia- 
ble cupiditN' were to drive the plunderers to that extremity. 

The plunderers are the commercial and manufacturing rivals of all 
the commercial and manufacturing States of Europe. The plun- 
dered States are the best commercial customers of all; the rivals of 
none. The plunderers knew well how to apply the moral, and how 
to dread it. As it regards the Constitutional question, it is resolved 
into this: Have the State governments jurisdiction over persons and 
things within their limits respectively.^ or is the jurisdiction with the 
General Government? These questions would be tested with per- 
fect certainty by the inquiries; under what jurisdiction is the pro- 
tection of persons and things, within the limits of the respective 
States? If injured, to what jurisdiction do they resort for redress? 
Surely to State tribunals of justice. As protection and allegiance 
in relation to persons, and protection and contribution, in relation to 
things, are correlative, State jurisdiction becomes a necessary conse- 
quence. But this question has been most deliberately settled, by a 
Legislative interpretation of the Constitution, made by Congress 
on the second of March, 1807; attended with every circumstance, 
vvhicii could give the most solemn and certain sanction to precedent. 
No further inquiry will be here made respecting that great funda- 
mental principle. It deserves, and shall receive a separate and 
distinct consideration. In the centripetal tendencies and medita- 
ted usurpations of the General Government, will be found the 
battle-ground between the General and Slate Governments. So 
long as the State Governments shall retain their jurisdiction over 
persons and things, within their respective limits, they will retain their 
existence. The moment this is usurped by the General Government, ) 
and abandoned by the State Governments, their existence would not 
be worth preserving. These are the great essentials of tiieir power, 
and never can be surrendered, but with liie surrender of all their other 
corporate powers. How much then is it to be lamented, that at this cri- 
tical moment, Virginia, in appearance at least, should have sent in her 
adhesion to these destructive usurpations. But it is not yet too late 
for the plundered States to do themselves retaliatory justice. Let 



19 

Governor Pleasants then, be prepared with firm and dignified expo- 
sitions of the outrage practised upon the Constitution, by the usui*- 
pation of the power of making Internal Improvements. Let liim 
sound the feelings and opinions of the plundered States, and be pre- 
pared at the next meeting of the General Assembly, to act as occa- 
sion may require. This course is called for at this moment, b^^ the 
most imposing and imperious considerations. 

Every unjaundiced eye must see, tliat as the period for the final 
discharge of the public debt approaches, the manufacturing schemers, 
are upon the alert, to find out pretexts for keeping up the tarifi' to 
its highest pitch. The writer thinks they never will abandon it with- 
out compulsion or re-action. They will keep it up, if they can, for 
the illegitimate purpose of protecting manufactures, after every legi- 
timate object for which it was imposed, shall have ceased. They 
never will consent, that manufactures shall be left to take theh' equal 
natural stand, witli the other occupations of society'. Indeed, how- 
ever low the tariff may be reduced, manufactures must still be fa- 
^ voured to the full extent, to which it may finally be fixed. One in- 
evitable effect of this state of things is, that the manufacturing in- 
terest is now at actual war, against every other interest in society. 
This is always one injurious efiect of unjust favouritism, shewn to 
one occupation over others ; and constitutes one of the greatest ob- 
jections to such unwise, visionary, delusive schemes. From the pe- 
culiar political condition of this country, at this time, this belligerent 
effect is peculiarly striking and impressive. Let the truth of this re- 
mark be tested by several illustrative inquiries? Suppose a question 
of war or peace, should arise, would not war be the interest of man- 
ufacturers? Would not peace be the interest of all other occupa- 
tions? Suppose a question of increasing, or decreasing the public 
debt; would not the increase be the interest of the manufacturers? 
Would not the decrease, be the interest of all other occupations? 
Suppose a question; whether all the money in the treasury should, 
or should not be squandered amongst unprincipled parasites, and fa- 
vourites; sinecures for ex-presidenis, ex-vice presidents, and other 
high ex-officers; would it not be the interest of the manufacturers to 
make the squandering? Nay, to make it to the greatest possible ex- 
tent? V/ould it not be the interest of all other occupations, not to 
make the unprincipled squandering at all? and at least, to confine 
it within its smallest limits? Suppose a question ; whether or not, 
at the grand annual exhibition of American manufactures, at Wash- 
ington, blazoned forth, as proof positive, of the "national" wealth 
and prosperity, with the view of dazzling and deluding the unthink- 
ing, and visionary, all the surplus money in the treasury, should, in 
grand procession, be taken to the Potomac bridge, and thrown into 
the majestic Potomac itself, as a solemn propitiatory sacrifice to the 
Gods, for the success of "national industry;*' would it not be the 
interest, nay, the glory, of the manufacturers, to cause the splendid, 
costly propitiation, worthy of the Gods themselves, to be made ? 
Would it not be the interest of all other occupations, that this costly 
.Heathenish rite should be dispensed with? Suppose a question, foi' 











a grand Inaugural Roman Aqueduct; would not the result be the 
same? Other illustrative inquiries might be made, but these are suf- 
ficient to shew, that the more squandering, the more protection. The 
higher the tarifl", the greater the protecting fund. The more tarill' 
other occupations pay, the more protection the manufacturers receive ; 
and demonstrably proves, that war is now waging in disguise, by the 
manufacturing, against all other occupations. 

This unwise, barbarous, unjust, despotic policy, more unsuited to 
the political condition and institutions of the United States, than to 
those of an}' other country in the world, after a full experience of its 
mischievous tendencies, is about to be discarded every where, except 
in the United States, the last place in the world where it ought ever to 
liave existed. Particularly is this the case in Great Britain; whose 
fexample has been urged with too much success, and with too little 
understanding, for its introduction into the United States. Great 
Britain has already denounced the principle; discarded it in prac- 
tice, as far as she could ; and probably will shortly eradicate 
the last mischievous vestige of it, by the abrogation of her corn 
laws altogether; whilst the government of the United States, as 
the public debt diminishes, and of course, the occasion for reve- 
nue diminishes, acting in direct inversion of all common justice, 
and common sense, proportionally increases the tariff, as an artifici- 
al, arbitrary stimulus to manufactures; when, too, certain parts of 
the country pay, and certain other parts receive, the unhallowed pro- 
ceeds of this governmental iniquity. It is in vain for President 
Monroe to tell the people, in his IVIessage, that he has greatly re- 
duced the public debt, without any burthens whatever, upon the peo- 
ple. It is in vain for President Adams to say in his Inaugural 
Speech, "all the purposes of human associations, have been accom- 
plished, as effectually, as under any other government on the globe; 
and at cost, little exceeding in a whole generation, the expenditui'e 
of other nations in a single year." The Treasury report lells very 
different tales: To say nothing of State expenditures. The tariffs 
are enormously high, and the money paid under them, although not 
seen, is as burthensome to the payers, as if it were seen. Its invio- 
lability eludes tlic attentions of the payer; but it cannot elude the 
payment. A thousand other considerations might be mentioned, to 
call Governor Pleasants into action — all of these will be avoided; 
except one, which cannot be. The writer thinks it due lo the hon- 
orable, dignified stand made by the Virginian delegation in Con- 
gress, against these wrongs and usurpations, that the State should be 
called upon to give the members its best and firmest support. Vir- 
ginia would be delighted to honor their morals, and support their 
principles. The writer well knows Governor Pleasants' real worth 
— his amiable philanthropic disposition; but Governor Pleasants 
should never cease to recollect, that philanthropy herself, is often 
compelled to weep over the deplorable effects of a spirit of submissi- 
on to injury and insult, when too much indulged, b}' its own solici- 
tude to avoid the very effects it deprecates and produces. A memo- 
rable example will be givep, in Governor Pleasants's great proto- 



21 

tvpe, the philosopher, and philanthrophist, Mr. Jeflerson : whom we 
all delight to honor. 

In the years 1808, 1809, when the United States were suffering 
under British orders, and French edicts; Mr. J. Avas urged to make 
a just and equal proposition to both the belligerents, to revoke their, 
hostile edicts respectively, and to pledge the United States, that in 
case of the acceptance of the proposition by the one and the rejec- 
tion by the other, to issue letters of marque, and reprisal against the 
rejecting nation. Mr. J. could not be prevailed upon to adopt this 
measure, so imperiously demanded by the crisis, and peculiarly fitted 
to, the occasion. He would not do any thing, which would even 
seem to tend to produce the shedding of one drop of human blood. 
At length, the Senate resolved to press the measure upon him by re- 
ducing it to the form of law; and passed a bill containing a provi- 
sion to that effect. The measure put Mr. J's friends in the House 
of Representatives into an uproar; and out went this provision. — 
Mr. J., nevertheless, being charged by his opponents with a design 
of involving the United States into a war with Great Britain ; the 
following defence was then made for him against the extraordinary 
charge : 

"No, Sir, this suggestion of insincerity is nothing more, than a 
miserable delusive vision; a mere catch of the human mind, to in- 
dulge itself in its own passions and prejudices, when there is no jus- 
tification, that can be derived from more substantial considerations. 
It is the result of a forced suspicion, from the want of some docu- 
ment or paper, as a justification for the indulgence of these unfor- 
tunate passions. Observe, too, the inconsistencies and absurd con- 
tradictions of gentlemen, labouring under the influence of these pas- 
sions. In the same breath, Sir, they accuse the President of such a 
devotion to a vain philanthrophy and speculative philosopl»y, as to dis- 
qualify him for the rugged duties of a politician; and of an insince- 
rity in conducting our foreign relations, with a view of involving the 
United States in war, in direct opposition to the habitual and domi- 
nant passions of his mind. No, Sir, the President is the lover of 
peace, and I fear, that his amiable and anxious solicitude to preserve 
it, may have had some tendency towards rendering war indispensable." 

The proposition was rejected — war came — and never was war 
more miserably conducted!!* — Well might philanthropy weep over 
the scenes, which ensued ! ! — Well might all the cardinal virtues at- 
tend her, as sympathetic mourners ! ! ! 

Thousands slain — millions squandered. Not a military enterprise 
projected worthy of the power and dignity of the United States. — 

*NoTE. — "The proposition was rejected — war came." The wri- 
ter does not mean to say, that war was the consequence of the rejec- 
tion of the proposition for letters of marque, and reprisal. That is 
a point rendered inscrutable by the rejection itself. Nor is any cen- 
sure intended. All he means to say, is, that the rejection did not 
prevent war. Nor will submission to sectional bargainings, for sec- 
tional plunderings, save the Union nor the Constitution. 



22 

Wortii}' one million of American bayonets. No conquest achlevecl 
— a mere border-war — with cruel, miserable, "national" duel-fight- 
ing. The combatants freely pouring forth their precious blood with 
heroic chivah-y, without an object and without eflect. The battle 
won, or lost, like personal duels, settled nothing. Whilst streams of 
the best blood of the country flowed in vain. The war at length 
became defensive — scenes still more lamentable and disgraceful fol- 
lowed. The country pillaged — cities sacked — Washington sacked 
and burnt!!! Here the pencil drops in shame!! ! Finally, one great 
object of the war abandoned. Instead of all these lamented scenes, 
the Declaration of war, could and ought to have been first proclaim- 
ed from the walls of Quebeck. Let Governor Pleasants then stand 
firm and undismayed. Let him look steadily at this instructive, de- 
plorable example. Let him look steadily at the present crisis.— 
Ponder well and apply the moral. 
March, 1825. 



To the Editors of the Richmond Enquirer. 

GeNTLExMEN, 

Having seen in the National Intelligencer, re-published 
from the National Gazette, a communication from the Honorable Mr. 
Lloyd, containing some strictures upon certain expressions contain- 
ed in my letter of the 5tli of January, 1809, addressed to Mr. Adams; 
and being informed, that you intended to re-publish it, I ask the fa- 
vor of you to accompany it with the following cotemporaneous ex- 
planation : — 

From my knowledge of Mr. Lloyd's punctilious delicacy of feel- 
ing, I was apprehensive, that he might draw inferences from some of 
the expressions quoted by him, not in strict unison with that peculiar 
delicacy; and I regretted the publication of that part of my letter, 
solely upon that ground. — In other respects, I was gratified with Mr. 
Adams' publication of my part of the forgotten correspondence — 
and I lake this occasion, publicly to inform Mr. Adams, that I con- 
ceive his publication of my letters to him, without his to me, is only 
doing me an act of half justice — and that complete justice cannot 
be done, without also publishing his letters to me. — I regret, it has 
become necessary for me again to remind Mr. Adams, that after the 
course he had taken, first, in the disclosure made by him in his au- 
thorised expose — second, in reading his part of the correspondence 
to his subservient Editors, leaving them free to make their own com- 
mentaries upon it — and third, in giving publicity to my letters, and 
withholding his own, that an act of justice is still due to i)imself, and 
1 conceive his own honor essentially implicated in the transaction. 
Besides, I regret to remind Mr. Adams further, that he has, by this 
extraordinary course of conduct, placed himself under an irresistible 
obligation, as I conceive, to the American people, to give publicitv 



23 

to his part of the correspondence, so that the public may understand- 
ingly rorm a just estimate of its whole contents, without which, no 
such correct estimate can be formed. 

It should be recollected, that Mr. Lloyd first took his seat in the 
Senate on the 7th November, 1808 ; and that my letter to Mr. Adams 
bears date the 5th January, 1809. — The only acquaintance I then 
had with Mr. Lloyd, was such as had taken place within that shotr 
interval. — Our acquaintance was then necessarily limited. — In my 
letter of the 5th January, 1809, I merely state the occurrences of 
that day, in relation to a resolution moved by Mr. Lloj^d, on the day 
preceding, leaving Mr. Adams to draw his own inferences from them, 
without drawing any of my own. The 5th was the day on which 
the resolution moved by Mr. Lloyd, on the preceding day, was to he 
taken up, according to the ordinary rules of the Senate, and Mr. 
Llo3d's friends, in his absence, assigned the reason for its not being 
called up; nor could I devise on the 5th, what course Mr. Lloyd pro- 
posed to take with his resolution on the 6th — my information, there- 
fore, relates exclusively to the occurrences of the 5th. — I take pleasure 
in concurring in the entire correctness of Mr. Lloyd's statement, in 
relation to the courtesy of the Senate towards its individual members, 
during my whole experience in that honorable body. 

After the 5th January, 1809, I believe I may be justified in say- 
ing, that 1 became intimately acquainted with Mr. Lloyd, at least 
in relation to his political character and conduct; and It now af- 
fords me much pleasure to state, that I have always found Mr. 
Lloyd's conduct open, frank and undisguised ; and that in conse- 
quence of his high-minded, honorable conduct, he tiien attracted, 
and still retains, my most respectful considerations, and friendly re- 
gards. 

Mr. Lloyd is amongst the last of my many honorable congression- 
al associates, to whom I could ascribe insincerit}', duplicity, or eva- 
sions in his public or private character. Having served with Mr. 
Lloyd frequently upon the most important committees, particularly 
on one during a whole session, for preparing the means for conduct- 
ing the late war with Great Britain, I can bear honorable testimony 
to Mr. Lloyd's consistency, fidelity, and ability in the discharge of 
his public duties; and, although difi'ering in political opinions with 
Mr. Lloyd, I often derived useful and valuable information from his 
frankness and candor. — I have deemed this explanation a just tribute 
to Mr. Lloyd's high-minded and honorable deportment, and the best 
reparation I could make to his wounded feelings, although it is evi- 
dent, that the injury done to them, arose from the publication of a 
paper, without any intention on my part, but from the most unexpect- 
ed and extraordinary circumstances, beyond my controul. 

WM. B. GILES. 

Richmond, JVovem'ber 25, 1828. 



24 



from the JVaiional Gazette. 

Mil. Editor, — The letters from Mr. Giles to Mr. Adams, pab- 
lislied in the National Gazette of Friday last, escaped my observa- 
tion until this afternoon, when I have referred to them in consequence 
of their casual mention in conversation by a friend. 

In the letter of Mr. Giles to Mr. Adams, of January 5, 1809, he 
remarks : — 

" Within two or three days past I haved paralyzed the movements 
of the Opposition in the Senate, by stating that, if the President's 
proclamation for excluding Britisli armed vessels from our waters, 
had been the only impediment to the accommodation of the affair of 
the attack on the Chesapeake, that would have formed no obstacle 
whatever to the successful termination of Mr. Rose's negotiation — 
that an arrangement, with his consent, was made for removing that 
obstacle altogether out of the case; but, that, as soon as that was 
done, a list of otiier humiliating concessions was presented, and a 
compliance with it demanded before a word could be said of the pre- 
tended reparation. I stated this fact as derived altogether from ai* 
inofficial source; and that the Executive did not know that I pos- 
sessed a knowledge of it, nor had the least reason to conjecture the 
source of my information upon the subject. Mr. Lloyd has, in con- 
sequence of this information, laid a resolution on the table, calling 
npon the Executive for all informal correspondence respecting Mr. 
Rose's negotiation. The resolution will not pass; and, upon inqui- 
ry, I believe he begins to think that he has been rather precipitate. 
Instead of calling up his resolution yesterday, he left the Senate 
Chamber, and Mr. White, who seconded his motion, intimated that 
he was indisposed. He looked as well as usual in the early part of 
the day. I shall give the substance of my observations in the dis- 
cussion upon the which this disclosure was made to the public, and 
will forward to you the newspaper in which they shall be first print- 
ed." 

Before, however, replying to this insinuation, it may be proper to 
state, that the rules of the Senate forbid a resolution being acted on 
t,he day it is offered, except by unanimous consent; and that such is 
the liberality of that distinguished bod}', a motion is rarely if ever 
permitted to be brought into discussion if the mover is absent, or 
wishes it to lie for a farther time; or even if any gentleman who is 
known to feel a particular interest in the subject should not be pre- 
sent, although he may not have expressed a wish that it should lie 
over on his account; — hence, it frequently happens that resolutions 
remain on the table for many days, sometimes for weeks, and occa- 
bionally for a still longer period, before they come under discussion. 

In the present instance it is true that iMr. Giles did make the ob- 
servations he states, going to show that information, important, ma- 
terial, and relevant to the subject then before the Senate, was in ex- 
istence; that he was apprised of the fact, and by unquestionable in- 
ference, that the Administration also were in possession of a know- 



25 

ledge of it, but of wlilch the Senate was ignorant. Thus publicly 
informed from so high an authority, it appeared to me the dictate 
botli of duly and propriety, as it was done by no otlier gentleman, 
to form a resolution on tlie subject which miglit be in the possessiou 
of the Executive. 

This resolution was ofiered on the 4th January; by the regula- 
tions of the Senate as before stated, it could not be acted on until 
the 5th — why it was not called up on that day I know not, for I do 
not pretend to retain any recollection with regard to it. It appears, 
however, that "it was not called up," and therefore could not come 
before the Senate; and, a fortiori, no reason could have been assign- 
ed to the Senate for its delay. For the probably casual remark, in 
familiar conversation, of an honorable friend, long since gone " to 
that bourne from whence no traveller returns," I cannot be responsi- 
ble; but I find, that on the day succeeding, the 6th of January, the 
resolution was taken into consideration, attempted unsuccessfully to 
be amended by a preamble, distinctly recapitulating the previous 
remarks of Mr. Giles, as furnishing the occasion of the call, and 
then eventually negatived, as predicted by him, by ayes and noes, 
and by the usual majority of that period. 

I am well aware that this subject is now of little moment to the 
public, and one certainly of no great interest to myself; but I am 
still unwilling that an Imputation from such a source should rest up- 
on me — affirming, that no resolution offered by me, at any time, or 
in any public body, was evaded, or attempted or wished to be eva- 
ded by me ; and that no resolution ever propounded by me to that 
honorable body, or in any other, was unduly delayed, or, as I fully 
believe, omitted to be definitively acted on. Integrity of purpose, 
clean hands, and an entire and unlimited devotion to the endeavor to 
perform the duties committed to me in the public stations I have 
held, I proudly claim : they formed the only return I could make to 
those by whom I was so repeatedly, and so highly honored; and 
perhaps on these heads few individuals who have long held i-esponsi- 
ble official stations liave less to reproach themselves with. For 
eight years, while a member of the Senate, I was never absent from 
Washington at the commencement of the sessions, nor left it until 
their close, with the exception of a rapid journey to Massachusetts 
during the long term of 1812; — and during the whole of which pe- 
riod, I doubt if I was absent from it, altogether, half that number of 
days, from any cause whatever. 

Very Respectfully, 

J. LLOYD. 

Philadelphia, JVov. 15, 1828. 



26 



To the Editors of the Enquirer. 

I feel it my duty — a sacred duty which I owe to my native State f 
10 say something in behalf of an aged Patriot, who, though almost 
on the verge of the grave, is still devoting all his energies, and all 
tli€ faculties of his yet vigorous intellect, to the advancement of his 
country's prosperity. Even if his political misdeeds were mountain 
high, still I would rebuke him mildly, unless, like the mountain tor- 
rent, they should threaten nothing but devastation and dismay. I 
would not handle rudely the foibles of any Hero who fought, of any 
Sage who wrote, or of any Patriot who toiled in the camp or the 
cabinet, during our struggles for independence and for the emanci- 
pation of man — I would not cause even the breath of mild reproof 
to visit too roughly any venerable veteran v.ho aided to work out 
our political salvation, and faced for us horrors which are not sur- 
passed in all the histories of all the martyrs. How, then, can I 
stand by and see, with a stoical indiflerence, the feelings of William 
B. Giles mangled by political enthusiasts, with more than savage 
cruelty I ! 

From the onset of Governor Giles's career, he has been a consist- 
ent Democratic Republican, and, without the shadow of changing, 
the steady friend of State Rights. He is the champion of the re- 
served rights of the States ; and, at the same time, he has been ever 
unwilling to curtail the constitutional power of the General Govern- 
ment, or to enfeeble its necessary energies. He has advocated the 
rights of the State Governments as the best barriers against Anti- 
Republican tendencies; while he has urged "the preservation of 
the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the 
sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad." This has 
been the creed of his political faith, and the creed of the political 
faith of the fathers of the Republic. 

Governor Giles has always advocated the supremacy of the civil, 
over the military power, and " the strictest economy" in the dis- 
bursements of the people's money by their agents — also a speedy 
extinguishment of the nation's debt, and the encouragement of agri- 
culture, and of commerce as its handmaid. The purity of popular 
elections, the liberty of religion, the liberty of the press, the freedom 
of speech, the trial by jury, and the diiiusion of intellectual light, 
have all felt the happy influenrc of his able advocacy; for he has 
viewed them as the guarantee of the representative system — the pal- 
ladium of a free government, and the iEgis of our federative exis- 
tence. The polar star of his political career, whether in the flood- 
iide of his influence, or in the hour of his weakness, has been, and is, 
the protection of the rights of individual man, against the insidious 
encroachments of governmental power; and is not this the best 
touchstone by which to try the services, and to test the principles, 
with unerring accuracy, of those whom we trust, and invest with au- 
tlx^rity? — Shew me a man of ambition and abilities — a strenuous 
advocate of governmental power — and, if he has been clothed with 



27 

a little brief authority, 1 will track in his tract a loss of the people's 
liberty; or at least, a bold and an open, or what is more fearful and 
oftener fatal, an insidious etlbrt to wrest from them some of their 
rights. But is there an instance in which Mr. Giles has aimed to 
wrest from this people aHy of their privileges ? If there is, point it 
out, you whose enviable vocation is, to vilify and slander this vene- 
rable veteran. But there is none, or else green-eyed envy would 
long since have descried and used it with malignant pleasure. — Then 
such a man should be retained in high places of trust, to the entire 
exclusion of those who would put him down, for they would not 
scruple to defile the fairest fabric that human nature has ever reared. 

Nor has Governor Giles hid his "light under a bushel" — he has 
not been a silent supporter of his principles or his doctrines. One 
of the most astute observers, profound thinkers, and cogent reason- 
ers, his country has produced; he has warmed and animated, while 
he has enlightened thousands, by his writings and eloquent harangues. 
When all the powers of his mind have been called into action, 
and lighted by the love of liberty he has often produced a sponta- 
neous language, marked genius, the diffusion of sentiment and the 
grandeur of perspicuous illustration, which will survive "the wreck 
of many years;" will be admired as a splendid monument of the 
powers of human genius, and be used and resorted to by the friends 
of libert}-, as strong armour for the conflict, and as a tower of strength 
amid the storms of State. But this will not be till he has expended 
the last drop of vital energy in warding off the rude and unwarrant- 
able assaults of his and the people's enemies — until time has shed its 
propitious influence, and a new generation has risen up with new 
habits and divested of partiality — until the growing expansion of li- 
beral feelings, and the illuminating progress of political philosophy, 
shall have had a salutary tendency in checking prevalent prejudices 
and removing causeless antipathies. Then, and not till then, will 
it be seen and acknowleged, that no matter what were his words^ 
his writings, or his actions, they were all subservient to human hap- 
piness and the prosperity of his much loved, and much served, but 
ungrateful country. BRUTUS» 

Petersbv.rg., 



Extract frern an address to the Republican Party in the next Le- 
gislature of Virginia, by " A FRIEND or JUSTICE." 

"What is now the system of warfare matured, and put in active 
operation by the petty presses of the day, and the ephemeral politi- 
cians of an hour.'' Is it with scurrillity and abuse to lessen the in- 
fluence, and destroy the well-earned fame of the distinguished men 
of Virginia — who, in " the days that tried men's souls," were not 
found wanting in the defence of your Constitutional rights, aad who 



28 

never struck a flag to tlje enemies of your libcrt}-. Their ofience is 
too great to be forgiven. Violent denunciation and torrents of abuse 
have, according to this system, been heaped upon Virginia's noblest, 
ablest sons. How, then, could Governor Giles expect to escape.'' 
His ardent patriotism, his devotion to Constitutional doctrine — his 
dislike of the Adams and Clay dynasty, have pointed him out as the 
victim to be sacrificed at the shrine of vn/ioly, insatiate amJntion. 

Let us look a little into the political history of William B. Giles. 
Let us sec what he deserves of tiie countr}-, and the great Republi- 
can Party of Virginia — and then, on the other side, let us view the 
little factionists of the day, who are constantly doing their dirty 
work, endeavoring, as far as in their power, to tarnish the fame ol 
the illustrious patriots of the land, the faithful sentinels of the Con- 
stitution. William B. Giles commenced his political career in the 
last century. — He was distinguished previously to the "reign of ter- 
ror" under the elder Adams. He was at that time the fearless and 
intrepid defender of your political rights. He breasted the storm that 
then hovered over your land, and by his unequalled eloquence and 
moral courage, in a just and righteous cause, dispelled the clouds of 
despotism that covered your political horizon. This merit cannot 
and will not be disputed. It is a historical fact. — Can such splen- 
did and faithful services be so soon forgotten by the Republican parly 
of the country? I cannot bring myself to believe it. 

During the administration of the immortal Jefferson, he was seen 
at the head of the Republican Party in the Senate of the United 
States. — How elevated and conspicuous he then stood, is known to 
you all. His opponents, the leaders of the Federal Party, were al- 
most silenced — and their eflbrts paralyzed by liis masterly prowess in 
debate. He was second to none in that great assemblage of genius 
and talents. Mr. .lefierson's administration continued for eight years 
— he distinguished himself during that of his successor, when he re- 
tired to private life. The untoward and alarming message of the se- 
cond Adams, aroused this patriot to a sense of his duty to himself 
and his country. He again put on the armour of defence in favour 
of yonr rights and your Constitution. He has been active, and at 
his post. And is it for this that William B. Giles is to be cashiered.'* 



William B. Giles, and the Jrtter of the Z()th pulUshcd l-y Mr. 

Giles. 

The repetition of the charge of a breach of confidence, Ly the 
merciless accusers of this distinguished man, appears to call for 
some defence on that point. It is to be remarked, that although Mr. 
Giles did not publish the letter of the 25tli, which was intended by 
Mr. .Tefi'erson "for the public eye," yet he did not publish more of 
he letter of the 2Cth politicallt/, than was contained in the letter of 



29 

the 25tli, wliicli he had tlie liberty of publishing. The substance 
was the same, though couched in dillerent language. The private 
part of the letter of the 26lh, Mr. Giles has never published. How 
then, is it properly called a breach of confidence? Unquestionably, 
the reasons which influenced Mr. Giles not to publish the letter of 
the 25th, as they then appeared, were sufficient. Mr. Giles had no 
evidence before him, that the letter of Mr. Jefi!erson of the 25th, 
was to be taken in a figurative sense, as we since understand from 
Mr. J. Randolph. Ail that Mr. Giles could judge from, was the 
language belbre him. And surely the language before him was po- 
sitive and not figurative. I am even now doubtful, whether it be in 
the power of Mr. Randolph to make an impression on the public 
mind, that it was intended to be figurative. We see nothing but 
positive and express language, that the " war then going on and 
embargo," were co-existent. — If Mr. Jeflerson had intended it as 
figurative, would he not have employed other language, so as to 
have given us an indication of his real meaning? Besides, Mr. 
Giles was not singular in this construction of the letter. Mr. Adams 
liimself, represented by his friends as one of the most acute exposi- 
tors of language in the world, placed the very same meaning on Mr. 
Jefferson's language ; and in his late extraordinary expose in the 
National Journals, attempts to show in what way Mr. Jefferson was 
betrayed into the supposed mistake. 

There was no other alternative then, it seems, for Mr. Giles, but 
the conjecture that Mr. Jefferson's memory had failed him on this 
occasion; and that it was his duty to conceal this defect from the 
gaze of the public. What else could he, or any other person, have 
determined to do, under the same circumstances? Is it not peculi- 
arly strange, that Mr. Giles should have been censured, and charged 
with a breach of confidence, when he promulgated to the world 
only what he was authorised to publish in another letter — (to wit,) 
the treasonable views of the New England Federalists, agreeably to 
the history given Mr. Jeflerson by Mr. Adams. Both letters ap- 
plauded the course of Mr. Adams, which Mr. Jefferson thought 
highly creditable to him, but which, it is feared, will not be the case 
when all the information of Mr. Adams proposes on the subject, is 
given to the world. — With this view of the subject, I consider it im- 
possible but that Mr. Giles must stand justified in the eyes of the 
Public. F. of J. 

(t?' Note. — The publisher is authorised te state positively; that 
Mr. Giles neither knows, nor suspects, who is the author of either of 
the three foregoing anonymous publication?. 



30 

10 THE EDITORS OF THE EXQLIKEK, 

NO. IV. 
rOLlTIOAL DISQUISITIONS.— RANDOM shot. 

Ge.\tlemen, 

A Republican, of the old school, congratulates the people of 
Virginia, and felicitates himself upon observing, that after the lapse 
of more than half a century, a laudable spirit of inquiry should be 
manifested through your paper, to ascertain the day on which the 
Bill of Rights and Constitution of Virginia were first adopted, and 
proclaimed to the Virginian people, and to the wliole world, as well 
as the original authors, of tiiose inestimable works. The writer 
thinks the subject presents the most curious reflections and contem- 
plations. It is certainly little short of a miracle; that the proudest 
day in the whole calender for the people of Virginia, and perhaps 
for the whole human race, and most justly entitled to the special 
commemoration of every Virginian, should remain unnoticed until 
now ; and that diificulties should even now occur in fixing on so me- 
morable a day with authoritative certainty. One point, however, 
seems to be agreed by all inquirers, that the Virginian Constitution 
is the first written social compact that ever was made and brougiit 
into practical operation. Theorists and Utopians had before assert- 
ed the principle, that all rightful governmental power was derived 
from the people as the only legitimate source of all political power, 
and was founded upon their consent, ascertained by a social compact, 
«?ither expressed or implied ; but the great work remained, to reduce 
this first principle to actual practice. This great work was achieved 
by our heroic, illuslrious fathers. They, therefore, are most justly 
t^ititled to the first honor and the highest homage, not only of their 
own sons, but of the whole human race. — The merits of our vene- 
rated fathers do not slop here. The writer confidently expresses the 
opinion, that they were not only the original authors of the first 
written social compact, grounded upon .the natural rights of man the 
world ever saw, but of the best written social compact the world has 
over yet seen. The writer fondly indulges the hope, that the sound 
and S|)londid talents now engaged in ascertaining the first point, will 
extend their useful and laudable inquiries to the ascertainment of the 
second. Tlie writer iias been led into this course of reflection at this 
time, from attentively observing a highly interesting and intelligent 
communication in your paper of the 30th ultimo, under the signa- 
ture of J. C.,* — and headed "George Mason of '76." 

The following is an extract: 

"The Constitution of Virginia, was the first written Republican 
Constitution which has ever been adopted in the world. At all 
events, history gives us no account of any other being previously 
adopted. It was the model of imitation for all the other colonies in 
the United States, and may therefore be called the original, from 

* Probably John Campbell, now Treasurer of the United States. 



31 

winch have been copied all the free governments that have been es- 
tablished in the world, since the period of its adoption. In this 
point of view it becomes a matter of most interesting inquiry, who 
was the author of this immortal document? I had always understood 
until lately, that George Mason was the author of the body of the 
Constitution, and that Thomas Jefferson was the author of the Bill 
of Rights, containing the principles upon which it purports to be 
founded. In this opinion I find I am mistaken. George Mason was 
the author of both. Mr. Jefferson wrote the preamble to the Con- 
stitution of Virginia, which I, in common with many others, I pre- 
sume, have confounded with the Bill of Rights/' 

In evidence of these facts, J. C. then introduces an extremely Im- 
portant correspondence between Judge Woodward and the late Mr. 
Jefferson, whose recent lamented death has shrouded the whole coun- 
try in mourning. Upon an inquiry made by letter, from Judge 
Woodward, respecting the authorship of the Bill of Rights and 
Constitution of Virginia, Mr. Jefferson makes the following state- 
ment of facts: 

" The fact is unquestionable, that the Bill of Rights and the Con- 
stitution of Virginia, were drawn originally by George Mason, one 
of our really great men, and of the first order of greatness. The 
history of the preamble to the latter is as follows: — I was then at 
Philadelphia with Congress, and knowing (hat the Convention of 
Virginia was engaged in forming a plan of government, I turned 
my mind to the same subject and drew a sketch or outline of a 
Constitution with a preamble, which I sent to Mr. Pendleton, Presi- 
dent o£ the Convention, on the mere possibility that it might sug- 
gest something worth incorporation into that before the Convention. 
He informed me afterwards, by letter, that he received it on the day 
on which the committee of the whole had reported to the House the 
plan they had agreed to; that that had been so long in hand, so dis- 
puted inch by inch, and the subject of so much altercation and de- 
bate, that they were worried with the contentions it had produced,, 
and could not, from mere lassitude have been induced to open the 
instrument again : but that being pleased with the preamble to mine, 
they adopted it in the House by way of amendment to the report of 
the committee ; and thus my preamble became tacked to the work 
of George Mason, The Constitution with tlie preamble, was pass- 
ed on the 29th of June, and the committee of Congress had only 
the day before that reported tb that body the draft of tlie declaration 
of Independence. The fact is, that that preamble is prior in com- 
position to the declaration, and both having the same object of jus- 
tifying our separation with Great Britain, they used necessarily the 
same materials of justification ; and hence their similitude." 

This statement completely settles the point: that George IMason 
was the author, or, at least, the writer of both the Bill of Rights 
and Constitution of Virginia, and Thomas Jefferson the author of 
the preamble to the body of the Constitution ; but this statement 
contains still more important matters of fact. The first is — That 
these inestimable State papers were not the effects of sudden, incon- 



32 

sideratc excitements, as have been asserted by persons unfriendly to 
them; but "that they had been so long in hand, so disputed inch 
hv inch, and the subject of so much altercation and debate, that the_v 
(the members of the Convention) were worried witli the contentions 
it had produced, and could not, from mere lassitude, have been in- 
duced to open the instrument again." The other most important 
lact is — " The Constitution, with tiie preamble, was passed on the 
2<Jth June," (177G) — so far as Mr. Jefferson's recollection can be re- 
lied on ibr that fact. 

Notwithstanding this fact is here positively stated, the judicious 
and intelligent writer, under the signature of J. C, makes the lollow- 
ing assertion. From this it must be inferred, that he doubted the 
accuracy of Mr. Jefferson's statement as it regards the particular 
day on which the Constitution of Virginia was adopted : 

"But the Constitution of Virginia preceded the Declaration of 
Independence by nearly a month ; and was wholly composed and 
adopted, whilst it is known Mr. Jefferson was out of the State at- 
tending the session of Congress at Philadelphia." 

The only morsel that can be gathered upon this point, from Mar- 
shall's Life of Washington, will be found in the following extract 
taken from the second volume, pages 375-376: "And in Virginia 
the public sense was so decisive on the subject, that the Convention 
not only instructed their representatives to move the resolution in 
grand council of the continent, but declared that Colony an inde- 
pendent State before the measures was sanctioned by Congress." 
Mr. Wirt, in his Life of Patrick Henry, is more specific. In page 
196, will be found the following statement: "On Wednesday, the 
12th of June following, that Declaration of Rights, which stands 
prefixed to our statutes, was reported and adopted without a dissent- 
ing voice, as was also, on Saturday the 29th of the same month, the 
present plan of our Government." Yet in a note annexed to this 
identical paragraph, Mr. Wirt makes the following statement : "But 
the Constitution of Virginia preceded the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence by nearly a month, and was wholly composed and adopted 
while Mr. Jefferson is known to have been out of the State attend- 
ing the session of Congress at Philadelphia." 

Is it not wonderful, at this day, that any doubt should remain as 
to the identity of the day which brought into practical operation, 
and proclaimed to the world the great principle of the natural rights 
of man, as the true and only source of all rightful governmental 
power .^ This subject has been long under the consideration of the 
writer of this communication ; his attention has been particularly 
called to it within the last two years, and he had originally fixed up- 
on the 6th of May, 1776, not without some doubts, as the day of 
the final adoption of the BUI of Rights and Constitution of Virgi- 
nia : The day, which first exhibited to the world, the astonishing- 
mental effects of our wise, heroic, illusti'ious fathers; the first in the 
annals of human events. This conclusion was formed from an ex- 
amination of the reading of two of the editions of the Virginian 
Revised Code of Laws— which is in the following words : 



Revised Code, fyc. 1776. 

" At a General Convention of Delegates and Representativesj 
from the several counties and corporations of Virginia, held at the 
Capitol in the City of Williamsburg, on Monday the 6th of May, 
1776." Then follow the Declaration of Rights and Constitution of 
Virginia, with the preamble prefixed to the body of the Constitu- 
tion. 

After the preamble, the following is the caption to the Constitu- 
tion, as it appears in the Revised Code: 

*' We, therefore, the Delegates and Representatives, of the good 
people of Virginia, having maturely considered the premises, and 
viewing with great concern the deplorable condition to which this 
once happy country must be reduced, unless some regular, adequate 
mode of civil polity is speedily adopted, and incompliance with a re- 
commendation of the General Congress, do ordain, and declare the 
future form of government of Virginia, to be as followeth." 

The writer having compared these facts and documents with the 
alleged version of the Constitution of Virginia, as it appears in Dar- 
by's edition of Brooke's Universal Gazetteer, conceives, that the 
publishers of that work have taken some unwarrantable liberties 
with that original and hallowed instrument. Mr. Darby disclaims 
the editorship of that part of the work, which professes to introduce 
the Constitution of the United States, and the several States, in the 
following words, taken from his preface to that valuable work : 

"The edition of the Constitution of the United States, and of the 
respective States, which forms a part of this volume, was added by 
the publishers, in order to embrace a general view of the geography 
and constitutional law of the United States. I was not the editor of 
that part of the publication; nor in reality was formal editorship in- 
dispensably necessary for reprinting matter which admitted of no 
change or addition.'''' 

The publishers in 1823, the executors of William Warner, late of 
Philadelphia, have taken the liberty to omit the Bill of Rights and 
the preamble altogether; and instead of the second section of the 
Constitution, as before introduced, herein taken from the Revised 
Code, after the^follovving statement: 

"The Constitution or form of government agreed to, and resolv- 
ed upon by the Dekgates and Representatives of the several coun- 
ties and corporations of Virginia, in a General Convention, held at 
Williamsburg, on the 6th of May, and continued by adjournments to 
the 5th of July, 1776," introduces the Constitution under the fol- 
lowing caption — without numbering that or any of the other sections: 
"We, the delegates and representatives of the good people of Vir- 
ginia, do declare the future form of government of Virginia to be 
as followeth." The omission of the preamble, which is an essential 
part of the Constitution itself, and so interesting a paper as the Bill 
of Rights accompanying it, declaring the original principles of its 
foundation, the writer thinks, unwarrantable, and the change of the 
second section surreptitious. 
5 



34 

Upon turning to the last "Revised Code of laws, tlie writer fuuls 
the following heading with (he following statement below caeh — as 
extracted from that able work. 

mil of Right !^. 

Page 31, 1st Vol. — "A Declaration of Rights, made by the Re- 
presentatives of the good people of Virginia, assembled in fnll and 
free Convention, which rigl)ts do pertain to them and their posteri- 
ty as the basis and foundation of government." 

\_Unanlmoi(sIy adopted, June 12, 1776. 

Constitution of Virginia. 

Page 33, Ist Vol. — " The Constitution or Form of Government, 
agreed to and resolved upon, by the Delegates and Representatives 
of the several counties and corporations of Virginia." 

\Un(tnimoushj adopted, June 29, 1776. 

It appears from the foregoing statement, that the Bill of Rights 
was adopted on the 12th June, and the Constitution on the 29th of 
June 1776; and that they were both adopted unanimously; another 
circumstance aflbrding a most interesting subject for contemplation. 
It proves, " that our God-like ancestors well knew that they must 
hang altogether, or be hung one by one." Though the writer has 
the most perfect confidence in the correctness of the statement, he 
presumes it to be the act only of the very able, laborious, and accu- 
rate reviser, and not of legislative authority. He views the state- 
ments of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Wirt in the same light. From this 
statement it appears that the Bill of Rights and Constitution, were 
adopted on different days. The frst, the 12th of June, 1776; the 
other, the 29th of June, 1776. The first act, being merely declara- 
tory of the original principles, upon which the second was formed, 
the 29th of June, 1776, must be considered as the day, upon which 
the principles were introduced into practical use; and therefore, the 
29th of June, 1776, ought to be considered as the first great auspi- 
cious day, that the blessed light of political liberty burst forth upon 
a benighted world, through the mighty efforts of our great illustri- 
ous fathers, and ought to bo the great jcibilee dav, particularly for 
Virginia, and iinii'crsalhj for the whole human race. Tiie writer is 
of opinion, that this subject calls loudly for an authoritative legisla- 
tive inquiry, — that the approaching General Assembly, after the lapse 
of more than half a century, ought to institute one, and thus com- 
mence the commemoration of a day, now almost forgotten, as the ' 
most auspicious day for the libert}' and happiness of mankind, in the 
whole annals of human events, and rescue from ungrateful oblivion, 
the names of our God-like ancestors, who, with one inspired head, 
and one hallowed heart, were the original authors of this unspeak- 
able blessing to all their kind. 

The following expressions of Judge Woodward, taken from his , 
letter to Mr. Jefferson, could not fail to attract the attention and ex- 
cite the liveliest sensibility of the writer: 

''Written Constitutions are great moral levers. Those of Ameri- 



35 

ca undoubtedly produced the revolution of France. They are 
emancipating the Southern Continent of the Western Hemisphere. 
Tiiey are even pervading the domains of Ancient liberty. They 
will eventually change the whole aspect of aflairs upon this Globe. 
The first which was prepared for practical use, becomes, therefore, 
however rude in the progress of time its construction might compa- 
ratively appear, an ethic phenomenon of no ordinary interest. Like 
the source of the Nile, which has attracted the attention of Kings 
and nations, it is not so much the intrinsic magnificence of the object, 
that excites the sensibility, as the contemplation of the resulting ma- 
jesty and fertilitj'." 

Judge Woodward's celebrity for talents, and even for sound, as 
well as for splendid talents, is readily admitted; but the writer thinks 
he cannot have employed those talents profitably in his contempla- 
tions upon the merits of the Constitution of Virginia, especially its 
comparative merits, with other written Constitutions, which have 
been subsequently formed. The learned Jud|;e remarks: "The 
first written Constitution which was proposed for practical use, be- 
comes, therefore, homcver riuie in the proirress of time its construc- 
tion might comparatively appear, on ethic phenomenon of no ordinary 
interest.''' The Constitution of Virginia, being admitted to be the 
first therefore, is "an ethic phenomenon of no ordinary interest." 
But the learned Judge seems to think, it has become rude in the pro- 
gress of time, in a comparative construction with those lohich have since 
been adopted. Now the writer thinks, that the Virginian Constitu- 
tion is not only the first ivritten social compact, that ever was made, 
but the best that has ever been yet made; and that this will most evi- 
dently appear, from its comparative construction, with all, or any of 
those which have been subsequently adopted, and that those are the 
worst, which have made most innovations upon its original princi- 
ples, until, in the fantastical refinements introduced into those of the 
more recent dates tiicy hardly have left even the semblance of prac- 
tical Constitutions. IBat their refined Utopian authors, perhaps with- 
out intending it, have well nigh thrown the whole human family, 
within their respective spheres, back to a state of nature. The Judge 
proceeds — "Like the source of the Nile, which has attracted the at- 
tention of Kings and nations, it is not so much the intrinsic magnifi- 
cence of the object that excites the sensibility, as the resulting majesty 
and fertility." — The learned Judge seems not to be more fortunate in 
his oriental style of illustration, than the iashionable political schem- 
ers of the day, who endeavour to hide trom view, the inanity of their 
own conceptions, by a coarse covering of tinsel ornament. Instead 
of any similitude, nothing can be in more complete contrast, than the 
supposed insignificance of the source of the Nile, and the real intrinsic 
magnificence of the Virginian Constitution, the original, great and 
pure poliiical fountain of living waters. The one he admits to be an 
ethic phenomenon of no ordinary interest, but seems to consider its 
only interest to consist, in its having been the first "ethic phenom- 
enon ;" whereas, its greatest value and wonder are, that it is the best 
of its kind, and that it? majesty and utility consist more in its being 



30 



the lest than tlie first "ethic (and the learned Judge might have add- 
ed great political) phenomena" and directly contrasted with the source 
of the Nile. This pure original fountain imparts nothing but fertil- 
ity around it; whilst its devious streams have become polluted with 
the poisonous drugs of fantastical theoretic notions, which at this 
moment threaten the very existence, as the writer thinks, of the whole 
republican body politic—" Eccc Signa" — Original fountain — Con- 
stitution of Virginia. 

Section 1. "That the right of suffrage in the election of members 
of both houses shall remain as exercised at present," — This right, as 
then exercised, was the freehold right of suffrage. There is no delu- 
sive catch of the imagination, nor tinsel ornament in this sentence. 
It is all wisdom — all solid virgin ore. It is, in the opinion of the 
writer, the wisest sentence, that ever was written in any Constitution 
tinto this day — and of more real value, and ntility in itself, than all 
the provisions in all the other subsequently written Constitutions put 
together. It fixed fhe Constitution of Virginia upon terra firma, 
the only indeetructible substance made by God for the use of man. 
This great principle was of olden time; the wisdom of the sentence 
consists, not in the invention of a novelty, but in the application of 
this old principle, to a new state of things. The principle was not 
original; it had existed from time, " whereof the memory of man run- 
neth not to the contrary." It was known to have existed above fifteen 
centuries; and whenever, and wherever, it did exist, it always was also 
known to have produced good results. Its opposers call it a preju- 
dice of more than fifteen centuries standing. — Such a prejudice is 
pretty well backed by experience. It must be a steady, stubborn 
prejudice, that was backed by fifteen centuries good report, in times 
of war; in times of peace; in times of civil convulsions. It was 
this experience which gave the character of wisdom, to the adoption 
of this principle. The illustrious authors of the Virginian Constitu- 
tion were under very different mental impressions and excitements 
from those of the Utopian schemers of the day. Those were deli- 
berating "with ropes round their necks." Those knew if they did 
not make a sound, efficient government, they Avould be hung^ "one 
by one." These are in perfect security, sporting in the Elysian 
fields, the inheritance from our fathers; cogitating but little, indulg- 
ing themselves like the administrators of the General Government, 
in playing fantastical pranks, or amusing their imaginations with 
sportive, delusive, visions. The results correspond with this differ- 
ent condition of the actors in these difterent scenes. The wise authors 
of the first written social compact founded it on experience. Upon 
strict inquiry, it will appear, that this foundation is approved, and 
dictated by nature, by reason, by philosophy, and by justice, as well 
as by experience; such is the first ethic, political phenomenon. Its 
foundation is solid and indestructible. Its great interest is seen in 
its magnificence and utility. These are sufficient to excite the sen- 
isibilty, and even wonder of all. 



37 



" Devious fertilizing streams'^ — subsequent Constitutions, 
These have all departed from the original fountain ; they have en- 
deavoured to improve the purity of its waters, by introducing into 
these fertilizing streams, the principle of general suffrage. Its foun- 
dation, delusive mistaken notions of the rights of man; not an in- 
destructible substance, but the writer thinks an imaginary vision, 
a fantastical novelty. No experience for its support; no nature, no 
reason, no philosophy, no justice, no consistency in its composition. 
Each stream is as variant from the rest, as it is devious from the ori- 
ginal fountain. Each reproaching its fellow, with error in its rami- 
fications. This novelty, this innovation, this mistaken vision, is now 
also brought to the test of experience. Let that experience deter- 
mine their respective merits in their comparative construction through 
the progress of time. 

" Original fountain''^ — Constitution of Virginia. 
Section 15. '^The Governor with the advice of the Privy Couu- 
cil, shall appoint Justices of peace for the counties, and in case of 
vacancies, or a necessity of increasing the number hereafter, such 
appointments to be made upon the recommendation of the respective 
county courts." Here the same caution and wisdom are conspicu- 
ously manifested, which dictated the other provision. The county 
courts system had been long tried, and had always been found the 
purest, and best system for the administration of justice, that had 
appeared in the world. It was the cheapest, it was the most moral, 
it was the most just, it was the most beneficent to the poor. Through 
the county court system, justice was administered "freely without 
reward." The Justices received no compensation for their services, 
at least in their judicial character; they enjoyed in rotation the she- 
riffalty — This was an inadequate, and contingent compensation, but 
it was received in a ministerial, not in a Judicial character, and did 
not add a cent to the burthens of the people. — Tliis system made 
every Justice of the peace strictly a conservator of the peace, both 
in feeling and interest. It is his interest to keep his neighbours in 
peace, and nature herself co-operates with his interest in the good 
work. Hence the good moral tendencies, of this wise, impartial, be- 
nevolent system. — 

"Devious fertilizing streams''^ — subsequent Constitutions. 
These have attempted to improve the original system by substitut- 
ing for the principle of administering justice "freely without re- 
ward," the perquisite system. In the opinion of the writer, the most 
expensive, and worst that human genius can devise. Its foundation 
is corruption — its effects favouritism. — It bribes every Justice of the 
peace to become a common disturber of the peace. — It corrupts the na- 
tural good feelings of man towards his fellow man, by making his emo- 
luments to depend upon strife and contention amongst them. These 
emoluments, too, are chiefly burthens upon the poor. — The whole so- 
ciety becomes corrupt, through this system, by extending its polutions 



38 

to the mkldlincj class, which must be considered the very heart of' 
society. The original fouiilain imparls its purlt\ to the middling class, 
and thus keeps the heart of society immaculate. How does this elhic 
phenomenon licre appear in comparative construction with the devi- 
ous fertilizing streams through the progress of timef Does it appear 
rude .'' Does it appear tinsel .'' Does it not appear pure and solid ore ? 

" Original fotinfain^^ — Constiiut'ion of Virginia. 

PRINCIPLES OF ELECTIONS BY INTERMEDIATE AGENTS BETWEEN 
THE PEOPLE AND THEIR OFFICERS. 

The Constitution of Virginia adopts this principle in relation to 
all executive. Judicial, ministerial and military officers. In no coun- 
try in the world, are these officers more judiciously appointed, witli 
so little noise, trouble and expense, and under so little influence from 
the corrupt electioneering spirit. The principle of the Constitution 
of Virginia is: that all the political duties of man, in his individual 
character, consist in choosing his legislative representatives. It is the 
duty of the legislative representatives to make all laws for the obser- 
vance of the people, or to prescribe the rules of conduct for society. 
In this essentially consists the liberty of man. All officers who are 
found necessary to carry these laws into effect, or to enforce the ndcs 
of conduct thus prescribed, are appointed by intermediate agents. 

'^Devious fertilizing streams'''' — subsequent Constitution!;. 
These have attempted to improve this principle, by the adoption 
of the principle of universal elections by universal suffrage. Hom^ 
specious in theory!!! How mischievous in practice!!! Time in 
its progression is now bringing this refinement, this favourite theory, 
to the touch-stone of experience, and what is the result? Universal 
electioneering — Universal corruption. — A waste of morals, — A waste 
of time. — A waste of labor. — A waste of Whiskey. — All united, 
involving the most expensive system of appointment that could be 
devised, and the expense of morals, infinitely worse than the ex- 
pense of time, labor and money. The frequency of election? 
under this beautiful, fascinating system, having been found burthen- 
some and inconvenient: Alabama has improved upon this refinement 
The improvement consisted in having all the elections, of all legis- 
lative, executive, judicial and ministerial officers on the same day. 
What were the effects of this refined expedient in the last elections 
in that State ? The Huntsville newspapers attempted to draw the 
picture; but they said to do it justice was beyond their art. They 
described the whole country to be in a stale of prostration, by the 
delicious fumes of whiskey, for three months before the great Jubilee 
of universal suffrage for universal offices. The Governor, the Judges, 
the Justices of peace, the Sheriffs, the Constables, and every other 
office-hunter, were seen trampoosing the whole State, for the laudi- 
ble purpose of corrupting the voters and preparing them by due liba- 
tions of whiskey, to exercise their great franchise to the best advan- 
tage for their beloved country, and for their own honour and inter- 
ests. Upon the arrival of the great Alabama Jubilee, the town of 



39 

HuntsvlUe is portrayed in all the fascinations of revelry and intoxi- 
cation. Numberless bottles of whiskey, fantastically arranged in fan- 
tastical rows, all decorated with ingenious, fantastical labels, to attract 
the attention of voters, and to entice them to drink deep of their 
Pyerian contents, as the necessary qualification to enable them to 
perform their first duty as good citizens, the exercise of the great 
right of universal franchise for the good of their country, and for 
the dignity of man. Tiie writer speaks confidently with respect to the 
practical eflects of this fascinating theory of universal elections by 
universal sufirage, because he is informed, that a very general inter- 
course has taken place, and conlinucs between the citizens of Virgi- 
nia, and the Stales now enjoying the practical curses of these 
refined improvements; and that their own observations have pro- 
duced an almost universal conviction, even against former prepo- 
sessions, of the practical blessings of the long tried, solid principle 
of the freehold right of sufirage. Virginian principles have almost 
become proverbial. They are universally admitted, even by the 
modern craft of trafficking refinements, and in the unholy ephemeral 
triumph of modern craft, over old morals, Virginia principles are at- 
tempted to be held up to derision and cojitempt. Now, Virginia 
principles are nothing more than habitual good morals of more than 
half a century standing. Can it be conceived that an uniform moral 
eflect, for above half a century, could be produced without a cause.'* 
To what cause then sliall be ascribed this uniform moral eff^ect 
upon Virginia for above half a century? Surely to nothing but the 
uniform moral tendency of her fundamental laws. Look now to 
the uniform eflects of the immoral tendencies of more modern re- 
finements. They will be found in craft — in trafficking — in election- 
eering — in corruption. How, now, does the first ethic phenomenon 
appear in the progress of time upon a comparative construction with 
modern tinsel refinements of glittering imaginary delusions.'' 

In the progress of refinement but one more step is necessary to 
throw the human family back to a state of nature; that would be to 
multiply offices, so as to have as many officers as voters, and to per- 
mit every voter to vote for himself. In that case the rights of man 
would be enjoyed with perfect fruition, without a limitation or re- 
straint upon the great natural right of elective franchise, and man 
would then find himself exactly v^here he started, with his attempt to 
form a written social compact. The writer has thrown out these 
general hints, not as systematic demonstrations, but merely as ran- 
(lorn shot, to call the attention of others by the sound of the tocsin, 
to the contemplation of these deeply interesting subjects at this mo- 
mentous crisis — a crisis big with the fate of our venerated funda- 
mental laws, the precious inheritance of our beloved illustrious fa- 
thers and benefactors. 

The writer himself becoming more interested, and animated in the 
progress of his own contemplations, cannot avoid calling the public 
attention to two other extracts from the interesting reflections of J. C. 
"In justice to the memory of this great and venerated man, it af- 
fords me the most heartfelt pleasure to furnish these documents for 



40 

publication. He was truly a statesman ot' the genuine republican 
cast. Every sentiment he uttered whilst in the Convention, which 
formed the Federal Constitution, as well as in that of the State which 
ratified it, demonstrates the truth of this remark. "He was a most 
decided enemy to all constructive and implied powers." 
-Again: 

" His declaration of rights, considering the time and circumstances 
in which it was written, will justly place him high in the temple of 
fame, by the side of the immortal author of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, where millions yet unborn will contemplate them with 
hearts overflowing with gratitude, and tongues expressing the warm- 
est benedictions upon their names." 

From these quotations it would seem, that their author really 
thought the great principles of liberty, first ushered forth by George 
Mason of 1776 — were still in practical use; and that millions yet 
wnborn would hereafter participate in their practical blessings. Now 
the writer thinks, either that J. C. must disregard the nexv principles 
proclaimed by the President of the United States, or that the old 
principles of George Mason of 1776, did not survive the first half 
century after their promulgation, and are now dead and gone — en- 
lombed with the capulets. To ascertain this point, the writer will 
present two specimens of George Mason's principles of 1776; and 
two of John Quincy Adams, President of the United States of 1825 
— and leave it to others to extend the contrast. 

''LOOK ON THIS PICTURE." 

Bill of Rights, llih Section. — GEORGE Mason of 1776. 
^'That all power is invested in and consequently derived from the 
people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all 
iinoes amenable to them." 

Bill of Rights, Section 25. — George Mason of 1776. 
"That no free government, or the blessing of liberty can be pre- 
served to any people, but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, 
temperance, frugallity and virtue, and by frequent recurrence to fun- 
damental 'principles J'^ 

' NOW LOOK ON THIS PICTURE." 

President's Message. — John Quincy Adams, of 1825. 
"But moral, political, anci intellectual improvement, are duties, 
assigned by the author of our existence, to social, no less than to in- 
dividual man^ 

PRESIEENT'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 

John Quincy Adams, of 1825. 

Extract from the Inaugurcd Address. 

" To the topic of Internal Improvement, emphatically urged by 

him at his inauguration, 1 recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that 

from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, 

who are in future ages to people this continent, will derive their most 



41 

forvent gratitude to the founders of the Union ; that on which the 
most beneficent action of its government will be most deeply ielt and 
acknowledged. The magnificence and splendor of their public works 
are among the imperishable glories of the Ancient Republics. The 
roads and aqueducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after 
ages; and have survived thousands of years after all her conquests 
have been swallowed up in despotism, or become the spoil of Bar- 
barians." 

Extract from the Message. 
"The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimu- 
lates the heart and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens 
alone, but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While 
dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence of 
our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that Liberty is Pow- 
er; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of Liberty, must, 
in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation upon earth ; 
and that the tenure of power by man, is, in the moral purposes of his 
Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of benefi- 
cence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow men. — 
While foreign nations, less blessed with that freedom which Is power, 
than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of 
public improvement; were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our 
arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will of our 
constituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence, 
and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority.'"' 

FURTHER SPECLMENS FOR ILLUSTRATION. 

The opinion of John Quincy Adams on the subject of Internal Im- 
provements. 

" The question of the power of Congress to authorise the making of 
Internal Improvements, is in other words, a question whether the peo- 
ple of this Union, in forming their common social compact as avow- 
edly for the purpose of promoting the general welfare, have perform- 
ed their work in a manner so ineffably stupid as to deny themselves 
the means of bettering their own condition. I have too much respect 
for the intellect of my country to believe it. The first object of hu- 
man association, is the improvement of the condition of the associ- 
Tited. Roads and Canals are among the most essential means of im- 
proving the condition of nations, and a people which should deliber- 
ately by the organization of its authorised power, deprive itself of 
the faculty of multiplying its own blessings, would be as wise as a 
creator who should undertake to constitute a human being without a 
heart." 

MESSAGE. 

*' If these powers, and others enumerated in tbe Constitution, may 
be effectually brought into action by laws promoting the improve- 
ment of Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures, the cultivation 
and encouragement of the Mechanic and of the elegant Arts, the ad- 
vancement of Literature, and the progress of the Sciences, ornamen- 
.6' 



42 



tul and profound, to refrain from exercising them for tiie benefit of 
the People themselves, would be to hide in tlic earth the talent com- 
mitted to our charge — would be treaciiery to the most sacred of 



trusts." 



JS'oie. — "Universal elections by universal suflVage." The writer 
has been told, by those, who have had opportunities of making occu- 
lar observations upon the manner of carr3'ing this principle of elec- 
tion into effect; that it has been sifted to the bottom already by the 
activity, craft, and higgling of the electioneering Sj)irit it necessarily 
excites, and that its whole arcana have been found to consist, in one 
liomely old adage: "Birds of a feather flock togctlier"— -and that 
all the machinery necessary to give tills principle complete effect, 
consists, simply in counting all the birds of the same plumage in each 
separate flock, or still more simply in counting noses. Under the 
influence of this very simple ]irocess, it is now (bund that nearly all 
the Justices of the Peace, Clerks of Courts, Sheriffs, Constables, 
&:c. &c. are elected from that numerous flock of birds, whose plumage 
is of the deepest black — the crows. 

JVote. — "Which rights do pertain to llicm, (the people,) and their 
posterity, as the basis and foundation of government." Poor poste- 
rity!! ! None of these rights can pertain to you, if the new rights 
claimed by the President, be awarded to him by the present genera- 
tion. " But moral, political, and iniellectual improvements are du- 
ties assigned hy the author of our existence, to social, no less than to 
individual man." Now, if the President meant that one particle of 
power, or duty, were derived to him under the term, '^ social man,^^ 
hy assignment from the author of our existence; then the whole doc- 
trine of the derivation of all political power from the people, becomes 
at once annihilated: Because, duty is a consequence of power. If 
there be no power, there can be no duty — there can be no responsi- 
bility, if there be no power to act; and because there can be no limi- 
tation whatever, upon the assignment of powers or duties by the au- 
thor of our existence to social, or ofjicial, as contrasted with individual 
man. These powers and duties are in their nature unlimited; and 
they are also paramount, being of origin divine. When this point 
is |)ressed upon the President's advocates they say: The President 
did not mean that. What then did he nieani* They cannot tell. — ^ 
The writer thinks this defence places the President in this dilemma. 
If the President did not understand Ins own message, in its relation 
to the great principle of human liberty, he ought to be removed for 
liis folly. It he did understand its meaning, and he did niean to say 
to Congress, that one particle of power, or duty was derived to the 
General Government by assignment from the author of our existence, 
or from divine origin, one particle of power being thus derived, in- 
cluding all power, moral, political, and Intellectual, then the writer 
speaking his opinion freely, thinks, he ought to be removed for his 
ambition, his vanity, his audacit}', and liis folly condjined. Strong 
terms, but not stronger the writer thinks, than are necessary and pro- 



43 

per, to oust tlie doctrine of the Divine right of Kings, upon its lirsi; 
violation into our fundamental code. George Mason of 1776, was 
opposed to all constructive or implied powers — John Quincy Adams 
of 1825, claims power from a paramount source, which puts all con- 
struction at defiance. 

J^ote — " Constitution of Virginia" — *' Declaration of Indepeii^ 
dence" — The Constitution of Virginia, in its origin and nature, is a 
very different paper from the Declaration of Independence, and is 
intrinsically of infinitely more value to the whole human race. It is 
a written social compact, and the first social compact that ever was 
written. The Declaration of Independence was nothing more than 
an act of diplomacy; it was made by mere diplomatic agents from 
sovereign States, acting under instructions from, and amenable to 
them, in their corporate characters. The agents were ambassadors; 
their votes were given by States; their acts operated on the States in 
their corporate characters; were mere recommendations, and so call- 
ed. The Senators in the present Congress, vote individually, and 
not b;y States; each Senator having a right to one vote, guaranteed 
to him by the Constitution. His acts or laws, operate upon the peo- 
ple individually, and not upon the States corporately. In this con- 
sists essentially the difference of the rights of the old ambassadors, 
and ihe present Senators in Congress. The members of the old 
Congress, at the time of making the Declaration of Independence, 
were placed upon the ground, upon which it is proposed to place the 
members of (he projected Congress at Panama, and afford an in- 
structing example of the intimate political associations wiiich may 
grow out of that Congress, amongst all the States sending constituent 
members thereto. There were no articles of confederation amongst 
the States, at the time of the Declaration of Independence, nor until 
more than two years afterwards, to wit: Gth July, 1778, when the^o 
articles were first agreed upon. These then sovereign States, are 
now nearly stripped of all their sovereignty, by their own folly anil 
credulity. By listening to specious devices, and heedlessly yielding 
to delusive usurpations, on the part of the General Government. — 
The Declaration of Independence, therefore, has not the least sem- 
blance of a social compact in its composition; a social compact is 
made by man in his natural character; and consists of the written 
terms upon which he is willing to change his natural for his social 
condition. This was the great work which was wanting to assert 
and secure the liberties of mankind; and this great work was achiev- 
ed by our noble intrepid ansestors, amidst appalling perils, on tlie- 
29th June 1776. It is the proudest day in the whole calendar; and 
worthy of the highest commemoration. 



t^ROM THE ENQUIRER, APRIL 22, 1825. 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. 

NO. V. 

Jurisdiction over Persons — or, the Missouri Question. 

In a former communication, the writer makes the following re- 
marks : 

" But this question, State jurisdiction over persons and things 
within the limits of the States respectively, lias been most deliberate- 
ly settled by a Legislative interpretation of the' Constitution, made 
by Congress on the 2d March, 1807, attended with every circum- 
stance, which could give the most solemn and certain sanction to 
precedent. No further inquiry would be here made respecting the 
great fundamental principle. It shall receive a separate and distinct 
consideration." 

The writer now proceeds to perform this task; and conceiving the 
principle involved in the inquiry to be of the first importance to eve- 
ry State in the Union, and of vital importance to the Slave-holding 
States particularly, he hopes to be excused, for begging the serious 
and profound attention of all intelligent men to this momentous sub- 
ject, rendered doubly interesting at the present crisis, in consequence 
of the impassioned excitements upon the subject of slavery, produced 
by the discussion of the Missouri question and other exciting causes. 
If any doubt had heretofore existed respecting the magnitude of this 
inquiry, two resolutions recently moved in the Senate, the one by 
Mr. Rufus King, the other by'Mr. Hayne, will dissipate such doubt. 
It is not the intention of the writer, to go at large into the examina- 
tion of this question. His chief object is, to call the attention of 
others to it. He will introduce two sections of a law of Congress, 
passed on the 2d of March, 1807, for prohibiting the introductioti 
of Slaves into the United States from and after the 1st January, 
1808, agreeably to a provision of the Constitution for that purpose; 
and give such history of the circumstances, which led to the provi- 
sions to those sections, as may serve to facilitate the just interpreta- 
tion of them. 

Extracts from an act, entitled, " an act to prohibit the importation 
of Slaves into any port or place ivithin the jurisdiction of the United 
States, from and after the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord, 
one thousand eight hundred and eight." 

Sect. 4. And be it further enated, If any citizen or citizens of the 
United States, or any person resident within the jurisdiction of the 
same, shall, from and after the 1st day of January, one thousand 
eight hundred and eight, take on board, receive, or transport from 
^ny of the coasts or kingdoms of Africa, or from any other foreiga 

A 



• J 



Kingdom, place, or country, any negro, ninlalto, or person of colour, 
in any ship, or vessel, for the purpose of selling them in any port or 
place within the jurisdiction of the United States, as Slaves, or to be 
held to service or labour, or shall be in any ways aiding or abetting 
therein, such citizen or citizens, or person, shall, severally, forfeit and 
pay 5000 dollars; one moiety thereof to the use of any person or 
persons who shall sue for and prosecute the same to eflect, and every 
such ship or vessel, in which such negro, mulatto, or person of colour, 
shall have been taken on board, received, or transported, as afore- 
said, her tackle, apparel, and furniture, and the goods and effects 
whicii shall be found on board the same, shall be forfeited to the 
United States, and shall be liable to be seized, prosecuted, and con- 
demned, in any of the circuit courts or district courts, in the district 
where the said ship may be found or seized. [And neither the im- 
porter, nor any person or persons claiming from or under him, shall 
hold any right or tftle whatsoever to any negro, mulatto, or person 
of colour, nor to the service or labour thereof, who may be import- 
ed or brought within the United States, or territories thereof, ia 
violation of -this law ; but the same shall remain subject to any regu- 
lations not contravening the provisions of this act, which the legisla- 
tures of the several States or Territories at any time hereafter may 
make, for disposing of any such negro, mulatto, or person of co- 
lour.] 

Sect. 6. And be it further enacted, That if any person or persons 
whatsoever shall, from and after the lirst day of January, one thous- 
and eight hundred and eight, purchase or sell any negro, mulatto or 
person of colour, for a slave, or to be held to service or labour, who 
shall have been imported or brought from any foreign kingdom, 
place, or country, or from the dominions of any foreign State imme- 
diately adjoining the United States, into any port or place within 
the jurisdiction of the United States after the last day of December, 
one thousand eight hundred and seven, knowing at the time of such 
purchase or sale, such negro, mulatto, or person of colour, was so 
brought within the jurisdiction of the United States, as aforesaid, 
such purchaser and seller shall, severally, forfeit and pay, for every 
negro, mulatto, or person of colour, so purchased or sold, as afore- 
said, eight hundred dollars; one moiety thereof to the United States, 
and the odier moiety to the use of any person or persons who shall 
sue for and prosecute the same to effect. [Provided, That the afore- 
said forfeiture shall not extend to the seller or purchaser of any ne- 
gro, mulatto, or person of colour, who may be sold or disposed of 
in virtue of any regulation which may hereafter be made by any of 
the legislatures of the several States in that respect, in pursuance of 
this act, and the Constitution of the United States.] 

When the bill was before the committee of the Senate, who framed 
it, an inquiry took place respecting all the material circumstances at- 
tending the African Slave trade. Amongst other facts, it was in 
proof; that the Slaves were generally crowded in the slave vessels, 
and the vessels themselves in a filthy condition ; from which circum- 
stances, and the coarse and scanty fare furnished, the Slaves gene- 



3- 

rally arrived in this country in a s?ickly condition ; and required im- 
mediate landing for tlieir relief. These facts induced the committee 
to abandon all attempts at making provisions for their immediate re- 
turn to Africa in cases of captures by American cruisers ; which ' 
measure would have been preferred, if deemed practicable. Their 
landing in the United Slates thus becoming necessary, a qxiestion , 
arose under what jurisdiction they would be placed, when brought 
into any port of the United States within the limits of any particular "^ 
Slate or Territory ? Would they be placed under the jurisdiction 
of the United States; or under that of the particular State or Ter- 
ritory; within whose limits, they should be landed.'* Here then the 
question of jurisdiction, between the United States and the individu- 
al State or Territories, as to the condition of persons brought within 
the limits of any State or Territory, was directly presented for con- 
sideration. The writer believes no subject ever presented to Con- 
gress, demanded or received more investigation and consideration ; 
the result of which was, that the jurisdiction was decided to be ex- 
clusively in the individual States and Territories ; and the two provi- 
soes—to the 4ih and 6th sections were prepared with an express 
view to a legislative interpretation of the Constitution upon that mo^' 
mentous question. 

The following circumstances attending the decision of Congress ^ 
contained in the provisoes of the 4th and Gth sections of the bill, give 
the highest possible sanction to the precedent. 

1st. The question of jurisdiction was directly and singly broughj 
into consideration. 

2d. The question was discussed upon its own intrinsic merits 5 
uninfluenced by any extrinsic considerations whatever. Truth alone 
was its object/uninfliienced by electioneering, or any other fanatical 
excitements. 

3d. The question arose from a specific ^oj£>er gmni'etZ by the Con- 
stitution, to the Federal Government, growing out of a general 
power retained by the States respectively, and the object of the pro- 
visoes was, to draw the precise boundary line, between the granted 
and the retained power. The greatest possible attention, therefore, 
was bestowed upon every word of the two provisoes. 

4th. The discussion was long, considerate, and dispassionate ; and 
eventuated in the conviction of every member of both Houses of 
Congress, that the jurisdiction over persons, was with the States re- ^ 
spectively. The bill passed unanimously in the Senate, as is be- ^ 
lieved, the ayes and nays not being taken, and with five dissenting 
votes in the House of Representatives.— Those votes were under- 
stood to have been given against the bill, in consequence of other 
objections. 

The principle contained in these provisoes, produced the discussion 
of the Ibllowing questions. Has slavery existed from the beginning 
of the world to this day, as far as authentic accounts of the human 
race have been recorded .' Is slavery recognised and sanctioned b^'^ 
the Constitution of the United States? Is slavery recognised and 
sanctioned bv the Holy Scriptures ^ Is slavery recognised and sancr 



tioncd by international law ? Is slavery recognised and enforced 
by tlie municipal laws of individual nations? and particularly by the 
municipal laws of the several States?* 

What coercive acts, performed by one, or a number of persons 
upon the body, or bodies of others, would have the eftect of reducing 
those others, to a state of slaver}', or in other words to subjection to 
the will and disposition of the person, or persons, exercising these 
coercive acts, according to the municipal laws of individual nations, 
and the sanctions of international law? 

All these questions were most ably discussed, upon legal, political 
and philosophical grounds ; and eventuated in the conviction of 
every one ; that, notwithstanding the refined sensibilities of the pre- 
sent times, slavery then was, and always hsid been, a legal and actu- 
al condition of man ; as deduced from all the preceding authorita- 
tive texts. 

The clause in the Constitution which authorised the passage of 
the bill from which the foregoing sections are taken, is in the follow- 
ing words; 

" The migration or importation of such persons, as any of the 
States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohi- 
bited by the Congress, prior to the year eighteen hundred and 
eight; but, a tax or duty n)ay be imposed on such importation, not 
exceeding ten dollars for eacli person." 

The preceding part of the 4th section, having interdicted the im- 
portation of Slaves into the United States, concludes as follows:— 
*' And neidier the importer, nor any person, or persons claiming 
from or under him, shall hold any right, or title whatsoever, to any 
negro, mulatto, or person of colour, nor to the service, or labour 
thereof, who may be imported, or brought within the United States, 
or Territories thereof, in violation of this law; but the same shall 
remain subject to any regulations, not contravening the provisions 
of this act; which the legislatures of the several States, or Territo- 
ries, at any time thereafter, may make, for disposing of any such ne- 
gro^ mulatto, or person of colour.^'' 

The first part of this clause goes to declare, " that neither the im- 
porter, &c. shall hold any right, or title to any negro, Sic. who may 
be imported, or brought within the United States, or Territories 
thereof, in violation of this law/' Here stops the jurisdiction of the 



JVote — *" Is slavery recognise<l and enforced b}' the municipal 
laws of individual nations and particularly by the municipal laws of 
the several States?" The following clause taken from the 3rd sec- 
tion of the 4th article of the Constitution of (he United States, will 
answer that inquiry, both as to the United States and the several 
States. 

*' No person held to service or labour in one State under the laws 
thereof escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or 
jegulation therein, be discharged from such labour, but shall be de- 
livered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour nvay 
f^e due " 



United States, under the foregoing clause of the Constitution— It does 
not pretend to exercise any jurisdiction whatever over the person of the 
negro, Sic. but it then proceeds virtually to disclaim all right to such 
jurisdiction, and virtually to declare that such jurisdiction is in 
the States and Territories, within whose limits, such negro, &;c. may 
be brought respectively. The words are, " but the same shall re- 
main subject to any regulations, not contravening the provisions of 
this act, which the legislatures of the several States, or Territories, at any 
time hereafter, may make for disposing of any such negro, mulatto, or 
person of colour.'''' This clause contains a virtual disclaimer of juris- 
diction on the part of the United States, and a declaration, that the 
same shall remain subject to any regulations not contravening the pro- 
visions of this act, which the legislatures of the several States, or 
Territories, at any time hereafter, may make, ^c. Here then it will 
be seen, that the jurisdiction over persons is declared to be in the 
legislatures of the Territories, as well as of the States ; to be exer- 
cised not merely now, but at any time hereafter, at their own discre- 
tion. It seems to be the opinion of some, that new States may be 
adipilted into tlie Union upon a diflerent footing, as to rights from 
the original Slates. This is manifestly an error of opinion, proba- 
bly arising from observing that in the 3d section of the 4th article of 
the Constitution, the words used, do not exclude conditions. The 
words are, *' new States may be admitted bv Congress into this 
Union." 

But, the words of the Constitution, which do directly exclude all 
conditions, by referring it to tlie ordinance, for the government of 
the territory of the United States, north west of the river Ohio, are 
the following : Article 6, " all debts contracted, and engagements en- 
tered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid 
against the United States under this Constitution, as under the con- 
federation." This ordinance was passed on the 13th July, 178J, 
during the confederation, and contains the following " engagements'''* 
on the part of the United States : " And whenever any oi" the said 
States shall have 60,000 free inhabitants therein, such State shall be 
admitted by its delegates into the Congress of the United States, on 
an equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatever.^' 

Comments might obscure, but could not make plainer the rights 
of the Territories to admission into the United States, upon an equal 
footing with the original States, in all respects whatever. 

The body of the 6th section, goes to prohibit the selling, or pur- 
chasing any negro, he. brought within the limits of the United 
States, and to annex penalties to the violation of that provision; then 
follows this proviso : " Provided, that the aforesaid forfeiture shall 
not extend to the seller, or purchaser of any negro, mulatto, or per- 
son of colour, who may be sold or disposed of in virtue of any regu- 
lation which may hereafter be made by any of the legislatures of the 
several States in that respect, in pursuance of this act, and the Con- 
stiiuiion of the United States." In this proviso, will be seen a vir- 
tual disclaimer of all right to annex any penalty whatever to the 
seller, or purchaser of any neg^ro, &c. who may be sold or disposed 



of, in virtue o( any regulation ivhlch may hereafter be made by any of 
the legislatures of the several States in that respect, in pursuance of 
this act, and the Constitution of the United States. Here is a decla- 
ration, that the power to be exercised by the State legislatures, in 
respect to their jurisdiction over the negroes, &tc. is to be exercised 
m pursuance of this act, and the Constitution of the United States. — 
Virtually declaring, that the provisions of this act, are grounded up- 
on, and are in conformity with, the Constitution of the United States; 
and that the provisions of this act, are intended as a legislative in- 
terpretation of the Constitution of the United Slates. If this be a 
just view of this subject, was it not a most extraordinary thing, that 
the government of the United States should afterwards attempt to re- 
sume jurisdiction over this subject, whilst this principle of the law, re- 
mained unrepealed in its own statute book? Was it not more ex- 
traordinary, that this law was overlooked altogether, during the long 
continued discussion of the Missouri Question ? The writer pre- 
tends not to have seen the whole of that unfortunate mischievous 
discussion ; but as far as it came before him, there was no reference 
whatever to the provisions of this law. From these circumstances, 
the writer has been led to suppose, that he must have been mistaken 
in his interpretation of the meaning and application of this hiw to 
the Missouri Question ; but upon reviewing it over and over again, 
he cannot disconnect them. It still appears to him, that the princi- 
ple decided in these provisions, ought definitely to have settled that 
question. He tlierefore begs the attention of others to this exposi- 
tion, as applicable to that momentous question ; the effects of wliich 
are not yet over. 

If the principle contained in these provisions, be the settled law of 

J the United States, or if it ought to be the law of the United S'ates 
nhcther settled, or not, founded upon the just, and correct in- 
terpretation of the Constitution; then a question arises, respect- 
ing the constitutional validity of the principle ; or rather of the 
bargain, by which the Missouri Question was finally settled. — 
If the territorial, as well as the State Legislatures possessed the ex- 
clusive jurisdiction over the persons of individuals within their re- 
spective limits, could any thing have been more unprincipled, pre- 
sumptuous and arbitrary, than the attempt of Congress, to annex 
conditions to the admission of a Territory into the Union, upon the 
footing of -the original States, involving the right of jurisdiction in 

<^ Congress over this subject, which exclusively belong to the territory 
itself, before it? admission into the Union, and to the State aficnvards? 
Is not this bargained line of demarcation, between the Territories, 
which may be admitted into the Union hereafter, without the condi- 
tion ; and those, which are subjected to it, a mere nullity, in conse- 
quence of its direct contravention of the Constitution, according to 
the interpretation unanimously put on it by Congress itself? But 
another question arises from this unprincipled, bargaining sort of 
legislation. 

Suppose a Territory be admitted info the Union hereafter, sub- 
ject to the condition imposed by the bargain ; and after its adrais= 



sloii, tlie State Legislature were to determine upon the admission ot 
Slaves into such admitted State, would it not have the undoubted 
right to do so? and upon what principle of right, could Congress 
control its exercise by s.uch State, after its own abandonment of all 
jurisdiction over the subject? Again, suppose Congress even could 
constitutionally exercise such power, would it be wise, or desi- 
rable that it should do so? when the eflect would be, to place the 
diflcrent States in the Union upon diflerent footings, as to rights ? — 
Nay, as to the most important right, with which the original States 
are invested ? That is, the right of jurisdiction over persons within its 
own limits. This inquiry may be extended further. Suppose any of the 
free States, self-called, Ohio for instance, in some capricious mood, 
should determine that all the coloured people, who have been invited 
to take refuge in that State, against the slavery of other Slates, 
should be Slaves within that State; would the Federal Government 
have the right to exercise any control over such determination? — 
Certainly not — the jurisdiction over persons within the limits of 
Ohio, being exclusively with the State authorities. Here then, Ohio 
would be invested with the power of jurisdiction over persons within 
its limits, which would be denied to another State admitted to the 
Union, subject to the bargained condition. Such are always the 
consequences of substituting bargains for principles in legislation. — 
Desertion of principle by bargaining, is the most mischievous vice 
in legislation. One bargain made against principle, in its opera- 
tions, necessarily begets other bargains for its support. Thus the 
protection of manufactures, being most unwisely bottomed upon im- 
post duties, which were necessarily high, whilst the public debt was 
great, have become in a less degree necessary, when the debt is con- 
siderably reduced, and will become less necessary until its final dis- 
charge, which is expected in a few years, the tariff cannot be corres- 
pondently reduced because the protecting fund depending upon im- 
post must be correspondently reduced also. Hence the various 
^schemes — tricks, and contrivances for keeping it up. Hence the 
rage for Internal Improvements, by the Federal Government. Hence 
Inaugural Aqueducts. Hence sinecures for retiring-Presidents, Vice- 
Presidents, and all other parasites, and favourites. Every vice in 
legislation, must be brought to play well its part in squandering the 
people's money for the purposes of protecting the darling scheme of 
American manufactures. 

So in relation to the future admission of a' State into the Union, 
stripped of its most important right of jurisdiction over persons, 
some new device, some new arbitrary exertion of power, must be in- 
vented to enforce the condition. Trace this vice of legislation in all 
its bearings, and it will be found productive of the most mischievous 
consequences in all its practical operations. But such is the evil 
scheming, trafficking order of the day ; that the great merit, and va- 
lue of the fashionable politician consists in his adroitness in driving 
legislative bargains; and the most skilful and cunning chap in driv- 
ing bargains, seems to be esteemed the most meritorious, and renown- 
ed legislator ; and whilst principles are thus disregarded, and for- 



gotten ; these trafficking chaps without any other pretensions to 
wisdom or morals, seem to claim political honors, almost sufficient 
for their deification; and wonderful to be told ! ! The unthinking, 
capricious people seem disposed to yield up their principles also, to 
admit their presumptuous claims ; and to pay divine honours lo 
their trafficking ephemeral politicians of the day. This subject may 
perhaps be resumed at some future time. 

TEMPORA MUTANTUR. 



1 



FROM THE RICHMOND ENQUIRER, APRIL 9, 1824. 

MR. GILES. 

[[n publishing the following letter, we can scarcely forbear the ex- 
pression of our wish tliat Mr. Giles had modified his strictures upon 
the President and Mr. Clay.— For ourselves, we do not relish this 
asperity of animadversion, but the press is free; and as Mr. Giles 
has chosen to write under his own name, we feel less scruple in pub- 
lishing his letters. — We do not, however, exercise the privilege, which 
he allows us in a private letter, of omitting if we wish it, " the inti- 
mation in relation to the press." We shall scarcely be so fastidious 
as to attempt to screen ourselves from the incidental effect of such re- 
marks, when we leave him at full liberty to pour in his whole quiver 
of arrows upon the President, and the Speaker. — E.ditors.'] 

To the Editors of the Enquirer. 

Gentlemen, 

ft is now about nine years sin^ce I retired from public 
life. For nearly twenty-five years before that time, I acted in some 
representative character in the public councils. During the whole 
of that period, I devoted the best rellections, and exerted the best 
energies of my mind, in promoting the public interests. I then fond- 
ly cherished the hope, that the Constitution, and practical Govern- 
ment of the United States, were destined to afford some resting place 
to the tost rights and liberties of man, at least on one spot of this 
globe. 1 fondly indulged the further hope; that the same Constitu- 
tioii, and practical Government, might in time become the means of 
transfusing these lost blessings throughout the world. Before my 
retirement, I saw, or feared I saw, some indications in the practical 
administration of the Government, of evil forebodings to these best 
hopes. These consisted principally, in the impatience, manifested 
by the administrators of the Government, Legislative, Executive and 
.ludicial, of the wholesome restraints imposed upon them by the pro- 
visions of the Constitution ; in a rapid succession of political schemes, 
calculated to free themselves from these restraints; and in the fatal 
success of too many of them. Since my retirement, there has been 
a much more rapid succession of such schemes, and such an increased 
multitude of adventurous schemers, as to have ripened these forebod- 
ings into the most serious alarms for the safety of all our fundamental 
institutions. Under the influence of these early fears, and apprehen- 
sions, I had determined in my retirement, to devote all the interval 
of leisure from attention to my private aflqiirs, in presenting to the 
consideration of my fellow-citizens, the most prominent causes of 
these fears, and apprehensions; the more especially as they related to 
a subject involving tl)e dearest, and deepest interests of the people. 
I believe, the time has now arrived, when almost every reflecting 
man in the community of all parties, is sensible, that there is some- 
thing wrong in our public councils, and that it is time for these fana- 



tical schemers to pause and to look back upon the miichietis lliey 
have done; before they proceed further in the destructive schemes, 
they have before them. The " hard times" universally, and justly 
complained of, ought to admonish the people to insist; that the pub- 
lic authorities should most seriously revise what they have done, be- 
fore they go further in their unbridled, mad career of political schem- 
ing. I ihink it can be demonstrated that the past as well as the pre- 
sent sufferings of the great mass of mankind, or in other words, the 
past and present " hard times" have been prodiiced by political 
schemers. In this country the great source of this alarming evil 
will be found in the electioneering spirit, which pervades the whole 
community from the pretender to the oflice of Constable, to the pre- 
tender to the oflice of President. My great fear upon this point is^ 
that this spirit is the necessary result of some fatally mistaken prin- 
ciples, introduced into some of our fundamental institutions, in their 
original formation. 

This restless, aspiring spirit, seems to have inverted the order of 
human morals. In seeking popularity, the electioneerer makes his 
court, to the vicious as well as to the virtuous, and so far destroys 
ail distinction in the moral sentiment of the country between virtue 
and vice. Indeed, this meretricious courtship is addressed more to 
the vicious, than to the virtuous, for two reasons. The one is, that 
the vicious are generally more ready than the virtuous, to compro- 
mise their preferences. The other is, that the vicious for the most 
part act by sympathies, and combinations. They are drawn into this 
concert, as a protection, against the influence of the moral sentiment 
of the virtuous. Whereas, the virtuous have no need of such con- 
cert. When the electioneerer, therefore, succeeds in making himself the 
favorite of the vicious, he generally gets their sufirages in flocks; when 
lie becomes the choice of the virtuous, he gets their sufirages singly 
from each individual, and not from sympathetic inducements. This 
spirit too, ciianges the objects of the human intellect. Instead of the 
inquiry; is the proposition presented for consideration true or false? 
will it be productive of good, or evil.'* is it constitutional or uncon- 
stitutional.'* The inquiry of tiiis electioneerer, is — is the proposition 
popular, or unpopular.'' On which side of it shall I get most votes: 
This spirit defies ail constitutional restraints; and feels insdUed, when 
impeded in its wild career, by being called upon, even to look to the 
Constitution, for its text. This spirit has even influenced the charac- 
ter, and objects of the orator of the country. The object of the 
electioneering Speaker, is not, to reason a priori 5 to demonstrate by 
arguments drawn from first principles; but to make a glittering 
speed), bespangled with corruscations of all sorts of figures— ad 
captandum vulgus; and to take the chances for sense, or nonsense. 

The present alarming condition of the presidential ofilcc, and the 
conduct of some of the aspirants to fill it, hereafter, present the most 
lamentable, but instructive exemplifications of tliese deprecated ln?th?. 
Nor can any consolation be found in a critical review of the conduct 
of the present incumbent. Let a very short review be made. The 
most prominent popular topics of the day, are " The South Ameri 



can cause"—" Tlie Greek cause" — " Internal Improvements" — = 
" The Tarifl'." — What has been the conduct of the incumbent in re- 
lation to all these popular currents? After having been forestalled 
by one of the boldest of the aspirants, in the case of South America, 
the incumbent bestrode himself upon this popular hobby; and spur- 
red him on through various courses to the recognition of the South 
and North American Governments. Not content with these achiev- 
ments, he actually spurred him up to a direct throw of the gauntlet, 
to all the legitimates of Europe. I express no opinion of the policy 
of this measure. I have no facts; and, therefore, no means of form- 
ing a correct one. It would depend upon the fact of assurances of 
support from Great Britain. But the principle is announced. It is 
—continental protection. In what attitude is the incumbent next 
seen ? Bestrode another popular hobby. — •' The Greek cause" — and, 
as if resolved, not to be forestalled again by tins bold, watching as- 
pirant; he mounted this hobby twelve months before he was entirely 
caparisoned for the race; and there he remained seated almost un- 
seen, and unnoticed, until the meeting of the present Congress; 
where all things being ready, he clapped spurs to his hobby, and 
torced him entirely out of the course. He flew from the American 
to the European continent; and there boldly threw the gauntlet* 



* " Threw the gauntlet again." — This secoaid throw was on the 
European, not the American continent. — I would most respectfully 
ask those chivalrous electioneering knights on horseback, Whether 
they have ever taken the trouble to inquire, who these legitimates are, 
thus set at defiance by this throw of the gauntlet, upon their own con- 
tinent.'' Do they consider that these legitimates despotically control 
the destinies, and direct the energies of above one hundred and fifty 
millions of people, how much soever to be regretted f and that they 
are as fanatical, chivalrous and excitable as the knights themselves.'' 
Have they ever thought of the character of the people, whose pow- 
ers and destinies are in the hands of these legitimates.'' That they 
possess almost all the science of that portion of the globe, with which 
we have most connexion.'' Almost all the skill in the fine arts — al- 
most all the military and mechanical skill — almost all the commer- 
cial capital and capacities.'' That they can supply us with many com- 
forts and conveniences, which we want, and take from us a great por- 
tion of the raw materials, which we do not want.f" With such a peo- 
ple, the traffic in the products of the human intellect alone — in the 
personal interchange of ideas — in the personal observations upon 
their improvements in the arts and sciences— even in their domestic 
economy, is of more value to the people of the United Slates, than 
all the barbarous, delusive, selfish schemes of the whole Tariff bill 
put together, if it were possible to realize them. Such are the gov- 
ernments, and people, whose physical powers have been set at defi- 
ance; and whose commercial capacities are proposed to be set at de- 
fiance, by the electioneerers of an unfledged republic of ten millions 
of people; and of forty years standing! Surely such comparison 
could not fail to convince these knights errant of their own impotent 
bravadoes. 



again. Upon what principle is not known ; but certainly not the con- 
tinental principle. Being a diiierent continent; it must be, on some 
unknown contradictory principle. Nevertheless; for both of these 
chivalrous exploits, achieved on difi'erent continents, and on oj)posite 
principles, the incumbent sought for popular wreaths to grace his 
daring triuiujihs. How was this last bold exploit received by the still 
bolder aspirant? Ill did he brook it! For, all alert, he fearlessly 
mounted behind the incumbent, and literally spurred the hobby to 
death. 

Even before the dulcet sounds of Mr. Speaker's* glittering, sym- 
pathising, gasconading, defying, impassioned Greek Speech had ceas- 
ed to vibrate on his own lougdc, he nobly gave out, fell down — gave 
up the ghost; and left both his riders prostrate in the dust. 

Still more singular things than these, wilt be seen in the conduct 
of the incumbent, in relation to the next popular hobby, "Internal 
Improvements." — A direct antagonist here appeared upon the turf — 
" State Rights." The incumbent mounted " Stale Rights" — but was 
soon distanced, thrown out of the course, disgraced and forgotten. 
What do we now hear? That the incumbent is convinced of his mis- 
take, and having dismounted "State Rights," is now firmly mount- 
ed upon "Internal Improvements." There are three extraordinary 
singularities in the incumbent's conduct respecting this subject. 

1st Singularity. The incumbent first announced his opinion 
against the constitutionality of " Internal Improvements" in his mes- 
sage to Congress. TMuis disrespecting the rights of Congress in the 
exercise of his constitutional veto by anticipation. 

2d Singularity. Alter the incumbent had thus announced his 
opinion, and further announced, that he had partly derived it by suc- 
cession, lie descended from his lofty official eminences to the indivi- 
duality of James JMonroe; and in many a newspaper column conde- 
scended to instruct his constituents as to the truth of his opinion by 
placing before them the manilbld reasons which had induced it. 

3d Singularity. It is now generally understood, I am told, that 
the incumbent had changed his opinion upon this great constitutional 
question. No reasons, however, are assigned for this change. We, 
therefore, can only conjecture what the reasons can be. Can it be 
believed, that the conversion was brought about by his own lucubra- 
tions, which were intended to proselyte others to his own first impres- 
sions.'* It would be strange indeed, if it were so. For, from the 
monotonous neutrality ot these lucubrations, it is believed, they ne- 
ver made any impressions at all u[)on any other human being. What 



* " fjililtt;rlng, sympathetic, gasconading, defying, impassioned 
(ircek speech."— This Cireek speecli being inteuded, it must be pre- 
sumed, as the emanations of the Speaker's mind, for the purpose of 
demonstrating liis qualifications for the Presidency, deserves, and 
may receive some further attention. I cannot help thinking, that 
Mr. Speaker himself would not be much pleased with the image he 
has thus made of himself, were it shewn to iiim through any other 
medium than his own self prepossessions. 







lias since happened, most likely to have had this strange effect upon 
the incumbent? New York has since completed a great and useful* 
canal — I sincerely hope to her great honor and greater profit. This 
has run the country wild for Internal Improvements. Is it not pos- 
sible, that the incumbent has taken the infection from the popular 
clamor; and that his strange conversion has been produced by men- 
tal sympathies.^ Can he not resist for a little while one popular whiff.' 
If he would have a little patience, I think, this popular whiff, like all 
the rest, will soon die away. If unforlunately it should not; we may 
look to it, for one very heavy item to the credit of "hard times." 
Because New York has made one great canal, where it was practi- 
cable, and vvanled, thousands of schemes for roads and canals in ma- 
ny instances, where they are neither practicable nor wanted, will be 
brought forth; and if successful, will swell the public expenditure to 
an enormous amount. I sincerely regret to see these things. I feel 
no disposition to comment on them. — In this case the aspirant was 
more fortunate in his selection. He mounted the popular hobby 
from the beginning; and has lately exhibited himself to all the peo- 
ple of the United States in extenso— and in triumphant attitude upon 
iiim.* 

In consequence of the perpetual hurlyburly of passionate excite- 
ments, produced by the electioneering spirit, it would seem from the 
newspapers that the people have fallen into one fatal error in estimat- 
ing the qnaliiies, and qualifications proper for the President of the 
United States. They seem to have mistaken the volubility of the 
tongue, for the wisdom of the head. They seem to think that a flip- 
pant prattler, would make as good a President, as a wise man. Wis- 
dom consists in the faculty of choosing the best object, and the best 
measures' for effectuating it. A wise man, is wise in conduct, and 
lirm in purpose. A prattler is seldom a wise man. Seldom wise in 
•conduct. His merit is in words. General Washington was a wise 
man. He was firm in purpose. He was no prattler. He never per- 

* " And in triumphant attitude upon him."— !\Ir. Speaker mount- 
ed upon "Internal Improvements," having achieved a triumph over 
" State Rights," glorious or inglorious, as the case may turn out to 
be. From the course of conduct so actively and ardently pursued 
by Mr. Speaker, it cannot be doubted, but that his scheme of getting 
into the presidential chair, is, to throw himself into the front, and to 
become the leader of all popular currents, and if he can thereby pro- 
cure the votes of all the visionary or theoretic partizans of each, and 
they should amount to more than all the votes of all the sober, un- 
assuming, solid sense of the country, he would succeed in his scheme. 
We should then have a President of popular whiffs. What scenes of 
schemes and of reliefs would necessarily follow! ! May God protect 
the people of these States from eight more years of political schem- 
ing! ! ! The great relief to the people would be, to be relieved from 
the schemers and their schemes, and thus left undisturbed in the en- 
jo3^raent of their own rights. This would, indeed, be a timely and 
solid relief 



mitted himself to be the sport of every popular whiff. Whenever the 
popular current set against the interests of his country, he set him- 
■se\( against the popular current. Witness the celebrated French re- 
volution. Witness the British treaty. What a contrast to the scenes 
before us! 

The next popular hobby is the "Tariff." — It is said that the de- 
scending occupant and the ascending aspirant are both firmly mount- 
ed upon this hi>bby. If so, I think, notwithstanding present appear- 
ances, they will soon find themselves once more prostrate in the dust. 
It is not possible that the present scheme for a tariff can be popular 
long. — It is, as I conceive, the most unwise, unjust, unequal, oppres- 
.sive, insulting, and arbitrary ir>easure, ever presented to my consi- 
deration. The pretexts for it, too appear to me to be flimsy, vision- 
ary, unfounded, and many of them ridiculous. When we hear oi 
"a bill to amend the several acts imposing duties on imposts," we 
naturally look to the improvement of the revenue. But Mr. Chair- 
man frankly says. This is not a revenue bill. No, it most certainly 
is not. Its first destructive influence is to be exerted on the revenue; 
and it would afford great consolation if it were to be exerted on no- 
thing else. It is then a bill in disguise — it has a fiilse title. But its 
friends, as if really unconscious of the mischief they are doing, as 
they must be presumed to be, boldly come out, and frankly tell what 
lis real objects are, and what are the means relied upon to efiect those 
objects. They say, it is a bill to encourage domestic manufactures, 
and to promote national industry; and the means are, to coerce the 
sale of these domestic manufactures upon the consumer. This co- 
ercion is to be effected by prohibiting foreign manufactures. Hav- 
ing then the objects and the means, it is easy to strip the bill of its 
false, title, and give it its true one. It should be entitled " A bill to 
pick the pockets of a great portion of the community, and put the 
plunder into the pockets of a small portion thereof, for the purpose 
•>f encouraging that small portion to promote national industry, or 
ihe industry of the great portion of the nation thus plundered." — 
What an anomaly f)i' ends and means! — Instead, then, of its being a 
revenue bill, as its title would import, it turns out, when stripped of 
■ts disguise, to be literally "a pick pocket bill." This most extra- 
sirdinary bill proposes to take money out of one citizen's pocket, and 
.put it into another's pocket, when the right of the property of each 
is equally entitled to the protection of the Government. It proposes 
to vary the distribution of a great portion of the proceeds of the la- 
bor of the country— to derange the present natural employment of a 
great portion of the capital of the country, and to force it into new 
and artificial channels, he. he. Is it possible to conceive of more 
despotic measures than these.'' I could ask Mr. Speaker, and Mr. 
Chairman, always with due respect and consideration, Whence the 
derivation of this sovereign, despotic, uncontrolled power.'' I will not 
pin them down to search for it in the Constitution. I conceive, the 
visionary, fanatical, excessive democracy of the country has thrown 
off even all decent respect to that instrument. But, I would ask them, 
whence the legitimate derivation of that power by any Government 

founded linon the natliml i-iohf<: nf mun nnrl niTiro<;«Jninr tn rlpi-ivp all 



its powers from man's consent? I would ask tiiem to ponder and con 
sider well whether taking money out of one man's pocket, let the 
disguise be what it may, and putting it into the pocket of another, 
wiihoul any consideration for public service rendered, is not a 
most palpable violation of the natural right of property? Whether, 
therefore, its exercise is not a most palpable usurpation ? 1 would 
still more urgently beg them to pause a little, and look back upoit 
the afiairs of mankind, and then determine, whether almost all the 
past and present sufferings of the many by the combinations of the 
few, have not arisen from this usurpation in some form or other? I 
would ask them, Whether the very excess of their projects will not 
render them impracticable? I would ask them, Whether their schemes 
are not unequal, oppr^fesive, and insulting to large united sections of 
the country? and, Whether they v;ill not be, and ought not to be, 
counteracted? I would ask them to consider well, W^hether the op 
pressed and insulted States have not the most ample means in their 
power of a successful retaliation? I would ask them to consider well 
the American character, and determine, Whether it ever did, or ever 
will brook insult or oppression, whether infJicted by the electioneeringj 
professing. democrat, or by the stern, sovereign autocrat? I would 
ask them to consider well the power of the States over persons and 
things, when once domiciliated within their jurisdiction; and, Whe- 
ther an internal capitation, and excise, may not be made to counter- 
vail the effects of arbitrary external imposts? I would ask them, 
Whether they do not see, and feel, that the arbitrary preferences 
given to the manufacturing interests, will not rendes- both the manu- 
facturer and his goods odious to the plundered and oppressed? and 
Whether the goods ought not, and will not, most justly and righte- 
ously, be thrown back upon the manufacturer? I would ask them, 
Whether the money taken from tlie pockets of the many will not find 
its way into the pockets of the actual, manufacturing operator, the 
jonrneyman? Or will it not become located in the pockets of the 
employer — the capitalist — whether he be manufacturer, or lawyer^ 
or preacher, or merchant, or farmer, &:c. he, provided he bo tlie 
rich owner of the manufacturing stock? And whether the journey 
man will not himself feel most heav-ily the pressure of this most ex- 
traordinary scheme? I would^ in short, ask them to consider well, 
Whether the actual labourer ever was, or ever can be bettered, by 
coercive variations in the distributions of the proceeds of his owu 
labor? and whether every coercive regulation of that kind does not 
tend to make the rich richer, and the poor poorer f The poor never 
were,, nor can they ever be, the favorites of Government.-— I would 
fujally ask them for the moral too, of authorising one man, under 
any pretext, or by any legerdemain whatever, to pick the pockets ai 
another : and whether the moral may not be found in the relief laws 
of our most busy and daring political schemers? 

I propose to give all those subjects an attentive exaraination, and 
to present the results on rny mind to the public view, wiih the leave of 
Messrs. Printers, and provided the presses themselves arc not undi'T 
too much restraint, from their fears of the same electioneering spirit, 



tcnnined to make these inquiries, ci)ipily noin two considerations— 
one is, that I fee! myself perfectly' exempt from the deleterious influ- 
ence or the electioneering spirit — I also leei mvself perfectly exempt 
from all unfriendly personal feelings. If I speak of men, it will be 
solely in reference to their public acts — of these, I propose to speak 
according to my own unbiassed opinions of their deservings. 

From a long course of providential visitations, my healtii is so 
impaired, that 1 consider myself already rather the tenant of an un- 
known, future, eternal world, tl)an tiie tenant of the present fleeting 
transitory one. If it were possible, in this condiiion, to feel the in- 
fluence of the electioneering spirit, my personal infirmities would 
admonish me every moment of my little remnant of life, of my phy- 
sical incapacity to enjoy the successful fruits of it. BiU so long as 
I shall remain the tenant of this world, I hope to feel an unabated 
attachment to my country, and to its political institutions — besides, 
I have children and every other endearment to extend this attach- 
ment to posterity. 

The second is — although doubtlessly, better things, and more 
tilings, have been said, and will be said upon this subject than I pro- 
pose to say, yet they are not the same things I shall say, nor said in 
the same way I propose to say (hem ; but when so frightful a scheme 
as an avowed attempt to convert the whole revenue system of the 
United States into a systematic, manufacturing despotism, is present- 
ed for consideration, and likely to be adopted, I deem it the duty of 
every citizen, who has bestowed any reflections upon the tremendous 
subject, frankly to present them to public view for the purpose of 
being thrown into the. mass of public considerations. — I propose to 
perform this duty under my proper signature; not that I hope, ex- 
pect or wish to give any extrinsic influence to my observations, for I 
am sensible it may produce an opposite eO'ect; but because 1 feel in- 
disposed to "cover any acts or opinions of mine, under any disguise 
whatever. 

lie pleased, gentlemen, to accept my respectful consideration. 

WM. B. GILES, 

March 10, 1824. JVigwam, Amelia County. 



Note. — The reader will be pleased to ask himself upon a review, 
whether there he any expressions in the foregoing communication to 
justify the reprimand of the Editors'? The exhibition of Messrs. 
.Monroe and Clay in their ridiculous scuffles for priority in mounting 
ilie popular hobbies of the day, mas nothing more, than placing the 
two hobby-riders before the public in the ludicrous attitudes assumed bi/ 
themselves. Ko indecorous expressions were applied to either of them, 
nor any thing else which did not fow from the just descriptions of their 
own acts ; and the comparisons of the wisdom of IVashington with their 
own fantastical follies, were nothing more, than the appropriate results 
from their own acts. The extreme sensibilities of Messrs. Editors for 
their own order ought certainly at this day to be completely merged in 
a revieio of the sharp-shooting ivhich has since taken place between 
themselves, and their brethren of the type— particularly the two JS'n- 
iionals. 



FROM THE ENQUIRER, APRIL 13, 18.24. 

NO. I. 
POLITICAL SCHEMERS.— HARD TIMES. 

Recognition of the, distinction between Clergy and Laity, 

In making the promised inquiries, in relation tci some of the most 
prominent consequences of the tariff bill; I propose, very cursorily, 
to review some of the great political schemes, which have had the 
xnost destructive influence upon the affairs of mankind; and I think, 
il will be found, that political schemers, including spiritual and tem- 
poral, have heretofore done more mischief to the great mass of man- 
kind; especially since the recognition of the distinction between 
Clergy and Laity; than all other sinners In the world, male, and fe- 
male put together. My object in making this compendious review 
is, to enable me, by looking to the past, to judge better of die pre- 
sent; and by looking to the present, and the past, to enable me, to 
judge the better of the future. I think it will be seen, from this course 
of reilection, that "hard times" at all past times, have been, and at 
all times, must be, the necessary consequence of too much govern- 
mental scheming, and regulation ; lei the forms, or professions of such 
scheming governments be what they may; and that the "hard times" 
so justly complained of at this time in this country are, in a great 
degree, attributable to the visionary, fanatical, political schemers of 
the day- I think it will also "be found, that almost all these schemes, 
past, and present, have been founded upon {he same principle, how- 
ever various the forms of government, adopting it — governmental 
usurpations upon man's natural right to property. A great unifonni- 
ty will likewise be found in the means resorted to for carrying 
these usurpations into effect. These means have been the taking 
money out of one man's pocket, and putting it into the pocket of 
another, neither holding a public office. The first great political 
scheme, which has proved the most destructive to the affairs of 
mankind, must be attributed to the christian Clergy. It consisted 
in prevailing upon the first christian Emperor, Constantine, to 
recognise a distinction, they had before set up, between Clergy 
and Laity. The act of recognition took place about the year 
314, of the christian era. Before that time, neither the Grecian, 
nor the Roman governments ever had recognised the distinction, 
although they extended over the whole civilized world during a 
great portion of their duration ; and the two governments taken 
together, had then continued for above ten centuries. Only a 
few years after the act of recognition, the great Constantine, in the 
nieekest spirit of christian humihation, seated himself on a low stool, 
at the feet of the Clergy, assembled in the Council of Nice — 325. 
By this fatal act of condescension, he acknowledged the supremacy 
of spiritual over the temporal power.— The Clergy, elated to intoxi- 



10 

cation, by the success of their great polrtjcai scheme, in a spirit, un- 
like that humility, and self-condcsccusion, before preached and prac- 
tised by their first spiritual master, Jesus Christ; and now again 
preached and practised by their temporal master, Coustantine, but 
impelled by a spirit of ambition, avarice, and self-aagrandiyement. 
rushed forward to the perpetration of every profanation, sacrilege, 
and idolatry, their fertile imaginations could invent. They set up an 
idol — called the Pope, OOG, cndov. cd him with the infallibility of 
God himself— invested him with the power to grant indulgences for 
the commission of sins ; and for their absohilion after conniiis^ion. 
In short, declared him God's vicegerent here on earth, with power 
to act the part of God hitoseif on this lower world. They made the 
inlallibility of the Pope an essential article of fait!) ^ and in substance, 
demanded of the Laity an unconditional surrender of tlieir consci- 
ences and their reason, into the hands of the Priests, for holy keep- 
ing. Was it possible to conceive that the Laity would ever have 
submissively yielded to this extravagant, impious, and despotic de- 
mand r That they would have yielded to the Priests their conscience, 
and their reason? The noblest gifts, which they had themselves re- 
ceived at the hands of their bountiful Creator! ! • Yet they did yield 
up both, not only without a murmur, but with the most biggotted 
and rapturous enthusiasm!! What could the Laity have hoped to 
have retained for (hemselves, after they had given up to the Priests 
their conscience and their reason ? Could they have expected to have 
denied to the Priest? their sacrilegious demands for aflected purifica- 
tions.^ Could they withhold from thetn the best aflections of the hu- 
man heart .^ Could they have hoped to liave retained the love of the 
sexes, implanted in the human heart b}- God himself, for the best and 
wisest of purposes.'' Could they have expected to preserve their per- 
sons from the severest castitzations, upon the demand, and for tiie 
pleasure or for the dominion of the Priests? Could they have expect- 
ed to retain from the rapacious hands of ilie Priest, the bread they 
had prepared for their own moutlis, or tlie xjothing for their own 
backs, by the labor of their own hands? If they could have hoped 
for all, or any o( these things; they found themselves most wofully 
mistaken. — Having parted widi their conscience and their reason, 
every other human right, and blessing went with them. The Priests 
greedily sei/.ed upon the. whole; and thus brutalized all their misera- 
ble deluded votaries. Indeed, they did more. They reduced man 
below tlie brutes — after stripping him of liis conscience, and his rea- 
son, man found himself witliout the instinct, which God had given 
the brutes for tlieir government. The Clergy not couteni, with all 
these humiliations and sacrifices from individuals, proclaimed the su- 
premacy of the Pope, not only over the Church, but over all the 
temporal Kings of the earth. During the plenitude of these infinite 
attributes, })estowed on him by miserable, sinning mortals, the bold- 
est temporal Kings trembled at his nod. He could dispose of tem- 
poral kingdoms at pleasure; and if any resisting, rebellious spirit 
was manifested by the legitimates, against his stern, capricious de- 
crees, it was instantly dissipated by the omnipotent thunders of the 



11 

Church. But it is not tny object to recount all the profanations and 
abominations of the Clergy. after they had become completely tri- 
umphant over all the rest of mankind. All the volumes of the Alex- 
andrine library would scarcely -suftlce to record them all from the 
fourth century to the present time. Suffice it for me to say; that 
after religion, as it was sacrilegiously called, became triumphant and 
unrivalled, especially during the monkish reign, mankind was redu- 
ced to a more degraded condition, than in any other period during 
his whole history from the beginning of the world to the present mo- 
ment. During that benighted period, nothing is heard of worth re- 
cording. Nothing to enlighten the human mind, or to improve the 
degraded condliion of man. The worhl was tilled with miracles — 
with Saints — with martyrs— with monks—rwilh crucifixes — with beads 
-—with rosaries — with im|3ious purifications and profane dominations. 
After the Clergy had become sated and exhausted, in the exercise 
of their dominion over .the temporal princes, within their own juris- 
diction; and over man individually in his enslaved, degraded condi- 
tion, they determined th.at foreign nations should also feel the de- 
structive, and horrible effects, of their despostic, capricious suprema- 
cy. — About the tenth century, tliey resolved upon ihe war of the cru- 
sades, whilst they were preaching up to others, the huiliility of Christ 
even to submission to insults, if stricken on one cheek, tjie other 
was submissively to be turned and held fair to receive the next blow: 
Intoxicated with their own wild, ni>jd ambition, they determined on 
these bloody, desolating wars of two hundred years' duration — The 
pretexts were, the ancient title of the Christians to- the Holy Land, 
and still more, to Mount Calvary, and the Sepulchre of Christ; and 
the scandal to the christian name, aiid profession, to permit (his holy 
and consecrated spot to remain longer in the hands of the infidels. 
— After the destruction of millions of human beings in these pre- 
sumptuous, impious wars of two centiiries, these blood}' Priests fail- 
ed in their object; and we find the infidels in possession of the Holy 
Land, and the consecrated spot, at the present moment. — But under 
the unerring intluence of Providential dispensations, these bloody, 
desolating wars, laid the foundation of checking in some degree, the 
unbridled, destructive influence of the Priests—They served to dif- 
fuse throi^gh the crusading armies a chivalrous military spirit, accom- 
panied with a gallant love of the fair sex.-— These active energies, so 
long dormant under the severity of affected monkish purifications, 
and sanctifications, promised lair to restore to man, once more, his 
long lost rights, and liberties. These events were followed by others, 
which also had great influence in divesting man of his artificial monk- 
ish character; and reinstating him in his original, natural character. 
—The discovery of the mariner's compass — 1302 — and the art of 
printing — 1440 — could not fail greatly to contribute to the promo- 
tion of this desirable object. The one, by aft'ording the greatest pos- 
sible facility in the interchange of ideas amongst individuals — the 
other, by affording additional safety and facility to the interchange 
of ideas of different nations, and the individuals of such nations — 
but the great, and beneficial effects expected from these two wonder- 



12 

fill discoveries, were materially impeded by the ever vigilant craft of 
the Priests. They immediately seized upon the press, and endea- 
voured to convert it into a new engine for confirming their dominion 
over the rest of mankind. They claimed and exercised the exclusive 
business of education. They established an inquisitorial power, over 
the writings of others, and composed their own homilies for the read- 
ing and instruction of their credulous, fanatical votaries. The ob- 
ject of these homilies was not to enlighten, but to darken the mind. 
They determined, by these means, to envelope it in smoke; and so 
well did they succeed In this scheme, as to make the mind of every be- 
lieving votary, as black as a smoke jack. — What, but the extinction 
of every spark of light in the human mind, and of every particle of 
good feeling in the human heart, could account for tlie conduct of 
the blind votaries of the Priests, in consenting to execute tlie millions 
of barbarous, and shocking decrees of their masters in all past times j 
but especially from the fourth century to the present moment? What 
else could account for the unnatural, bloo'dy, fanatical scene exhibit- 
ed in Spain during this enlightened age!! What else could account 
for the contumelious indignities, so recently displayed, in the execu- 
tion of the heroic, patriotic, liberal, benevolent Riego.'' This was 
done by the mad votaries of Paez, the keeper of Ferdinand's con- 
science \ I And what a conscience-keeper, must be Paez, the Priest ! I 
Riego, who had hazarded, and lost every thing dear to him, even 
life itself, for the purpose of restoring these savage fanatics, to their 
own lost rights, and liberties, in the act of rendering up that life, is 
treated with every mark of savage barbarity, reproach, and contumely. 
After the great discoveries of the compass and the press, another 
event took place, which tended still further to relax the spiritual su- 
premacy. The reformation — 1317. It must be presumed, that 
long before this great event, a portion of mankind, was shocked and 
disgusted, with the profligate idolaries, and profanation of the Cler- 
gy j but was compelled by irresistible terrors of the church, to re- 
strain their feelings and opinions within their own bosoms, until the 
sixteenth century, when a few adventurous spirits came forth, and 
first openly preached, and finally protested against the most prepos- 
terous of these abominations of the Catholic Clergy. The Priests, 
ever on the alert, instantly exerted all their powers, both spiritual 
and temporal, the bulls of the church, and the arms of the Catholic 
Princes, to put down this alarming rebellious spirit. It, however, 
sternly resisted all their efforts, and triumphantly effected the estab- 
lishment of the Protestant religion. The Protestants deserve the 
first plaudits of mankind for relieving him thus far, from the spiritu- 
al dominion, which had been so long, and so wantonly exerted over 
him. But the Protestant's creeds still retained too much of the old 
leaven of original Catholicism. Nor did they succeed in causing a 
general reformation. . Perhaps four fifths of the Trinitarian christian? 
are at this day, Roman Catholics, After the crusades, these, and 
other events, served materially to relax the supremacy of the spiritu- 
al, over the temporal power. The Clergy finding themselves occa- 
-jionally in need of temporal assistance, consented to an union, and 



13 

combination of the spiritual, and temporal powers — and thus formed, 
what in modern times, is technically called "Church and State." 
This rapid review of the effects of the recognition of the distinction, 
between Clergy and Laity, and of the supremacy of the spiritual, 
over the temporal powers, gives but a very faint glimmering of the 
incalculable mischiefs done to mankind by these great political 
schemes ; and the union of Church, and State, which grew out ot 
them, is the great source of mischief to mankind at the present day. 
The people of the United States flatter themselves with a perfect ex- 
emption from this fatal, destructive combination ; but they are cer- 
tiainly mistaken. There is to be sure, a relaxation of the effects felt 
by the people of most modern States ; yet its baneful influence is far 
from being entirely eradicated. The only State paper, I recollect to 
have seen from any of the governments of the United States that 
entirely cuts asunder the union of '* Church, and State," is the law 
of Virginia, establishing religious freedom, 1785 — in direct oppo- 
sition to the doctrine of more than fifteen centuries of darkness, and 
oppression. That law does in substance declare, the absolute sever- 
ance of Church and State. In that respect, I have always consider- 
ed that it may in time become of more importance to mankind, than 
the Declaration of Independence itself — at present, however, it 
rests quietly in the statute book ; and is rarely disturbed by being 
called into action. This important Stale paper, substantially pro- 
claims the great original principles : That man by nature, and of 
right, is the sole keeper of his own conscience ; and is exclusively 
interested in making his own peace with his God. If he should 
choose to do this, by means of an intercessor, he has the exclusive 
right to make the choice himself; and to be sole judge of the means 
and of his contributions; and that government has no right what- 
ever to intermeddle in these matters. Still unfortunately, the dis- 
tinction between Clergy and Laity will be found in the Virginian 
Constitution. Notwithstanding this formidable union of *' Church 
and State," the facility of interchanging ideas amongst mankind, 
introduced by the art of Printing; the general improvements of the 
human mind in morals, and all sorts of knowledge, in consequence 
of that facility, would in all probability, have produced a total sever- 
ance of this fatal union at an earlier period, if it had not found a 
most potent auxilliary in another great political scheme, — the inven- 
tion and practical use of " public credit." 

WM. B. GILES, 
March 13, 1824. Wigwam, Amelia county, Va. 



NO. II. 
POLITICAL SCMEMERS—HARD TIMES. 

PUBLIC CREDIT — FUNDING SCHEME. 
The next great political scheme, which, as I conceive, heretofore 
has been, now is, and for a long time to come in all probability will 
be the most destructive in its influence on human affairs, is the in- 
vention, and practical use. of public credit: or in other words, the 



14 

substitution of paper bilb, without the property of intrinsic vahic, 
as a circulating medium, in place of the precious metals, gold and 
silver, which do possess intrinsic value. There are two kinds of 
public credit now proposed to be examined.' The one may be called 
the system of funding — the other the system of Banking. These, 
ought to be carefully distingdished from each other on account of 
their diflercnt modes of operation, to enable us to judge more accu- 
rately of the diflerent eflects of each, upon the affairs of mankind. 
Both systems arose from the unwise, improvident, and profligate poli- 
tical schemes of governments. These schemes involved the scheming 
governments in greater expenses, than could be defrayed by the re- 
venues of each year. In consequence of the deficiencies of the re- 
venue, this scheme was resorted to, for defraying the surplus of the 
expenditures. It consisted in borrowing money on interest, by gov- 
ernment, from individuals, or corporations ; upon certain stipulated 
terms. In general, the terms of the government were, to pay the in- 
terest, in the course of each year; and not to reimburse the princi- 
pal, until some specified future period; or at the pleasure of the 
government according to the specified terms of each proposed con- 
tract. .The stipulation not to redeem the principal until some future 
day, was called the irredeemable quality of the debt. In the early 
stages of funding, this quality was considered as adding something to 
the value of the debt, to the lender: but at present, speaking of the 
British government, the original inventor of the system of funding, I 
believe, the most irremediable quality of the principal of the debt, is to 
place its redemption on the pleasure of the government: — Because, 
the British debt, particularly, has arisen to such an enormous amount, 
that the government could not redeem the principal if it would, nor 
would if it could ; so that the public debt of Great Britain must be 
considered, as perpetual. Taxes are accordingly laid, made perpet- 
ual, and pledged to the creditor for the annual payment of the in- 
terest and the ultimate reimbursement of the principal. This reim- 
bursement, however, is neither intended, nor expected ever to take 
place. Both the contracting parties consider the perpetuity of the 
debt, as of the first importance to each. The government, because it 
finds, that a perpetual public debt, consolidates and continues a great 
monied interest, which will always unite in supporting the government ; 
and thus adds greatly to its despotism", power, stability and safety. The 
creditor, because, by this perpetuity, he may make permanent, do- 
mestic establishments, or any others; if he should choose to continue 
to be the creditor of the government himself; and because if he 
should choose to dispose of his debt, he can always get a full price 
for it in the market. These debts of the government, are evidenced 
by promissory notes from the government to the lender, or holder, 
with a transferable quality; and are denominated "stock." 

Great Britain has carried this system of public credit, to a greater 
excess than any other modern nation: and it has been found, to be 
proportionably more destructive in its consequences to the great 
mass of British subjects, than the same system has been to those of 
any other nation.— There are two wonderful descriptions of effects 
resulting from the great political scheme of the British funding sys- 



15 

tern.. The one in regard to posterity — the other in regard to the past 
and present generation. This system was first introduced with small 
beginnings. It is now swelled to an enormous amount. Its begin- 
ning may be considered to iiave been in 1697 — when the whole a- 
mount of debt then funded, very little exceeded £5,000,000. sterling 
money, It has arisen at this day, to above £900,000,000 sterling. 
This enormous debt, cannot be, nor is it intended, that it should be 
paid off by the present generation: it must then necessarily be 
thrown upon posterity; and to that amount, must anticipate the re- 
sources of generations to come. VVhat a pressure upon posterity, to 
defray the expenses of the profligate, and wicked political schemes 
a( the past and present days!! How horrible to be thus manacled 
before it is born !! 

Its first destructive influence, upon the past, and present generation, 
has arisen from its having created, and consolidated a great monied 
interest in the British nation; which has always united, and always 
will unite itself, with Church and State, in support of their despotic 
and destructive schemes .over the great mass of society. Its most 
destructive influence has arisen from its instrumentality, in producing 
extreme inequalities between the difierent orders of society. Its per- 
petual, uniform and inevitable tendency has been to make the rich, 
richer, and the poor, poorer. Such have been, and now are the as- 
tonishing eflects of this tendency, combined with the co-operating 
tendencies of other schemes ; tiiat at this moment, more than one- 
eighth of the whole English population, are cooped up in poor houses: 
the miserable receptacles of human wretchedness, degradation, filth, 
rags, and every other human abomination. 

One of these co-operating schemes, from which, all good, and no 
harm, was universally expected, and of course, extremely popular at 
the time of its adoption, arose from the momentary, humane, and 
charitable feelings of Queen Elizabeth. The only humane and cha- 
ritable act, I believe, that ever was attributed to the Virgin Queen. 
She, in one tender mood, 43d of her reign 1601,* directed her par- 

*This act, (forty-third of Queen Elizabeth) may be considered 
the foundation of the poor laws, both in England and Virginia." 
The Virginian schemers, have improved upon the English model, 
as most imitators do — they have discovered, that it is better to have 
two tier of poor- — the one for subsistence — the other for mental or- 
nament. This improvement has been ushered forth under the deno- 
mination of Primary Schools. This is the Virginian policy of the 
day. 

This scheme involves as palpable a violation of man's natural right 
to property as the tariff bill, or the Kentucky relief laws. It is 
highly pernicious in all its tendencies. It tends to give a false di- 
rection to the moral sentiment in disrespect of honest productive la- 
bor — it tends to destroy the moral feeling of its favorites — it demands 
of them an unnatural and base abandonment of the first obligation 
imposed on tiiem by their God, (to take care of their own children,) 
as an indispensable, qualification > to entitle them to the receipt of the 



iiament, to pass aii act, in substance commanding the overseers of 
the poor in the parishes, to collect all the poor, both married and un- 
married, to put them into houses to be procured for them ; and to 
give them employment. The obedient overseers soon prepared the 
receptacles, and filled them with great numbers of the poor. But 
they were astonished to find, notwithstanding the omnipotent decree 
of their sovereign mistress, they could not find employment for the 
congregated poor. They discovered that there were more hands 
than employment out of the poor houses ; and, therefore, none for 
those within. One part of this sovereign scheme was, therefore, rea- 
dily executed, the other was not, nor could it be. The paupers thus 
became thrown upon the public contributions for a miserable subsis- 
tence. This act* is the foundation of the poor laws, both in Eng- 
land and in Virginia. Since that time, the paupers have been con- 
tinually increasing, until they now amount to above one-eighth of the 
whole English population. They must necessarily continue to in- 
crease, so long as the political schemes which have produced the in- j 
crease heretofore, shall cotjtinue to exist. In Scotland there are no 
general poor laws, and of course, none of these miserable recepta- 
cles for the poor. — The poor, for that reason, are proportionably 
fewer, and better off in Scotland, than in England. Besides this 
j.darming proportion of paupers to the whole English population, 
there are millions of poor persons, not technically paupers, who are 
struggling by their own labour, for a mere subsistence, against the 
intolerable burthens imposed on them, by the political schemers of 
Great Britain. It is a well known fact, such are the numbers of ' 
distressed laborers, that upon every material unfavorable fluctuation 
in the price of breadstufls, one-half of the whole English population, 
is compelled to rely upon the alms of the other half for subsistence. 
A still more lamentable political effect of the public debt of Great 
Britain will be found in the astonishing influence it has had in con- 



granted favors. It tends to place temptations in the way of the dis- 
tributors of these favors. In this respect, I am told, it has already 
been attended with considerable success, &lc. 8ic. No scheme bot- 
tomed upon such principles as these, can produce good, whatever may 
be its popular glossary. — This scheme afl'ords one heavy item to the 
credit of hard times — and one heavier debit to rights, morals, and 
honest, respectable labor. 

* "To effectuate its own exchanges," "funded debt." It re- 
quires a considerable portion of the circulating currency to carry on 
the business of stock jobbing or gambling in the funds. This ope- 
ration is performed by bargains in stock, payable and deliverable at 
some future day. When the stipulated day arrives, the stock is nei- 
ther delivered nor the price paid, nor intended to be so. The dif- 
ference of the price on the day of contracting, and on the day of 
executing the contract, is all that is demanded on either side, and is 
a mere wager upon the contingency of the rise or fall of stock. This 
unproductive wagering draws a large portion of the circulating cur- 
rency from employments in productive labor, to pay these unprofita- 



17 

iirming, and perpetuating the union of Church and State. Or, in othei 
words; the union of the spiritual and temporal powers.-r-This has 
been done, not merely by consolidating an enormous monied inter- 
est, acting itself, in strict concert with Church and State; but by 
affording the means for incorporating with this coalition, a consider- 
able portion of the physical strength of the nation. Tlie government, 
through this medium, has obtained the means of extending the army 
and navy establishments, to an amount that never could have been 
anticipated, at the commencement of the funding system. Before 
this extension of the Army and Navy, the British government was 
under perpetual apprehensions for the safety of the union of Church 
and Slate. These arose, chiefly, from two considerations. The first 
was, the vast and progressive improvements, which were made, and 
are continually increasing, in the human" intellect, and consequently 
in all the arts and sciences; arising principally from the discovery of 
the art of printing and the facility thereby afforded to the interchange 
of ideas amongst men. The government clearly foresaw that if this 
progressive improvement of the human intellect should be permitted 
to go on, the fraud of the oppressive union of Church and State, 
would soon be discovered, and that this discovery would extend to 
the great mass of British subjects; then, unfortunately, laboring un- 
der a blind, and biggotted attachment to the church. — The other was 
that if the discovery of this fraud should extend to the great mass 
of British subjects, the disproporiioned superiority of the physical 
power, which was in the mass of British subjects, over that which 
could be commanded by Church and State, the fraudulent and op- 
pressive union might be severed ; and the great mass of the people 
relieved from the bondage they had so long labored under from this 
fatal union. A counteracting physical force was, therefore, all im- 
portant to the continuation of this despotism, and the government 
being furnished with the means by the monied interest, found it, in 
the extension of the Army and Navy. Had it not been for this ac- 
cumulation of physical strength in favor of the government, the great 
mass of the British subjects, conscious of the superiority of their 
physical powers, and impelled by the intolerable wrongs so long in- 
flicted upon them by the favored few, might long since have severed 
the union of Church and State, relieved themselves from their wrongs 
and sufferings under these political schemes, and once more rein- 
stated themselves in their long-lost rights and liberties. — Their pros- 
pects are now gloomy indeed ; for although there is still remaining, 
with the oppressed subjects of Great Britain, a vast superiority of 
"physical strength over the whole combined power of the few; yet 
they are distracted and disconcerted ; and never can be brought to 
an union of action, more especially when bound down by mental 
manacles, fastened on them by the church : — whilst the few, ever on 
tlje alert, act in the strictest concert, and supported in their oppres- 
sions of the many, with all the physical powers of a well equipped, 
disciplined Army and Navy, have been irresistible heretofore, and pro- 
bably will be for a long time to come. The insupportable contributi- 
ons too, for all this vast parapharnalia of the government, are thrown 



18 

upon the proflnctive labor of the whole nation ; and thus tlie contri- 
butors are made the instruments of their own oppressions and suffer- 
ings. These contributions are made by coerceive variations in the 
distributions of tiie proceeds of labor-^by taking' money out of tlie 
pocket of the productiA e laborer, and putting it into the pockets of the 
favored unproductive few. This operation is effected by taxes, monopo- 
lies, &c. The fust fruits are given to the priests, by tythes, and ali the 
rest distributed amongst the civil list, Army, Navy ami public creditors; 
leaving the productive laborer scarcely enough of the proceeds of his 
own labor to keep his body in good condition to labor on for the pur- 
pose of pampering the pricle, and administering to the luxurious indul- 
gencies of tlie unproductive favored few. 

Notwithstanding the unjust, cruel and oppressive effects of the 
funding system upon the great mass of productive labours, a trite 
dogma is not wanting to induce a belief, that it is a blessing to the 
British nation — to wit: "A public debt is a public blessing." 

This dogma is true or false, according to its application to the dif- 
ferent classes of British subjects. If it be applied to the holders of 
the stock, and of course, the receivers of the Interest thereon, it 
would by them, be considered a great public blessing. If it be ap- 
plied to the contributors of this annual interest, it would much more 
certainly be known and felt by them, as the greatest curse that could 
possibly be inflicted on them. As the receivers do not amount to 
one hundredth part of the contributors, the public debt must be con- 
sidered as more than one hundred limes a greater curse than bles- 
sing to the British nation. Indeed, one hundred times more may be 
multiplied, to arrive at the relative magnitude of this curse ; because 
the receipt of money by one, who had more beforehand than he had 
genius to spend handsomely, must in the nature of things, be almost 
'infmitelv lesser blessing,' than is the curse to one, who in making his 
contribution is coercively stripped, not only of all the little pittance 
of money he has, but the bread from his own mouth, and the mouths 
of his children. This is but a faint glimmering outline view of the 
deplorable effects of the public debt of Cj'reat Britain, upon this vast 
proportion of British subjects. Yet this is one of the political 
schemes not only recommended for the adoption of the United 
States, but actually adopted. 

The pretext for ihis false dogma, is; that the stock issued, as the 
evidence of this pubhc debt, adds to the active capital of the nation, 
by finding its way into some productive employments and thus serves 
to increase the productive powers of labox'. The funded public debt 
never can have this operation to any great extent. It has but very 
few of the properties of a circulating currency. It is generally is- 
sued in too large sums to answer the common purposes of exchange. 
It may, sometimes, indeed, be introduced into large commercial 
speculations, and into large purchases of landed or other property, 
but it never can perform the ordinary functions of active capital. 
This incapacity constitutes its principal distinction from bank bills. 
So far from the funded debt performing the offices of active capital; 
it diverts a great portion of that capital from its employment in pro- 



19 

moting^ productive labor to its employment in the unproductive busi- 
ness of transferrin t,^ stock from band to band ; it being in a perpe- 
tual course of excbange. Stock itself being a mercantile commodi- 
ty; and being of great representative value, requires of course, a 
large portion of the circulating currency, to eftectuate its own ex- 
changes. 

From the enormous and increasing amount of contributions called 
for, to defray the expenses of the various political schemers of go- 
vernment, a national bankruptcy has for a long time, been foretold, 
and expected b}' many shrewd political economists; but the aston- 
ishing efforts of the British people seem to increase proportionably 
with their accumulated, and accumulating burthens. The wonder- 
ful improvements in the productive powers of labor from the inven- 
tion of labor-saving machines; combined with the increased indivi- 
dual industry, and exertion, have hitherto saved the nation from 
bankruptcy. — Indeed, funding seems just now, to have arrived at its 
zenith. London at this day abounds with loans of all sorts. Span- 
ish loans — South American loans— Mexican loans — and Greek 
loans, &tc. &c. ^c. ' 

The money lenders too, appear to be the most important person- 
ages of the age. Rothschild, the Jew broker, is announced in his 
tours through Europe, as of more importance than any one of the 
legitimates. He seems to direct and control the measures of all the 
legitimates. In this enlightened age, his scrips for cash, seem to be 
regarded by tl)e legitimates of the day with as much reverence as 
were the bidls of the Pope, by the tcmjioral kings of the earth, dur- 
ing the benighted period of Moukisli despotism. 

In addition to this concerted, political and monied influence, bear- 
ing down upon the rights and liberties of a vast majority of mankind, 
a powerful instrument in aid of this concert, has lately been in- 
vented and brought into practical use. It is denominated the " ho- 
ly alliance." The avowed object of this alliance is, to crush in the 
bud every rising effort of the majority, to regain their long-lost 
rights, and liberties, and to free themselves from the intolerable bur- 
thens, and exactions of the tew. All the "Holy Allies" recipro- 
cally agree, that if the subjects of any one of them, should make the 
unholy attempt, to free themselves from their intolerable bondage, 
the whole of the rest shall instantly employ all their physical strength 
to put it down, and to inflict merited punishments upon its authors. 
So that the oppressed majority can never expect to better their poli- 
tical condition; but by a simultaneous movement of all the oppres- 
sed subjects, of the whole of the allied legitimates. What deplora- 
ble effects have already been exhibited in Italy, and in Spain, from 
this Holy Alliance! ! And how soon after its formation, did the oc- 
casions arise for the exertions of its power! ! 

The funded debt of the United States, ought scrupulously, spee- 
dily, and honestly to be paid. There were many urgent reasons at 
the time for funding the debt; but I am of opinion at this day, that 
it was an unwise measure. No great inconvenience has yet been ex- 
perienced from it: because it has not risen to an amount bevond the 



20 

convenient ability ol" the United States. But its tendency is most 
dangerous; and if the schemers of the day remain uncliecked in 
their thoughtless career, they will soon produce necessities or pre- 
texts for its extension. The interest of this debt, however, must be 
set down as one item to the credit of " hard times." 

Cannot the political schemers of the United States be brought to 
consider, that the same causes, under similar circumstances, will al- 
ways produce the same eflects? Can they wish to see the eflects of 
the political schemes, here very faintly sketched,;inlroduced amongst 
the people of the United States? Do they not see, that ihey arc 
precedents to be shunned, not to be followed ? 

WM.^. GILES, 

March 16, 1824. Wigwam, Amelia county, Va. 



FROM THE ENQUIRER. 

NO. III. 
POLITICAL SCHEMERS.— HARD TIMES. 

PUBLIC CKEDIT— BANK SCHEME. 
I have been induced to consider the system of banking under the 
head of public credit; because, although the current bank bills are 
not issued directly from the government, yet their credit originates 
with, and depends upon, the government. The United States have 
borrowed also, the system of banking from Great Britain; and that 
too, with the most wonderful schemes for improvement, upon the ori- 
ginal model. Banks are corporations created by governments upon 
certain stipulated conditions, contained in their respective charters 
of incorporation. In England there is but one incorporated bank, 
called the bank of England. In Scotland there are two — the bank 
of Glasgow, and the bank of Edinburgh. These two banks have 
but little connection with the British Government, and will therefore 
be no further noticed. The bank of England being both a great 
political, and commercial engine, and being the model for the banks 
of the United States, shall be only so far noticed, as to give a gene- 
ral view of the system of banking. Of all the pernicious monopo- 
lies, that ever have been invented, banks must be considered as the 
most pernicious. Their superiority in mischief over all other mono- 
polies, arises from the more extensive influence they have, than an}' 
others, over the affairs of mankind. It is a monopoly over the cur- 
rency of the country; for which every individual has some necessary 
use, and which ought to be left equally free to the acquisition and 
use of every one. Every individual has, hij nature, as absolute a 
right to his own money, gold or silver, as he has to any other pro- 
perty; and to restrain him in the exercise of his own discretion in 
using his money, is a palpable usurpation of liis natural right to 
property. It is unwise, unjust, and tyrannical- The bank of Eng- 
land was incorporated in 1694. It has proved to be the great source 
of the extravagant schemes of the British Government from that 
time to the present day. It is now said, that this bank has as much 



21 

control over the finances of the government, as the government has 
over the aflairs of the bank. Since the late peace in Europe the 
government has made several attempts to compel the bank to pay its 
bills in gold or silver. An act for that purpose was passed a few 
years ago, generally called Peel's bill; but, I believe, without effect. 
In lieu of Peel's bill, a scheme has since been introduced, and, I be- 
lieve adopted, for increasing the paper currency. The bank in the 
true spirit of monoply, caused a stipulation to be inserted in its ori- 
ginal charter; that during its continuance, no other bank should be 
established in England, nor should any company of private bankers 
be permitted, which should be composed of more than six members; 
whereas, in Scotland, the private bankers in one company might con- 
sist of thirty-six members. After a long course of practice it has 
been observed, that there have been frequent failures of banking 
companies in England.; whilst there never has been the failure of a 
private banking company in Scotland. The great principle of dis- 
tinction between chartered and unchartered banks, consists in this — 
all the private property of the stockholders of the chartered banks 
except stock itself, is exempted by laiv, from all responsibihty for the 
payment of the current batik bills, or any other bank engagements. 
Their stock in bank, is alone made responsible for such payments. 
In the unchartered banks, the whole of the private property of all, 
and every stockholder, is by law responsible for all the engagements 
of the bank of every description. To this principle of banking, I 
cannot see any objection. It is a mere traffic in money instead of 
other things. To the prrinciple of the exemption of private proper- 
ty from liability for all bank engagements; I see nothing but objec- 
tions. Great Britain could not venture to incorporate more than 
one bank upon this dangerous principle of exemption ; and finds 
some difficulty in controlling that one. The United States, and indi- 
vidual States together, have adventured to incorporate upon this 
principle of exemption, I believe above four hundred banks. The 
bank of England is subject to the control of only one head, which 
will always be impelled by an unity of motive, and action, and this 
head, the Parliament, is said to be omnipotent in its powers. The 
multitude of banks in the United States, are subject to the control of 
twenty-five heads, impelled by discordant views and interests. Each 
of these heads, is also composed of manifold individual heads; how- 
well qualified to create and manage banks, let the multitude created, 
and the disgraced state of the currency determine. When the Bri- 
tish Government determined to extend the issues of paper bills, it 
first contracted with the bank for leave to permit the Increase of the 
number of members in the private banking companies from six, to 
thirty-six, upon the Scotch model. These private banks were per- 
mitted to issue their bills; and the bank of England pledged itself 
to the government to receive the bills issued by the private or un- 
chartered banks in payment. For this pledge and for a relaxation 
of the monopoly upon the numbers of persons composing the pri- 
vate banking companies, the bank demanded a bonus, which was 
given by the government. The new paper-issues, are bottomed up- 



on the whole private property of every member ol" the issuing bank- 
ing companies; and also upon the pledge ol'the bank of England to 
support tlioir credit. In this arrangement will be seen the extreme 
caution of the British Government, in relation to the paper credit ot 
that country. In this country, the bank schemers, and most unfor- 
tunately, the bank makers, have in many instances created banks j 
and authorised them to issue paper bills, for the purposes of a cur- 
rency, which depended solely for their credit upon the bank stock ; 
and when, the bank stock itself was not worth a cent. What could 
have ensued, or been expected to have ensued; but the utter dis- 
grace and confusion of such a currency? What but speculations, 
tricks, frauds, losses and distresses of all sorts? Are not all these 
consequences now practically before us? Have they not arisen from 
the cunning devices, or the thoughtless ignorance of bank schemers? 

Credit, and monopoly, are the great principles of banking. These 
accrue to the banks from the governmental acts of incorporation. 
The government authorises the bank to issue bills for the purposes 
of a currency upon this legalized credit. It also authorises the bank 
to issue its bills of credit to three times the amount of its specie ca- 
pital; of course;, the bank, when in full business receives three times 
as much interest upon its credit, as it does upon its money. Indi- 
viduals can only receive interest upon their money. Hence one 
great injustice i/i the law, against individuals; and profitable par- 
tiality in favor of banks. Bank credit consists, in written pro- 
mises upon paper to the holder of it, that the bank will pay specie 
in discharge of such promise, whenever the paper shall be presented 
at the bank for that purpose. These written promissory notes, are 
called bank bills. Whenever the bank can obtain the belief of the 
holder, that the promise made in the face of the bank bill, will be • 
strictly complied with, the credit of the bill, and consequently of the 
bank becomes consummated. If the bank could not obtain this be- 
lief of the holder of its bill, it would be without credit; and having 
no intrinsic value in itself, of course, valueless. Solvent banks are 
always enabled to obtain this belief in consequence of tlieir legaliz- 
ed charters of incorporation. There is one fundamental, and essen- 
tial difference in a currency of paper bills, and of gold and silver. 
The paper bills have no intrinsic value in themselves. Their value 
is only representative, and arises altogether from the written impres- 
sions on the face of them. Gold and silver possess intrinsic value. 
Erase the impression from the face of a bank bill, and the paper left, 
would not be worth a cent. Erase the stamp, or impression from an 
eagle, or a dollar, and it will be worth precisely as much as it was 
before ; except so far, as the actual weight might be diminished by the 
erasure. The value of the one, is in the idea impressed upon it; 
The value of the other, is in the thing itself. The principal ad- 
vantage to the bank, and mischief to the community, arises from the 
audiority given by law to the bank to receive six per ct. upon its 
credit, in exchange for the credit of individuals. Every issue of 
bank bills is fouuded upon an exchange of credit with individuals. 

Let the illustration of this principle be made, by taking a view of 



. 23 

H practical transaction at the bank. The usual operation is perform- 
ed by an exchange of credit between the bank, and the individual 
dealer with tiie bank. The individual dealer, ofiers his bill of credit to 
the bank for discounting. The bank gives its bill of credit in exchange; 
but upon very unequal terms. The bank deducts from the dealer's bill 
of credit, at the rate of six per cent, per annum, for every sixty days ; 
and makes this deduction too, at the time of this exchange of credit, 
and not at the time of the completion of the terms of the ex- 
change. This st-ill further enhances the value of the exchange to the 
bank. When the dealer puts these bank bills of credit into circula- 
tion ; they must necessarily go into circulation, charged with this 
compound percentage ; and must necessarily act as an indirect tax 
upon the contributors of this per centage. If this most unjust, and 
unequal traffic continue long; and the bank should be honestly and 
judiciously conducted, will not the inevitable tendency and effect, 
be, to make the stock holders rich, and the contributors poor.^ 

The act for establishing the fnst Bank of the United States, pass- 
ed the 25th February 1791. Without stopping, at this time, to in- 
quire into the wisdom, or policy of this political scheme, at the time, 
and under the circumstances of its adoption, I conceive, it has cer- 
tainly been .most unfortunate, and pernicious in its practical opera- 
tions. Its first indirect effect was, to lay the foundation for above 
four hundred other banks. The commencement of the French re- 
volution preceded its adoption. And from the movements of the 
legitimates in consequence of that event, there was every reason to 
anticipate a bloody and exterminating war in Europe. This antici- 
pation was soon realized in the war which followed ; and u'hich, it is 
believed, was resolved upon by the legitimates, assembled at Piluitz., 
.Inly 21, 1791. The United States not only furnished, at enormous- 
ly high prices, the articles of the first necessity, but soon became the 
principal carriers, for all the belligerents. If in this propitious state 
of things they had been favored with the good fortune, to have es- 
caped this banking scheme, they would have been overflowed with 
gold and silver. These were in a great degree kept out of the Uni- 
ted States, by the substitution of the Bank currency in their stead. 
Instead of this Bank currency without intrinsic value, an abundant 
currency of intrinsic value would have flowed into the United States. 
Even the position, that the gold and silver, if unimpeded, would 
have assumed in the United States, would have been attended with 
the most beneficial eflects. They would, upon every principle of free 
circulation have found their way into every place, where they were 
most wanted ; to the western as w ell as to the eastern frontiers. They 
Nvould have become generally divided into small sums for ordinary 
uses ; and they would have been free to the use of every holder, un- 
incumbered with taxes, or contributions, in any way to the stock- 
holders. Instead of these obvious, natural, and beneficial results, the 
Jirst effect of the Bank currency was, to prevent the introduction of so 
much of the gold and silver into the United States, as the merchants 
could find employment for abroad. The next was, that the portion, 
which did force its way into tliein, was immediately collectedj in large 



24 

suins, into the vaults of the Banks. The most important of these 
were seated in the large commercial towns. This artificial position 
of the gold and silver, was the most convenient, that could have been 
devised for its exportation to the East Indies, whilst its natural posi- 
tion would have afforded all the salutary checks to it.* The excess, 
therefore, of this ruinous traffic is attributable solely to the circulation 
of the artificial currency. Political arithmetic would be incompe- 
tent to the calculation of the diflerence in the liberties, wealth, and 
prosperity of the people of the United States, in favor of the naluraj, 
over the artificial state of the currenc}^ Nor do I conceive the pre- 
sent Bank of the United Stales to have been founded upon the best 
terms which were within the power of the government; if indeed it had 
any right to found a Bank upon any terms. I think it would have 
been attended with many beneficial eflects if the capital stock of the 
Bank of the United States had been composed in part of the stock of 
the solvent, sound State Banks. This measure would at once have put 
an end tq t!)c Banking of States; and consequently to the shocking 
anomaly of their Banking schemes; and nnght, in some degree, have 
substituted a sound for a vicious currency. f It would, however, have 
been attended with an accession of power to the government of the 
United States, which is by no means desirable; and tli/s State gov- 
ernments would have thought themselves stripped of their brightest 
jewel,— but this result is inevitable. It is not possible to have a sound 
currency, under twenty-five discordant heads; with a new head add- 
ed to the score almost every year. The States must in time give 
over Banking; and the only security they can have against the in- 
creased power of the United States, is to amend the Constitution so 
as to strip that government also of this usurped power, usurped both 
by General and State govetnments. This, I trust in God, will 
be done, as indispensably necessary to the safety and preservation of 
the rights and liberties of the people of the United States. If, at 
the formation of the present Bank of the United States, all the stock 
o{ the solvent, sound Slate Banks had been absorbed in the capital 
.>tock of that Bank, I am satisfied, there would have been no great 
fluctuation in the value of the currency, in relation to the value of 
other things; and if there should not have been, independendy of 
countless other benefits, thousands of worthy, wealthy families, would 
have been saved from distress and poverty. Great mischiefs to soci- 
ety, always result from sudden aud great fluctuations in the relative 
value of the currency, to other things ; but the sudden and excessive 
fluctuation produced by the establishment of the present Bank of the 
United States; and the resumption of specie payments by the State 
Banks, certainly caused more general mischiefs than ever were ex- 
perienced in this country on any other occasion. These impoverish- 
ed and commiserated sufferers, can unerringly and feelingly point 
their fingers to these destructive eflects of the Banking schemes, as 
fhe prolific sources of " hard times." The Bank of the United States 
itself, would have derived considerable advantage from this opera- 
tion. The gold and silver in all the solvent State Banks, although 
little enough, would probably have been sufficient to have enabled 



25 



the United States' Bunk to have commenced its operations, without 
resorting to ruinous loans in London for that purpose; provided the 
gold and silver had been placed under the direction of one head. I 
have hastily sketched this outline view of the deranged currency of 
the country, arising from the distracted schemes of Banking in the 
hope of drawing the attention of the reflecting men of all parties to 
this deeply interesting subject; and to show to the people of the 
United States, the heavy items which must be carried to the credit 
of "hard times" under the ruinous "system of Banking." — But be- 
fore I designate the heavy items on the score of money, let a short 
sketch be made of its heavier influence on morals. It disrespects la- 
bor, and thus lessens the productive powers of labor, by holding 
out temptations to all, to get money by their wits, instead of getting 
money l)y llieir labor. It holds out temptations to counterfeiting. 
To Bank and Mail Robberies. To breaches of trust innumerable. 
In short, to the commission of almost all sorts of crimes. It thus 
greatly tends to demoralize society. Its demands upon the pecuni- 
ary resources of society for its ovvii emoluments, are truly heavy, and 
essentially contribute to the "hard times." They may be general- 
ised under the following items: 

Amount of dividends paid by the contributors, to the stockholders. 
Costs of Banking houses and other Banking machinery. Wages 
of oflicer^. Estimating these at ten to each Bank, they would amount 
to about fo\;tr thousand. Nearly equal to two-thirds of the milita- 
ry establishhient. These hands are taken too from productive 
and put to unproductive employment. Can the people of the United 
States doubt of the causes of "hard times" wlien they see- these 
things? If not, then why suft'er them? The government of the 
United States, os at present administered is, in principle, as much a 
government of the favored few, over the oppressed many, as is any 
government in Europe. 

The diflerence consists, not in the principle, but in its limited dura- 
tion, and extent. This limitation, however, as to its extent, relates only 
to the funding system. In the Banking system, the United States have 
already outstripped in numbers, all the governments of Europe put 
together. Whatever may be the forms, or professions, of a govern- 
ipent, if in its practical administration it shall adopt a permanent sys- 
tem of funding, bottomed upon a permanent system of taxation; 
and a permanent system of Banking, I pronounce it "a despotism.'''' 
If to these two permanent systems, it shall add a permanent system 
of manufacturing monopolies, the despotism assumes a still more ag- 
gravated form and effect. The mere forms of a government, can af- 
ford no protection against the efiects of its practical adimnistration; 
and if unfortunately, the present fanatical career of political sche- 
mers should continue long, we shall all be convinced, disregarding 
i'orms, that "the government that's best administered is best." 

WM. B. GILES. 
March 18, 1824. Wigwam. Amelia county^ Va. 



20 
NOTES REFERRED TO BY THE WRITER, i\ THE PRECEUIPyG No. 

* •' The excess therefore, of (his ruinous traffic, is attrihutahle 
^lely to the circulation of an artificial currency. ^^ The writer does not 
mean to say, that a profitable export trade, under certain circumstan- 
ces, may not be carried, on in gold and silver, and whilst these arti- 
cles alone, form the measure of the value of other merchantable arti- 
cles, they possess merchantable properties in themselves, and are proper 
subjects of merchandise; tfieir exportation therefore, ought not to be 
prohibited. — The ground of complaint respecting the export trade in 
gold ifind silver, consists in its excess. — This excess is produced by the 
artificial facilities, given to this trade, by drawing the gold and silver 
from their natural positions in small quantities scattered over the whole 
country, and always finding the place ichere they are most wanted if 
lejt to their natural operations ; and by artificially drawing them from 
their natural position and placing them in the vaults of the banks on 
the sea-board in large quantities, ready for exportation, ruinous over- 
trading i^ produced. Artificial facilities are thus afforded to specu- 
lators and capitalists, of commanding gold and silver at their own 
pleasure, and at a moment's warning, which always has produced a7id 
ever will produce overtrading in gold and silver. 

f "/i! would, however, have been attended icith an accession of pow- 
er to the Government of the United States, ivhich is by no means de- 
sirable." Infinitely less desirable now, than when this paper was writ- 
ten. The General Government having usurped all power, and libe- 
rated itself from all constitutional restraints, whilst it is intrenching 
itself in usurpations of all sorts — but particularly in the corrupt ex- 
tension of its patronage, and profligate waste and expenditure of pub- 
lic money.^ — True patriotism at this day, loould consist in counteract- 
ing tTi^e deplorable usurpations ; by stripping the General Govern- 
incnt of all its assumed power and patronage, and particularly in put- 
ling down the Bank of the United States, at least by a refusal of the 
reneioal of its charter. — The States must be Ift to exercise their own 
policy upon the subjects of establishing Banks; unless the people 
should be found wise, and happy enough to strip the State Govern- 
ments also, of that despotic, and destructive power, and thus once more 
reinstate themselves in their own rights and liberties, and extend their 
own wealth and prosperity. — The existence of Banks and of freedom 
in the same country, at the same time, is impracticable and impossible. 
No people can bej'ree who will permit their whole currency to be placed 
under monopolies. 



From the Enquirer of April ^, 1824 
NO. IV. 

POLITICAL SCHEMERS— HARD TIMES. 

Tariff Bill: — Whence the derivation of the right to pass it. 
The Tarifl' Schemers tell us, by way of commendation to the bill, 
and consolation to ourselves ; that the tariff bill is also borrowed 
ti'om Great Britain. The funding and banking schemes have been 
before borrowed ; and now the monopolising, manufacturing scheme 
is proposed to be borrowed. I would respectfully ask the tariff sche- 
mers, what other scheme, the British Government has left to lend f 
I know of none worth the imitation of these gentlemen ; except her 
colonizing and contributory systems. The contributory system, I 
believe, is brought to a higher state of perfection in Great Britain, 
than in any other country in the whole world — I mean by the con- 
tributory system, the art of getting money out of the pockets of the 
many, and putting it in the pockets of the few. In Great Britain, 
this art has arrived to perfect consummation — I do not know whe- 
ther the tariff schemers have ever thought of it ; but I will now re- 
mind them, that in borrowing the funding, banking, and manufactur- 
ing schemes, the contributory system, is consequently borrowed with 
them. — The contributory system is an essential appendage to the 
borrowed schemes. It affords the means which are indispensable to 
their execution. I would ask them, in what the actual difference 
between the government of the United States, and that of Great 
Britain, will consist after the practical administration of the one, 
shall be borrowed from tiie practical administration of the other .'' 
I would ask them, what has become of all their own lofty political 
pretensions heretofore assumed? What has become of the sublima- 
ted doctrine of man's capacity to govern himself? What of the il- 
luminations of the whole world by the brilliancy of our own politi- 
cal inventions? What of the promised amelioration of the degrad- 
ed political condition of man throughout the whole world? What 
of a thousand other illuminations from the wonderful inventions of 
our own fundamental laws? I would most emphatically ask, are 
these humble Imitators, the same aspiring, chivalrous knights, who, 
only one little month before, mounted each upon his hobby, armed 
capapie, resolved to take the grand turk by the hand, in defiance of 
all the legitimates of Europe ! ! Forbid it, common sense ! ! Forbid 
it, on consistency ! ! Under what circumstances too, are these destruc 
tive schemes to be transferred from the one government, and trans- 
fused into the other? Can the justification be found in any analo- 
gy, between either the objects, or the conditions of the two govern- 
ments? The object of the British Government, is to legislate for 
the benefit of the few. The whole number of the receivers of the 
contributions in Great Britain, is less than the whole number of pau- 
pers cooped up in poor houses. The United States profess to legis- 
late for the benefit of the many, or in other words, to do justice to 



2Q 



qll. This is all lliat ever is desired by the luauy, ov could ever be 
for their benefit. Justice is the only riglitcons object of all legiti- 
mate governments. The condition too of the two countries in re- 
lation "to the foundation of the tariff scheme, is directly contrasted. 
Great Britain imports bread stulfs— the United States export bread 
stuffs. Is any analogy to be fuinid here? It is upon this circum- 
stance in the condition of Great Britain, that her whole monopoliz- 
ing scheme is bottomed. In consequence of requiring more bread- 
stufls for her own internal consumption, in years of ordinary pro- 
duction, than her agricuUure produces; she is enabled to lay the 
foundation of her luonopolisiiig system in agriculture; and she has 
accordingly done it. Her (irst object in her monopolising system 
was, the encouragement of agriculture. For that purpose she has 
proliibited the introduction of foreign grain, until the price of wheat 
in Great Britain, shall be eighty shillings sterling per quarter of 
eight bushels. Tiiis measure so far protects British agriculture 
against foreign competition— Great Britain generally requiring more 
bread stulis lor internal consuniption, than her agriculture produces, 
this provision is an operative encouragement. The relative prices 
of wheat in Great Britain and the United States during the last year, 
affords an exemplification of its practical effects. The United States 
raising every year more bread stuffs than they can consume, could 
not, by the same menns, afford any encouragement to agriculture. 

The prohibition of foreign grain, would be altogether in-operative 
in the United Slates, because none comes here, without the prohibi- 
tion. — Notwithstanding this contrasted condition of the two coun- 
tries, these humble imitators have determined to assimilate their 
schemes to the British model. They have proposed to put twenty- 
five cents duty per bushel on foreign wheat. — This imitative contri- 
vance, would be in-operative, except in the only case in which it 
would be injurious to agriculture." That would be, in a case of 
scarcity approaching to famine. In that case, twenty-five cents 
bounty would be more beneficial to the Atlantic farmer, than twen- 
ly-five cents duty ; because the farmer consumes relatively more grain 
in conducting his business, than any other description of persons. — 
The farmers remote frosu couunerce, would not be affected by the 
duty in any way. This proportion would be ridiculous, if there 
were not mischief and insult in it. With those two ingredients, it is 
contemptible. Hence it is seen that the effects of the same measure 
in these two countries, placed in contrasted conditions, must also be 
contrasted. Why then this aflectation of imitation, at a moment too, 
when Great J^ritain is herself ashamed of the folly and mischief of 
her own monopolising system? But upon this subject, there is mat- 
ter of higher considerations — are the powers of the two governments 
assimilated ? 'i'he British Government asserts the claim to omnipo- 
tent powers — powers over all the persons and properties of all Bri- 
tish subjects. The Government of the United States asserts, that 
all rights and powers are originally with the people; and that go- 
vernments arc founded upon man's consent : That the legitimate 
ri<^hts ant} powers of all govenunenis are derived solely from that 



29 

portion of the natural rights of man, which he has consented to give 
uj3 for the purposes of government. The question then arises — is 
the right of property, a natural right? If so, did man ever consent 
to give up the whole of his natural right of property to government? 
or did he agree to give so much thereof only, as was sufficient to 
pay all the necessary officers and agents of government, an adequate 
compensation for their services? The first question involves the in- 
quiry, respecting the origin and foundation of the right of proper- 
ty. If it be a natural right, it must necessarily be coeval with the 
creation of man; and, therefore, must be looked for in the principles 
of his creation. The sacred historian tells in substance, that after 
six days' labor, God created the world; and on the sixth day he 
made one man out of the clay he had created ; but God finding it 
was not good for man to be alone, threw him into a sound sleep; and 
during his agreeable repose, took out one of his ribs; and metamor- 
phosed it into a woman. This, according to the aforesaid account, 
is the foundation of the sexual system of the universe; although the 
development of its eftects was postponed for some time thereafter, 
But, as the sacred historian has omitted to tell us, how the rib was 
replaced ; as our own anatomical observations inform us, that there 
are now as many ribs on one side of a man, as on the other, and the 
same number on each side of a woman, as a man ; all arranged in 
like order, and symmetry; as such an operation is inscrutable to our 
finite perceptions; and it would be difficult for us finite mortals to 
comprehend, how the rib could have been replaced after its metamor- 
pliosis, into a woman ; and as moreover, the sacred historian has al- 
together omitted to tell us, whether or not, the same modus operan- 
di was observed in the creation of all other creatures, and things; 
some sceptical minds might raise some doubt, whether the sacred his- 
torian might not himself have been misinformed upon these points, 
through a tradition of nearly twenty-five hundred years, of barbari- 
t}', superstition, ignorance and fable; and whether some of the most 
material facts in relation to the principles of our creation, might not 
liave been forgotten during so long a period; I do not mean to rely 
upon this recital altogether for the principles of man's creation. In 
stating my premises, 1 shall discard every thing which is not known, 
and may be doubted ; and rely upon nothing, but what is known, 
and cannot be doubted. 

It is then known, that man exists; and, therefore, must have been 
created. That his existence is founded and continued upon the sex- 
ual system. That the love of the sexes is one passion implanted by 
God in the human heart. That it is the strongest of all human pas- 
sions. Besides man, it is known, that a vast variety of animals and 
other things, were created, and exist in the world; and that the whole 
of them were created upon the sexual system, under various modifi- 
caiinns. The uniformity and universality of this principle, would 
seem to demonstrate, that God acts by general, not by partial laws. 
Man was also created with appetites and capacities for enjoyments ; 
and there were also many good things created, and set before him 
for his- enjoyment. God in his infinite goodness and Ipcwinty, blessed 



30 

juaij with an innate sense of right and wrong; and with a right of 
property, as the necessary means for his enjoyment. This right, 
was to be determined by this innate sense. To ensure man's enjoy- 
ment, God implanted in him the love of property. This passion 
would stimulate man to acquire property; and is the foundation of 
his industry in its acquisition. According to these impulses, and prin- 
ciples, in a state of nature, whilst all things were in common, if one 
man took himself to any particular thing, and by his own labor ren- 
dered it more convenient for his own use, it was admitted by the uni- 
versal consent of all the rest of mankind, that the thing thus taken 
and improved, became his property : — That he had a right to it as 
the proceeds of his own labor : and that it would be wrong for any 
other individual to deprive him of it. Hence it is seen, that the 
right of property, is the right of nature — that it is the gift of God 
to man in his original creation. The origin of property, therefore, 
is in nature — and that the foundation of this right when brought in- 
to practice, and ascertained by man's innate sense of right and 
wrong, is occupancy and labor. Hence the derivation of man's in- 
dividual natural right to the proceeds of his own labor. When man 
entered into the social compact, and agreed to form a government, 
did he consent to give up to the government this natural right to the 
whole proceeds of his labor, or did he consent to give up so much 
only, as might be found necessary to pay the governmental licensed 
agents, compensations for their services.'* Certainly man in his in- 
dividual character, never intended to strip himself of his natural 
right to the whole of the proceeds of his own labor, nor did'govern- 
ment want the whole for any beneficial, legitimate object. When 
man then went into a state of government, he retained his natural 
fight over the whole of the proceeds of his own labor; except so 
much thereof, as would suffice to pay all the governmental officers 
and agents. So far from man's giving up to government, his natu- 
ral right to the whole of his property ; that he consented to give up 
the smallest part thereof, that could suffice for governmental purpo- 
ses — that smallest part too was given up in consideration of an im- 
plied agreement on the part of the government, to secure to man in 
his individual character the enjoyment of all the rest, at his own in- 
dividual pleasure. So far then from the government's possessing 
the rightful control over this surplus of individual property, it stands 
pledged to secure the individual in his own exclnsive enjoyment of 
it. The Constitution of the United States, confirms this doctrine in 
every line of it, which relates to the subject. The two words, com- 
pensation and 'service, are invariably coupled throughout the whole 
of that valuable and disregarded instrument. Whence then the de- 
rivation of the governmental rigiit, to take from one man the surplus 
of the proceeds of his own labor, and give it to another.^ Neither 
rendering public service; and both being equally entitled to the pro- 
lection of the government in the enjoyment of^ all their individual 
rights. No legitimate government, still less the Government of the 
• United Slates; being a government of chartered, limited powers, 
has any right whatever, to intermeddle with the surplus proceeds of 



31 • 

man's labor, afier paying the public contributions ; and an}' en- 
croachment upon this sacred guarantee to the individual by govern- 
ment, is a palpable and unjustifiable usurpation. But the rapacious 
hand of government, "feeling power, and forgetting right," has at 
all times seized upon this surplus of the proceeds of labor, for the 
accomplishment of its capricious, profligate, and mischievous schemes. 
Instead of the government of the United States acting in the inde- 
pendent spirit of its own political intelligence, asserting and pro- 
claiming to the world, this great principle, and thus irrevocably fix- 
ing this boundary limit for the protection of individual rights, 
against governmental encroachments, it has servilely borrowed from 
Great Britain, the worst of her political schemes for the unprinci- 
pled usurpation upon this right; and none worse, than the monopo- 
lising tariff bill, now proposed to be borrowed. 

If then the Government of the United States possess not the right 
to take the surplus proceeds of the labor of one man, and give tliem 
to another, or if such right be even questionable, whilst the wrong 
amongst individuals is unquestionable; and if the provisions of the 
bill should tend to produce this effect directly or indirectly; still 
more, if they should tend to increase our relative dependence upon 
foreign nations, as will be demonstrated hereafter, it ought to drop 
from the hands of its contrivers, and supporters; however enamoured 
they may heretofore have been of their own delusive anticipations of 
its beneficial effects upon society. This subject, involving, as I con- 
ceive, the most interesting inquiries, respecting the rightful basis of 
all legitimate governments ; and having, for the most obvious rea- 
sons, heretofore received but little attention from the political econo- 
mists, may be hereafter resumed; provided it should please God, to 
grant me the small portion of health, which would suffice for that 
purpose. WM. B. GILES, 

TVigivam. Jimelia county. Va. 

March 20. 1824 



FROM THE RICHMOND ENQUIRER, AUGUST 26, 1825. 

NO. VII. 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. 

Raymond's Elements of Political Economy — or, the text-hook of the 

neiv Political School. 

The practical government of "this Union" far ahead of the fun- 
damental laws of "this Union." 

Fellow- Citizens: Read and ponder well on what you do read! 
Our fathers solemnly admonished us, to have frequent recurrence to 
fundamental principles j not for the purpose, as some amiaole, vision- 
ary spirits seem to suppose, to alter or amend these principles; but 
for the purpose of correcting all aberrations from them, by the prac- 
tical administrators of the government. These principles are de- 
clared to be derived from nature and from nature's God; and are, 
therefore, immutable and eternal. It could not be possible for our 
fathers under these solemn convictions, to liave advised this frequent 
recurrence, for the purpose of changing unchangeable eternal truths; 
but for the opposite purpose of considering them as infallible guides! 
to direct the practical administrators of the several governmental in- 
stitutions ; and to bring them back from their wanderings, if any 
should occur, to tL-e unerring truths, proclaimed in these fundamental 
laws. In utter disregard of this sacred injunction, as the writer con- 
ceives, Our federal administration has flown far ahead of our funda- 
mental laws. The writer thinks that our liberties are in danger. 
That the practical administration has assailed them ! That the eflbrts 
of the people in their individual capacities alone can save them ! 
That in consequence of these lamentable latal aberrations, a necessity 
has arisen for solving the great and awful political problem — Are the 
American people capable of self-government.'' Raymond's Elements 
of Political Economy will develope, as the writer thinks, the politi- 
cal elements of Mr. Adams, and Mr. Secretary Clay's practical ad- 
ministration. They, therefore, deserve to be read and well consider- 
ed in reference to that interesting subject. Raymond is believed to 
be a disciple and leader of the new political school ; and like most 
zealous sectarians, and still more the founders and leaders of sects, 
he is, in that respect, a fanatic. He may be considered as a fair ex- 
ample of the true taste and etiquette of the political fashionables. 
The writer thinks that Raymond possesses some genius, and acquired 
knowledge, and intrepid boldness, both in asserting his own princi- 
ples, and in assailing the most renowned authors in his own art. 
When he treats of the elements of political economy in reference to 
governments of unlimited powers, some of his views are entitled to 
respect and consideration. When he applies his elementary princi- 
ples to the government of the United States, he is entirely out of his 
own clement. He then becomes converted into a fanatic of the new 



corresponding precisely, as the writer conceives, with the avowals 
of the practical administration, appears to be, to liberate the Gov- 
ernment of " this Union," from all limitations, and to make it one 
and indivisible. Another appears to be, to render its administrators 
irresponsible and inviolable. The first is attempted, by asserting the 
unity of all Governments, comprehending that of the United States; 
and corresponding with President Adams' notion of "a common so- 
cial compact" in its application to the Government of "this Union;" 
forgetful of its lederal ingredients; forgetful of the several common 
social compacts which are the basis of the several State Governments; 
forgetful of State sovereignties, of State rights, and even of the re- 
served rights of individuals. These, the writer thinks, are evident 
results from President Adams' avowals, both in his Ohio letter, and 
in his Inaugural Address. Upon this point, let the author be heard 
in his own words, and the analogy shall be sketched hereafter. 
Extract from Raymond's Elements of Political Economy — Page 35, 

Volume ], 

" A nation is a unity and possesses all the properties of unity. It 
possesses a unity of rights, a unity of interests, and a unity of pos- 
sessions; and he who professes to treat of the interests of this unity, 
but departs from them, and treats of the interests of some constitu- 
ent part of it, will just as certainly arrive at a wrong conclusion, as 
the arithmetician would, who, in performing an Algebraic computa- 
tion, should leave out one term of the equation." 

Again, page 43. — " It must be remembered, that a nation is as much 
a unity as an individual, and must always be considered so, when 
treating of national interests. It possesses all the properties of unity 
— unity of rights, possessions, and interests." 

Again, page 44. — "A nation is one and indivisible ; and every 
true system of political economy must be built upon this idea, as its 
fundamental principle." 

Again, page 45. — When we apply "to nations, the principles which 
govern indivifhials, we must consider nations as individuals, distinct 
in all their })ropertie3, and not as part nation and part individual. 
Tlie nation must be considered as one and indivisible; its rights, in- 
terests, and possessions, as one and inchvisible." 

In the foregoing extracts, which are copiously made, as affording 
the moans of correcting any possible unintentional misconstruction, 
the author has effected his first object. — He has made a nation, an 
unity. One and indivisible. He lays this down, as an indispensable 
fundamental principle. — "Upon it," he says, " ever^' true system of 
political economy must be built;" of course, comprehending that of 
the Government of "this Union."— The author effects his second 
object in pages 221, 222; vol. l.™"No m;ni can be expected to 
forego a present advantage to himself, provided there is no immoral- 
ity in the enjoyment of it, upon the ground ihat it may be prejudicial 
to posterity. He may have no posterity, or if he has, their interests 
at the distance of two or three generations, are too remote to influ- 
ence his conduct. The influence of self-interest on human conduct, 
like the laws of gravitation, is in the inverse ratio of distance and 



5 



quantity. Legislators, however, are not permitted to take sucli lim- 
ited, short-sighted views of tlut)gs — they are placed on a more eleva- 
ted station— they move in a higher sphere — they are traitors to their 
high trust, if they do not look to the future as well as the present ; 
they are in one sense, (though, in a very humble one) the vicegerents 
of God on earth ; and, as he regulates and governs the w orld, by the 
laws of eternal justice and wisdom, in regard to the future, as well 
as the present ; by the same laws, ought legislators to regulate and 
govern the nations of the earth, over whom they preside. Even ac- 
cording to the laws of self-interest, the remoteness of the interests of 
future generations, should be counterbalanced by the magnitude of 
those interests." 

Here then, it appears, according to the new hypothesis, that legis- 
lators instead of being representatives, or servants of the people, as 
heretofore supposed, " are in one sense, although a very humble one, 
the vicegerents of God upon earth." This is the exploded doctrine 
of the divine rights of kings revived in the United States, and extended 
to all American legislators, "in one sense, although a very humble one." 
The objects of comparison intended by the author, it is presumed, are 
American legislators, and the priests and kings of the earth ; and al- 
though they are all the vicegerents of God upon earth, the author seems 
to be willing to lower the new pretensions of American legislators, 
to the old fashioned supremacy of priests and kings. Let not the 
reader, in his astonishment at this new American doctrine suppose, 
that the term "vicegerents of God," is here used in a figurative sense. 
It is used in its literal sense, and the doctrine is believed to be indis- 
pensable to the author's subsequent developments, as will be seen 
hereafter. The author himself frequently inveighs most bitterly 
against the use of figurative terms in polemic disquisitions. Hear 
him in one instance in his own words. 

Page 76, vol. l.—r-" Almost every word in our language has a lit- 
eral and figurative meanmg, and an indiscriminate use of words in 
their literal and figurative sense when treating of a science, cannot 
fail to produce ambiguity and confusion. This is a principal reason 
why so little Improvement has been made in the science of political 
economy. The most standard authors perpetually use words in their 
figurative, when they should be used in their literal sense. But the 
man who supposes political economy to be a suitable field for the 
flourishes of rhetoric, is greatly mistaken, and instead of throwing any 
light on the subject, will be sure to envelope it in thicker darkness." 

The author cannot be presumed to violate a rule, which he con- 
ceives to be essential to the perfection of his own art. Besides, the 
author invests his legislators with the same powers " to regulate, and 
govern the nations of the earth, over whom they preside, as the eter- 
nal God himself, possesses for regulating and governing the world: 
' — and these powers are alike to be exercised by God himself, and his 
legislative vicegerents, according to the same laws of eternal justice 
and wisdom; of which, each in his own sphere, is inade the exclusive 
judge. This investiture of legislators, as completely unfetters them 
from all Constitutional restraint; and it does no more, — as do the 
new devices for interpreting the Constitution of the United States. 





Tiie wnier thinks President Adams and Mr. Clay have their lull 
share in these inventions, as will be shevi^n hereafter. The efiect of 
both of these plaYis, in unfettering legislators from all Constitutional 
responsibility, is precisely the same. The mode only, of effecting 
the same object, is different. That of the author, the writer thinks, 
more plain, more candid and more honest; but not more effectual for 
the object. If American legislators be vicegerents of God, in any 
sense, they can be responsible to him only for their public conduct. 
They cannot be responsible to the people, who dignified them, with 
this humble divinity. Heretofore it has been thougiit, that each man 
made his own peace with his own God, in his individual, not in his 
corporate character; but according to the doctrine of the new school, 
legislators are God*s vicegerents, in their corporate character, and of 
course can be responsible to him only in that character for their le- 
gislative acts. They cannot be responsible to the people in any cha- 
racter. The spirit of priesthood has at all times cheerfully lent its 
aid to invigorate the strong arm of Government. But the prie>^ts 
have heretofore claimed the exclusive title to God's vicegerency on 
this lower world in spiritual affairs; and conferred the same title on 
kings in temporal affairs. What will the pope and the priests say to 
this new American extension of this divine right to American legis- 
lators? What will the kings of the earth say to it.'* What will the 
temporal American constituents of these vicegerents say to it? Let 
our author now be heard in his own words, of what manner of men 
it is, that these vicegerents of God upon earth, are composed. 

Extract, page 224, vol. 1—" Legislation should always be nation- 
al, and not individual ; instead of which it is more frequently indi- 
vidual than national. This is not to be wondered at, when we con- 
sider what a mass of stupidity and ignorance is ordinarily selected 
for the administration of public affairs. It seems almost to have 
grown into a maxim, that "when a man is fit for nothing else, he is 
lU for a legislator,"- =-that neither talents, education, nor experience, 
are at all necessary to qualify a man to take charge of a nation's iii~ 
l^erests."' • 

Thus God's vicegerents are asserted to be good for nothing fellows, 
composed of "a mass of stupidity and ignorance." This "mass of 
stupidity and ignorance," is to be invested with the divine right of 
exercising its capricious despotic will over the liberty and property 
of the American people — not only for the present generation, but 
for posterit}'. Nor is God to be at all consulted in tlie selection of 
his own vicegerents; but tiiis "mass of stupidity and ignorance," is 
to be iniceremoniously palmed upon him, by tiie popular principle of 
universal suffrage. And the maxim of this principle of universal 
suffrage is, that "when a man is fit for nothing else, he is fit for a 
legislator," and thus, at once, becomes translated into a vicegerent 
of God upon earth, with powers absolute and unlimited. What ab- 
surdities and difficulties must ever encompass the disciples of the new 
school, in every attempt to exhibit to the world the militant combus- 
■ibie elements of their fantastical, destructive political economy! 

Ju^rust 15, 1825. 



FROM THE ENQUIRER OF AUGUST 30, 182i'>. 

i\0 VIII. 
POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. 

Raymond''s Elements of Political Economy — or, the iext-booJc of the- 

neiv Political School. 

The practical government of " this Union" far ahead of the fun- 
damental laws of " ihis Union." 

"A nation is an Unity." This is the fnndamental point upou 
which the author has placed himself, in regard to his wliole system 
of elementary political economy; and, like Archemides in relation 
to the natural world, give him this place to stand upon, and tiie au- 
thor seems to think, he can at pleasure move the whole political 
world. This principle is true in one sense, but it is not true in the 
sense of the author. A nation may be defmed to be, Uie land com- 
prehended within certain geoprahlcal boundaries, over which one gov- 
ernment presides ; whether indivisible, or composed of difl'erent 
parts, and the people inhabiting the land within those boundaries. 
Tiie term "nation" comprehends as well the lands, as the inhabi- 
tants thereupon, within the prescribed limits of tiie government. In- 
deed, in speaking of a " nation," it is impossible, in our concep- 
tions, to separate the land from the people, or the people from the 
land. If the people were removed from the land, they could not 
properly be considered as a "nation;" nor could the term "nation" 
be properly applied to a tract of country without an Inhabitant, 
The Israelites, whilst removing from Egypt, could not properly be 
considered as a nation, until they possessed and Inhabited the prp- 
inised land. Nor were they called a nation during their pilgrimage. 
They were called the people of Israel, not the nation of Israel. Af- 
ter inhabiting Palestine, they became the Jewish nation. During 
their pilgrimage they wanted that ownership of land, and fixture 
upon it, which are essential to nationality. So, at this da}^, the 
wandering Arabs are not called nations of Arabs, but tribes of 
Arabs. The American Aborigines, although in common parlance, 
are often called nations; yet in the Constitution of the United States, 
they are called "Indian tribes," in direct contradiction to foreign 
nations. "Congress shall have power to regulate commerce wi^b 
foreign nations, amongst the several States, and with Indian tribes.-' 
This distinction is founded upon the same principle — ^the want of ti- 
tle, possession, and fixture upon lands, within certain prescribed li- 
mits ; and their consequent savage condition. For, although the 
Indians claim certain lands, the United States deny to them all title, 
except the usufruct. Still less, can an uninhabited country be called 
a nation. The uninhabited country of Arabia, is never called the 
Arabian nation, but the Arabian deserts. The author, although 
highly sensible of the importance of precise, specific definitions, in 
all polemic disquisitions, often confounds tlic terms nation and go- 
vernment, and uses them as convertible terms; whereas, there are 
not two terms in the English language of more distinct and separate 



8 

meaning. The difference between a part and a vvtiole. Govern- 
ment may be defined to be, a corporation consisting of one or more 
persons, invested with the exercise of all rightful political power, 
over a nation, *^ and is a constituent part of such nation. Govern- 
ments have been derived cither from force, fraud or compact. Those 
derived from force and fraud, have been said, to have their origin in 
the immediate gift of God, to the respective Governors, without anj- 
intermediate right, or invention of the people. Those derived from 
compact, have their origin in the people, as the rightful source of all 
political power through the gift of God to them in their original na- 
tive character. The people being then the original sovereign own- 
ers of all power derived from the gift of God to them in their native 
State, they by written compacts, have granted out certain portions 
thereof, to governments in their corporate character, to be exercised 
for tiie benefit of the people in their original character. The Con- 
stitutions of the several States and of the United States, afford the 
first examples of the formation of governments of this description, 
and of course, they are of recent origin. This discovery has here- 
tofore been thought to promise much for improving and meliorating 
the political condition of man: and the first experiments under it, 
were thought to iiavebeen successful, even beyond the most sanguine 
hope, or expectation of the most sanguine admirers of this invention ; 
but lamentable to be told, the writer thinks this great American in- 
vention, so much wanted by all mankind, and so much cherished and 
beloved by the American people, is already strangled in its infancy 
by the untaught, unthinking, unwise, visionary, ambitious, political 
fasliionables. 



*"And is (a government) a constituent part of such nation." A 
national flag is an emblem of the whole nation, of which the govern- 
ment is only a constituent part. Thus the flag of France, is called 
the French flag, not the King's flag, nor the Government's flag, but 
the French nation's flag, one and indivisible, comprehending as well 
the territory, as the inhabitants of France. 

The flag of "this Union" is called the American flag. It is an 
emblem of the whole American nation; comprehending all its vari- 
ous governments, territory, and inhabitants. The States compre- 
hending State Governments are rej)resented in die flag by stars and 
stripes. After the admission of several new States into " this Uni- 
on," the writer tiiinks, a law was passed to increase these emblems. 
so as to correspond in numbers with the admitted States. Accord- 
ing to the doctrines of the new school, if a law at this day, were to 
be passed upon that subject, it would blot out all the emblematical 
stars and stripes, and fill up the blanks with the awful words nation- 
al — "one and indivisible." 

AVo be to the American people, whenever these beloved emble- 
matical stars and stripes, shall be stricken from their flag; and, when- 
ever, the friendly, propitious State Governments, shall be stricken 
from their proper spheres in the celestial regions of American Con 
stitutions! ! ! 



9 

If then, by the term "nation," the author merely meant that a 
nation consisted of a certain extent of country within prescribed 
limits for the purpose of government, and the inhabitants of that 
country amalgamated in one conception, it is admitted, in that sense; 
that "a nation is an unity," "E Pluribns Unum" — but then this 
amalgamation must be made up of its different integral units com- 
posing the whole, with all the properties rightfully belonging to 
pach, whether these units consist of States, governments, or indivi- 
duals. In tliis sense, the author's great fundamental principle would 
not answer his purpose. He, therefore, proceeds to explain the 
sense in which he uses the term, and in which sense alone, can it be 
made to answer his purpose. Thus — "It" (a nation) "possesses a 
unity of rights, a unity of interests, and a unity of possessions." 
This also may be true, if it be confined to the lawful rights, inter- 
ests and possessions of a nation in its national character, as, for in- 
stance, the rights, interests, and possessionsof the unsold lands belong- 
ing to the nation of the United States, as contradistinguished from 
the rights of the individual members thereof; whether sovereign 
States, State Governments, or individuals: but if in this unity, is 
intended to be compreheiuled all the rights, he. of the integral units 
composing this nation, whether States, Governments, or individuals, 
then it is not true. It then becomes a principle involving the most 
unfounded, despotic, and preposterous results. Yet it is in this 
sense only, in which ilie unity of a nation can be made to answer the 
author's ohject : in developing his frightful elementary principles of 
political econom)\ What can the author mean, by an unity of 
rights, 8ic. beloiiging to a nation, unless it be ail rights natural and 
derivative.'' He makes no distinction ; and must, therefore, be under- 
stood to include the whole. It is a matter of some surprise to the 
writer, that political economists, have not heretofore made some at- 
tempts to draw more precisely the line of discrimination between 
these two great descriptions of rights. The writer does not now 
propose to make the attempt; but he will sketch out a few of the 
first description, which, he thinks, will be sufficient abundantly to 
shew the preposterous absurdity of a national unity of all rights, na- 
tural aud derivative. The right to labor — tlie right to make bread 
— and the right to eat it, it is presumed, will be admitted to be na- 
tural rights. Man is absolute sovereign over these rights, in his in- 
dividual native character, and in that character, he exercises them at 
his pleasure. Suppose in this amalgamation of rights, he could and 
would give them up to the nation for the purpose of forming its 
quality of unity; how coidd it be exercised by a nation in this qua- 
lity of unity.'' Could this unity eat bread for "an individual, and di- 
gest it after eating it.'' The notion is absurd and preposterous. The 
right of marriage is a natural right. Could a nation in its quality 
of unity execute this right i* If so, the writer calls upon the author 
for the modus operandi in either case. When a man becomes a 
member of a nation, he does not abandon these rights, but he re- 
tains them with him to be executed in his individual original charac- 
ter^ in his associated State ? The^e are simple, but important rights; 
B 



lit 

more impoitaiU than llie whole tribe of conx entionai rights put to- 
get4ier; for upon their exercise depend the very existence and con- 
tinuation of tlie human species. These and innumerable other na- 
tural rights, precious as numberless, belong to individual man, whe- 
ther in a natural or associated State, to be exercised by him in his 
individual character as original sovereign owner. Without descend- 
ing into a more minute illustration at this time, the writer thinks this 
view will demonstrate the absurdity and folly of an amalgamation of 
all rights natural and conventional, individual and corporate, as the 
foundation of this magic quality of national unity. Every individu- 
al after becoming a member of a nation, retains to himself all that 
portion of his natural rights, which, in free governments, is not ce- 
ded by his voluntary consent, and in despotic ones, which is not 
compulsively taken from him by the government. Even in the most 
despotic European Government, the writer thinks, there are some 
rights reserved to each individual member, to be exercised in his ori- 
ginal, native character, if not in the avowed theory of such govern- 
ments, certainly in the practical administration of them. This is 
one respect, in which the writer thinks, the author's notions of the 
extent of governmental powers over individual rights, would not be 
avowed by the most depotic Government in Europe. This point 
will be more particularly explained hereafter. The author's princi- 
ple, strips the individual members of government of all rights, and 
usurps the whole for the nation in its united character, to be exercis- 
ed by the government of that nation in its corporate character. Not 
a vestige of right is to be executed by the individual member in his 
original native character. On the contrary, the writer contends, that 
each individual member retains to himself his most important natu- 
ral rights. That he is absolute sovereign over these retained rights 
to be exercised by himself at his own pleasure ; and that no govern- 
ment can rightfully control him in the exercise of these retained 
rights. This is the practice, whatever be the theory of governments, 
one and indivisible, v.hen acting under the claims of sovereign un- 
limited powers; but it appears now to be disavowed by the disciplee- 
of the new school, in their application to the Government of the Uni- 
ted States, although limited in its powers by a specific charter. This 
doctrine is absolutely inapplicable to the Government of " this Uni- 
on," and expressly forbidden by the fundamental laws of every 
American Governmental institution: and more so, in application to 
the Goverinnent of "this Union," than to any one of the State Go- 
vernments. The Government of "this Union," is composed of the 
people of the United States, previously associated by express written 
social compacts, under several Slate Governments. Thus associated, 
the people of the United States formed the Government of the Uni- 
ted States by a division of political powers between the General and 
State Governments ; but, far from abrogating the pre-existing State 
Governments, they made the States themselves, in their sovereign 
character, parties in the formation of the General or Federal Govern- 
ment. The people of the United States, reserved to the States in 
their high sovereign character, all rights and pov/ers whatever. 



11 

Vthlch were not expressly given to the General Government in their 
Federal compact, the Constitution of the United States. The peo- 
ple retained to themselves all rights, not expressly given either to the 
State or General Government to be exercised by tliemselves, at theii 
own pleasure, as original sovereign owners thereof. Indeed, neither 
the General Government nor the State Governments can properly be 
considered as sovereigns over the rights granted to them by the peo- 
ple; because the people retain the sovereignty over the granted 
rights. They are not absolutely but conditionally granted to these 
Governments respectively. They are held in trust for certain pur- 
poses specified in the written grants; and, if the Governments re- 
spectively violate these trusts, the people reserve to themselves the 
jight to resume these grants at their own pleasure. Sovereign is 
absolute and uncontrollable. If a right be held subject to the con- 
trol of another, the holder is not the sovereign of such right, but tlia) 
other who has the ultimate control of \L Hence, according to the 
fundamental institutions of the United States, the people are absolute 
sovereigus over all political rights, granted, as well as retained. 
Neither the General nor State Governments possess the sovereignty 
over even the granted rights; because the granted rights are to be 
executed by these Governments respectively in trust, according to 
the conditions specified in their respective charters, subject to the ul- 
timate control of the sovereign people; the retained rights are to 
be executed by each individual in his native character, as original, 
sovereign owner. But if, according to the doctrine of the new 
school, the American nation possess an unity of rights, interests, and 
possessions, in exclusion of all individual and State rights, to be exe- 
cuted by the Government of "this Union," then the people of "this 
Union," possess no rights whatever, neither natural nor convention- 
al: nothing being left to them but the delusive hope, not the right, 
of being well governed by their sslf-created sovereigns absolute. 

The States also, thus become despoiled of all rights, whilst the 
Government of "this Union," one and indivisible, becomes possess- 
ed of all rights, interests and possessions in absolute sovereignty. 
Now when it is considered, according to the author's hypothesis, 
that this national unity is to be controlled and directed by legisla- 
tors who are made God's vicegerents upon the earth for that pur- 
pose, and consist of good for nothing fellows, a " mass of stupidity 
and ignorance," unrestrained by any other influence than the laws 
by which God governs the world; can the imagination conceive of a 
more frightful form of government, held forth to the American peo- 
ple by this admired and lauded disciple of the new political school ? 
What invention or device, could more effectually abrogate every re- 
straining principle in the Constitution of the United States? What 
more vauntingly defies and insults the fundamental laws of every 
American political institution ? 

What says the Constitution of the United States, upon this main 
doctrine of amalgamation of all riglits to be executed by the Govern- 
ment of "this Union.?"- The people of "this Union" anticipated 
the possibility of this frightful and inonstrous itsurnation; and as a 



safeguard against even tliis possibility, caused the following amend- 
ments to be annxed to tlie Constitution of the United States: 

Amendment 11. — "■ Tlie enumeration, in the Constitution of cer- 
tain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others, re- 
tained by the people.'''' ' 

12. — "The poM-ers not delegated to the United States by the 
Constitution, nor prohibited by it, to the States, are reserved to the 
States respectively, or to the people.'" The same principle of retain- 
ed rights by the people, is solemnly declared in every State Consti- 
tution, which has any reference to that subject. In open defiance of 
all these solemn declarations, made by the people of this Union, in 
their high sovereign character, the political fashionables, as the wri- 
ter conceives, have unblushingly and contemptuously trampled under 
foot all these gi-eat fundamental truths, and substituted for them the 
fantastical, unlimited discretion of legislators. 

This circumstance itself affords ample matter for observation. It 
shall receive some consideration hereafter. 

Let the analogy be now sketched between the political consequen- 
ces of the author's doctrine of national unity, and President Adams's 
doctrine of a common social compact, as applied in his Oliio letter j 
and the following doctrine taken from his Inaugural Address: 

"To the topic of Internal Improvement, emphatically urged by 
him in his Inauguration, 1 recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is 
that from which I am convinced that unborn millions of our posteri- 
ty, who are in future ages to people this continent, will derive their 
most fervent gratitude to the founders of this Union, that, in which 
the beneficent action of its Government, will be most deeply felt and 
acknowledged." 

The analogy of the same political consequences deducibJe from 
the rules adopted by Preiident Adams in interpreting the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, shall form the subject of the next Num- 
ber. 

In the meantime ; for the analogy deduclble from the Inaugural 
Address, the render Is respectfully referred to No. 3, of these Dis- 
quisitions, printed the l/iih April last, before the writer had seen 
ilaymond's book ; and for that deduclble from the Ohio letter, to a re- 
view thereof, printed the 25th February last. 

To enable the reader to trace this analogy with the more facility, 
you are now requested Messrs. Editors to republish that review, 
vvlilch has been reconsidered and corrected. It may thus form 
part of this No. This request calls for some additional printing; 
but, if the writer be not much deceived in his views of this solemn 
subject; it calls for much writing, much printing, much reading, 
much consideration, and much practical counteraction from the peo- 
ple of the United States, to save their most precious rights and li- 
berties, froiT! the deprecated tendencies of the doctrines asserted by 
the practical government of "this Union," to liberate itself from all 
the wholesome restraints, solemnly imposed upon it by the fundamen- 
tal laws of "this Union," as the necessary and liallowed safe guards 
of these inestimable rights and liberties. This subject to be continu- 
ed in the next No. - August 18, 1825. 



PROM THE ENaUIRER, SEPTEMBER G, 1825. 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. 

NO. IX. 

Raymond's Elements of Political Economy— or the Text Booh of the 

new Political School. 

The practical government of "this Union"— far ahead of the fun- 
damental laws of " this Union." 

" A nation is an unity." Having in the last No. attempted to ex- 
plain the author's doctrine of national unity, and to point out some of 
its most prominent political consequences; having also referred to two 
papers to shew the analogies between that doctrine and President Ad- 
ams' doctrine of a ^^ common social compact," as explained in his Ohio 
letter, and his doctrine of "this Union," in application to ''its gov- 
vernment," as avowed in his Inaugural Address; the writer will now 
proceed to shew the analogies between the same doctrine and the in- 
ventions of the new school for interpreting the Constitution of the 
United States. Inventions for interpreting the Constitution of the 
United Slates so as to destroy all its limitations upon the powers of 
the practical government, seem of late, to have become the fashion- 
able occupation of its practical administrators. The late President 
has the credit, as the writer understands from the newspapers, of the 
following rule of interpretation : That, according to tiie provisions 
of the Constitution, the powers of the practical government extend 
to every legislative enactment, which will admit of the application of 
money for its effectuation. Now, as the writer cannot conceive of 
any legislative enactment, which may not be made to admit the ap- 
plication of money for its effectuation; the powers of the practical 
government, by consequence, must extend to every legislative enact- 
ment whatever ; and of course this rule annihilates at a single thought, 
every restraining provision of the Constitution, upon the powers of 
the practical government. The writer is not informed vvhether, or 
or not. President Adams has adopted this simple, operative rule of in- 
terpretation. He cannot, however, but infer the affirmative, from the 
eulogy pronounced in his Inaugural Address upon the "eminent citi- 
zen," who has the credit of the invention ; and upon the whole course 
of the "eminent citizen's" administration, without any exception, or 
reservation whatever. But this point, is of the less importance in 
the estimation of the writer, since he conceives that President Adams 
has either invented or adopted other rules of interpretation, which 
tend to produce the same effects. One of these rules is, to consider 
the term " general well'are" in itself, as a grant of power to the prac- 
tical government; and not an end, for the promotion of which, cer- 
tain specific powers are granted, that all the means necessary and 
proper for carrying into effect this general grant of power, must fol- 
low, as incidental to the grant itself; and the choice of these means 



14 



is left to the midelined and unlimited discretion of legislators. This 
is the doctrine of national unity identified in all its essential political 
consequences. This rule of interpretation shall form the subject of 
a future No. Another invention of the same tendencies, consists in 
substituting words of more indefinite meaning, not in the Constitu- 
tion, for words of more definite meaning which are in the Constitu- 
tion. Thus the term "facilitate," is substituted for the term "regu- 
late." 

But, the writer thinks. President Adams has recently borne off the 
palm in this fashionable occupation of inventing contrivances for 
destroying all constitutional restraints upon the powers of the prac- 
tical government. Tliis new invention, as the writer understands 
the Inaugural Address, consists in this: That the practical govern- 
ment has the right of assuming any power it may want for experi- 
mental projects. Internal Improvements being the example present- 
ed, and the right or wrong of such assumptions may be tested after- 
wards by actual experiments upon the assumed power. If these ex- 
periments shouW prove, that the assumption had produced practical 
public blessings, then the assumption would be rightful; but, if un- 
fortunately, the experiments should prove, that the assumption pro- 
duced practical public curses, then the assumption would be wrongful. 

Several difficulties present themselves to the writer, in the execu- 
tion of this new invention. It would often be as difficult to deter- 
mine, whether the experiments upon the assumed power, had pro- 
duced practical public blessings, or practical public curses, as to test 
the right or wrong of the original assumption, by the application of 
plain, honest common sense, and plain common honest reasoning, to 
interpreting the meaning of the original grant. For example — Take 
the finest feather in the cap of the last administration; the acquisi- 
tion of the Fioridas. The writer is decidedly of opinion, that the 
waste of public character; and of the moral influence of American 
Institutions in the profligate means, as the writer thinks them, which 
were resorted to for effecting that object, have produced more prac- 
tical evils to the United States; more fatally injurious effects upon 
their fundamental laws, than could be counterbalanced by the acqui- 
sition of one hundred such Fioridas. The different dispensations 
awarded to General Jackson and Commodore Poier for the like 
acts, seem latterly to have come down upon President Adams 
in consequence of his having been the defender of the one and the 
accuser and punisher of the other. From the very conspicuous part 
President Adams acted in the Florida scenes, he probably differs 
with the writer in opinion. This matter of experiment then, at least 
thus far, is still matter of opinion. How mucii further this difference 
of opinion extends, the writer knows not. Another difficulty presents 
itself, respecting the point of time, which would be required by the 
practical government, to ascertain the facts from the experiments 
upon the assumed power. For example— Take the assumed power 
^o make Internal Improvements. How long would President Adams 
require possession of this power, for the purpose of experimental 
projects? Would he be satisfied with a century's possession? This 



15 

would be about the limit of time within which, Mr. Secretary ClayV, 
delusive promises of a home market, for the people, under the lardy 
operation of his Tariff law, are to be realised. Suppose a century 
granted for experimental projects upon Internal Improvements, and at 
the expiration of that time, it should most unfortunately turn out, 
that these projects had produced practical public evils, instead of 
practical public blessings, as the writer is very sure it would in rela- 
tion to Internal Improvements in the unsuitable hands of the Gene- 
ral Government; by what process or ceremony could the power thus 
wrongfully assumed, be restored to its rightful owners; — the State 
Governments? And could it be expected, that the plundered State 
Governments would be quiet, patient lookers on, during a century, for 
these capricious experiments upon their own usurped rights.'' But what- 
ever may be thought of the ingenuity of this invention, or the diffi- 
culties attending its execution, the writer solemnly calls upon all his 
fellow-citizens, most attentively to review all these inventions for in- 
terpreting their Constitution; to consider well, their political tenden- 
cies and consequences; and then ask themselves, whether they do not 
all eventuate in the same political results with those of the doctrine 
of national unity, to wit: The abrogation of all the provisions of the 
Constitution, which limit the powers of the practical government, 
and the substitution of the unlimited discretion of its administrators 
in their stead? Admit that these political results will be thus insti- 
tuted by the practical administrators, in place of the fundamental 
laws, which the people had solemnly made, and declared for them- 
selves; and no doubt can exist upon this point in the mind of any 
impartial, intelligent human being; the General Government would 
thus become converted, into an absolute despotism of the worst or- 
ganization and tendencies. It would, in substance, thus become 
transformed into an elective monarchy for four years, extended by 
custom and courtesy, to eight. The elections would be grounded 
mainly upon the principle of universal suffrage. Under its evil influ- 
ence, legislators with unlimited discretion would be chosen; who, ac- 
cording to the author, are to be considered as God's vicegerents upon 
earth; and generally consist of a mass of stupidity and ignorance; 
and whilst it is admitted that there are many virtuous, intelligent, 
patriotic American legislators, the author might probably have men- 
tioned another compound mass of selfishness and vice, more mischiev- 
ous than the compound mass of stupidity and ignorance; the united 
compounds, perhaps, forming a majority of the whole; under whose 
baneful influence the Tarifl' law and other ridiculous, destructive re 
lief schemes have been palmed upon the people of the United States. 
These hopeful legislators would posses an absolute discretion to vote 
patronage to the Executive suflicient to corrupt themselves, and to 
enable them to corrupt their constituents, whose maxim, according 
to the author in exercising this inestimable right of suffrage, has al- 
ready come to this — " That when a man is fit for nothing else, he i"; 
fit for a legislator." Fellow-Citizens, critically review this picture, 
examine it with your best attention, and ask yourselves if it be over- 
drawn!!! Ask yourselves further, whethpv you do pcf belield some 



16 

of these things iti actual operation at this moment!! If so, Is it not 
time to consider well, and determine whether you are prepared to 
exchange your own fundamental laws, made by yourselves, and if 
fairly and honestly interpreted, most aptly fitted to the protection of 
your rights and liberties, and to assure you of enjoying the highest 
destinies awarded to man in a social state, for these new-fangled in- 
ventions, which in the opinion of the writer, exhibit the most fright- 
ful despoiisnj ! ! But, horrible as this picture is, its most shocking and 
deprecated feature is yet to be sketched and exhibited. This con- 
sists in the application of this new-fangled, complicated system of 
desnotism, to the peculiar condition of the territory and people of 
the U. States when compared with the people and territory of any other 
nation. These monstrous political anomalies would arise from the 
vast extent of territory, and the present and rapidly increasing num- 
ber of inhabitants, connected with the difi'erent climates and produc- 
tions of soil; and the diflerence in the pursuits and interests of the 
inhabitants; greatly aggravated too, by the circumstance of their be- 
ing in a great degree sectional. It was on this ground that States 
and State Governments now to be annihilated become essential in- 
gredients in our beautiful system of fundamental laws; and above all, 
from the diflerence in the great principles of labour, established in 
diflerent sections of the territory, upon wiiicli, the community in 
each, depends for its subsistence, its prosperity, and its happiness. 
Ill estimating these views of this part of the subject, it should be 
primarily observed and should never be forgotten; that none of these 
diflerences in sectional pursuits and interests grow out of the natural 
relations of different occupations in society. They are all created 
by the artificial intermeddling of the Government. It is impossible 
to find any difference in the natural relations of the slave-holding 
and the non-slave-holding States, nor in the different occupations of 
their inhabitants respectively. The cotton planter of the South raises 
an article which is indispensable to the prosperity of the manufac- 
turer of the East, whilst he wants the manufactured article in return. 
In the natural operation of their different sectional pursuits, they 
become reciprocally beneficial to each other, and no difference of in- 
terests is seen to exist between them ; but the moment the government 
intermeddles with these occupations, and artificially takes from the 
cotton planter a certain portion of the annual proceeds of his labour, 
and gives it to the Eastern manufacturer, then commences the differ- 
ence of interests between these two sectional occupations. This dif- 
ference of interests consists in precisely the quantum of the produce 
of the labour of the one, compulsively taken by Government and 
given to the other. The interest of the one is to increase, of the 
other to lessen, the quantum of labour. Let nothing be taken from 
the one and given to the other, and all difference of interests instant- 
ly vanishes, and a reciprocity of interest, becomes instantly restored. 
The one condition being the natural and rightful relation of these two 
occupations; the other, the wrongful artificial relation created by the 
Government. Different occupations in society, and still more, if such 
occupations be sectional, afford the most fruitful means to Govern- 



uients, of creating artificial differences of interests in society; and 
through such artificial differences of establisliing and confirming 
their own despotism. The most detestable acts of the most detest- 
able tyrants have often derived their pestilential influence from this 
condition of society. They play off the interest of one occupation 
against another; and thus make all dependent upon them, for the fa- 
vors they capriciously deal out to each. The Tariff law, is the most 
illustrative example of the truth of this doctrine. It is upon the ar- 
tificial difference of interests created by that law, as the writer con- 
ceives, that the present administration has placed itself for support; 
and that interest in its meretricious courtship of the administration, 
has yielded up, in the opinion of the writer, every wholesome restrain- 
ing principle of the fundamental laws ; and relying upon the favorit- 
ism of the Government, has heedlessly thrown all its own rights up- 
on the partial discretion of the administration. Introducing this law, 
at this time, merely for illustration, without pursuing the subject m 
detail, the writer will only observe further; that in his judgment, this 
law is, at this moment, producing the most injtirious effects upon the 
Government and people of the United States. It has deranged the 
natural beneficial relations between different sections of the country 
and different occupations in society. In consequence of an unjust 
favoritism, it has destroyed all the moral influence of the Government. 
The writer believes, that there is not an intelligent cotton, nor tobac- 
co planter, nor wheat farmer, who does not know, that he is plunder- 
ed of a considerable portion of the annual proceeds of his labor, for 
the benefit of the manufacturer. This necessarily produces antipa- 
thies and jealousies, where mutual confidence before existed. The 
intelligent manufacturer knows the same thing and indulges the same 
spirit. With this knowledge and feeling, neither can have any con- 
fidence in the morals of the Government. The only difference be- 
tween them consists in this — the manufacturer is bribed by the favor 
he receives to support the immoral measures, and every other of the 
partial administration. He thus becomes corrupted and demoralised 
himseli^ The planter, conscious of his own wrong, must despise the 
sturdy robber; whom he mistakingly thinks, he has no means of re- 
straining and repelling. Innumerable other evil consequences result 
from these preposterous inventions, for interpreting the Constitution 
of the United States. One of the most extensive and prominent, 
consists in the unprincipled shufliing for offices, and patronage. 
This has produced and extended far and wide, a baneful electioneer- 
ing spirit; out of which has arisen a still more evil spirit of idolatry. 
Here let the reader pause, look around and see; if this evil spiiit of 
idolatry, is not already unblushingly stalking through the land? Let 
him then consider well; what manner of evil spirit, is this spirit of 
idolatry? It is that evil spirit which degrades man from his own 
dignified, independent nature, conferred upon him by his God, and 
converts him into the miserable dependant upon an ither. It is that 
evil spirit which strips man of his own intellectual energies, and 
makes him the slave and the sport of every intriguing, flattering 
demagogue. It is the fun-^Atical evil spirit which exalts others, and 
c 



18 

debases itself. It is tiic deiirions evil spirit which worships an idol, 
more unworthy than the idolater. It is that evil spirit which ascends 
to the divine right of Kings; and sanctifies the oil of the Lord's an- 
ointed — which makes the monarch every thing and the people no- 
thing — *\vhich converts its idol into the Almighty, and the people 
into "sheep of his liand." The world has recently seen two of these 
idolatrous ceremonials. Have the people of the United States he- 
come lascinated with them? Are they ready for their introduction 
here, and their extension to their own legislators? If not, then let 
the people of the United States beware how they countenance and 
indulge this evil idolatrous spirit, already introduced, and bids fair 
to become predominant amongst them. Let President Adams tooj 
deeply reflect and well consider how much the future dignity and 
welfare of the whole human race, how much the future fame and 
glory of his own country and of himself, are concerned in fi owning 
down this degrading, destructive, deprecated spirit, and in reinstat- 
ing the rights of man by leaving to him the enjoyment of all, in his 
individual character, except the smallest portion thereof, which ma}' 
be found indispensable for all the necessary objects of Government. 
— How deplorable might be the consequences to the whole human 
race; if, at this luminous period of the world, when other people, 
and other Governments are actively engaged in developing the ener- 
gies of the human mind, and urging individual man on to the high 
destinies awarded him in his creation by his God, President Adams, 
blinded by the false glitter of his high station, should endeavor to 
arrest these glorious efforts of others, by dishonoring the great poli- 
tical truths first discovered in his own country; and by disavowing 
the blessed and happy results of the most successful experiments up- 
on these great American developments! ! 
August 22, 1825. 

JVote. — *" Which converts its idol into the Almighty; and the 
people into 'the sheep of his hand.' " 

This thought reminds the writer of an anecdote told of a French 
Catholick, who had become converted into an English Protestant. 
This "rare giv's,"' with the burning zeal of a new convert, resolved 
to preach protestantism in I^nglish, before he had become acquaint- 
ed with either the idiom, or words of the English language. Being 
himself enraptured with the Episcopal Lnturgy, whilst delivering one 
of his most glowing sermons, thinking in French, and speaking in 
English, it occurred to him, that he might iinpro\e his own heated 
eifusions, by the following quotation from his admired Liturgy — 
"For the liord is our God — we arc the people of his pasture, atid 
the sheep of his hand." When arrived at the last clause of the in- 
tended quotation, the inspired orator found to his great surprise and 
confusion, that he had lost all recollection of the English word 
"sheep." In this distressing dilemma, he began to ejaculate. "Ah, 
ho, ha, diable, vat datyou call 'em?" At this critical moment of per- 
plexit}', the thought of the French word " moutori'^ most opportune- 
ly presented itself to his relief, and recollecting its similarity in sound 



FROM THE ENQUIRER, SEPTEMBER 9, 1824. 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. 

NO. X. 

Raymond's Elements of Political Economy — or the text book of the 

new Political School. 

The practical government of ''this Union" — -far ahead of the fun- 
damental laws of " this Union." 

Without giving further attention at this time, to the prefatory pre- 
parations of the author for the great object of his work, the writer 
will proceed at once to his chapter on "protecting duties." This 
subject appears to be the git of the whole work ; and it seems to 
have been written principally with the view of provhig the right of 
the Genei-ul Government to lay duties for the sole object of protect- 
ing domestic manufactures. From the circumstances attending the 
publication, it may fairly be presumed to have been written, at the 
request and under the influence of the manufacturing interest. The 
first edition was dedicated to tiie late " Honorable Robert Goodloe 
Harper, L. L, D.," on the 20th of November, 1820. It soon ran 
through one edition, and the preface to the second edition, bears 
date December 4, 1823. From these and other circumstances it 
would appear evident, that the principles avowed in this work, form 
the basis of the right to pass the Tariff bill, and have been received 
as orthodox, by the supporters of that law, and by the disciples of 
the new political school — the present political fashionables. This 
sect of politicians, now constitute the dominant party in the practical 
Government, as the writer believes; and, therefore, these principles 
deserve to be profoundly considered and well understood by tlie 
whole American people. To give the sect the full benefit of their 
own elements of political economy, you are requested Messrs. Edi- 
tors, to publish the following extract. The writer thinks its devel- 
opments, if duly understood, will full3' justify the printing for the 

to the English word " mutton," which designates sheep for slaughter, 

the delighted orator exclaimed ah — oui — ca ira — dat is de niouton 

and triumphantly proceeded with the quotation — " We are de people 
of his pasture, and de ^^mouton''^ of his hand." 

It really seems to the writer, from the new-fangled notions recent- 
ly exhibited in the public prints, that the poHtical fishionables have 
actually prepared themselves, voluntarily to abandon the high and 
happy destinies awarded to the American people by their fundamen- 
tal laws, and ignobly to humble themselves into "national" nmtton; 
to be fleeced, slaughtered, or pampered at the capricious will of their 
darling "national" Government; and with the like burning zeal of 
Jiew converts, are strenuously urging the whole American people lo 
debase themselves into the same miserable humiliation. 



20 

mfonnatiou of every citizen, who feels a patriotic interest in the 
fundamental laws of his countr}-. 

Extract from Raymond's Elements of Political Economy, from, 
page 201, to the bottom of page 205, inclusive, Vol. 2. 

"Upon all subjects relating to political economy, and especially 
upon the subject o( protecting duties, it is ever to be remembered, 
that the public interests are paramount to individual interests — that 
a private mischief, or inconvenience, must be endured for the public 
good ; and that when a political economist has shown that public 
and private interests are opposed, he has made out a case in which 
the interposition of the Government is necessary — he cannot be re- 
quired to prove that private interests ought to give way — this is. to 
be taken for granted. 

"In military tactics, it is a fundamental principle, that the army 
is one, and the general head; no soldier is permitted to have a right 
or an interest, opposed to the general good of the army. So, in 
political economy, it should be a fundamental principle, that the na- 
tion is one, and the legislature the head; no citizen should be per- 
mitted to have a right, or an interest, opposed to the general good of 
the nation. Until this comes to be admitted and acted upon as a fun- 
damental principle, political economy will remain in its present crude 
chaotic state, and cannot be subjected to the rules of science." 

" It may, with as much propriety, be maintained that the power 
and capacity of an army, would be augmented, by permitting every 
soldipr to exercise and employ his military skill and prowess in what 
manner he pleases, as that the power and capacity of a nation will be 
augmented, by permitting every citizen to employ his skill, industry 
and capital, in what manner he pleases. 

"The rights and duties of a general and his soldiers, are totally 
distinct and frequently opposite. The rights and duties of a legisla- 
ture and its citizens are as distinct and scarcely less frequently oppo- 
site. The soldier should have as much liberty as is consistent with 
the good of the army. It would be oppression to deprive him of this. 
The citizen should have as much liberty as is consistent v/ith the good 
of the nation. To deprive him of this would be tyrann}^ More 
than this he ought not to claim. The general is the judge in the 
case of the soldier. The legislature is the judge in the case of the 
citizen. Soldiers take all the liberty their general will give them. 
Citizens take all the liberty the law allows them — they were never 
known to refrain from engaging in any profitable trade or business 
which the law allowed, because it was detrimental to the nation. If 
the slave trade is profitable they will engage in it, unless the law forbids 
it, and often even then. If they refrain at all when there is no law 
against it, it will be from other and iiigher motives, than regard to 
the nation's welfare ; and it will be the same with every other kind 
of trade or employment." 

"We often hear people talk about individual rights in a strain that 
would lead one to suppose, that national interests and individual rights 
were, in their opinion, often at variance. They seem to suppose that 



21 

the riG;bt of property is absolute In the individual, and that every one 
has arip;ht to sell to whom he pleases, and to buy of whom he pleases; 
and that any interference by the Government, in restraining the ex- 
ercise of this right, is arbitrary and tyrannical. They will tell us, 
that Government has no right to control them in the disposition of 
their property, merely with a view that other citizens ma\' derive a 
benefit from it." 

" This is a manifest error. Individual right to property is never 
absolute, but always relative and conditional. There is no such thing 
as perfect, absolute right, but in those things which are the gift of 
nature; such as life, liberty, strength, talents, personal beauty, Sec. 
The rigiit to property is merely conventional or conditional, subject 
to such regulation as may be made respecting it, with a view to the 
general interests of the whole nation. No man has, nor can have, a 
perfect exclusive right to property of any description. Every man 
in the community has a qualified right to it, and under certain cir- 
cumstances, has a right to a living out of it. The public right to 
ever}' piece of property in a nation, is superior to the private right 
of the individual owner. Hence, the right of the public to take any 
man's property from him, whenever it becomes necessary for the pub- 
lic good. If this were not so, the social compact would not be sus- 
tained; Government could not be supported. 

"If individual right to property was absolute, Government would 
have no right to take an individual's property from him, for any pur- 
pose whatever. The public has no right to deprive a man of his life, 
his liberty, his talents, his strength, his personal beauty, or of any 
other gift of nature, merely for the public good, and for t!ie plainest 
reason in the world, because he does not derive any of these from 
the public — they are the gifts of his Creator, and he alone has a 
right to deprive him of them. No man or bodj' of men has a right 
to take them from him, unless they have been forfeited by some 
crime. 

" Upon the same principle that God has a right to deprive a maij 
of health and life. Government has a right to deprive him of his pro- 
perty. The former is the bounty of God, and held subject to his 
will. The latter is the bounty of Government and held subject to 
its will. But for the social compact no man could have an exclusive 
right to any spot of this earth. The right of property is, therefore, 
a conventional right, and the public grants no title to propert}^ in 
derogation of the public weal. An individual may have a title to 
property, superior to the title of any other individual, or to any num- 
ber of individuals, less than the whole, but it cannot be superior to 
the title of the whole, because the whole includes the title of the in- 
dividual himself, as well as the title of every body else. Hence, the 
right of the public to take a man's property for the purpose of mak- 
ing public roads, or erecting fortifications, or for any other purpose 
which the public good may require. Hence the right of the Gov- 
ernment to levy and collect taxes in any manner the public interests 
may require, Hence the right to prohibit a man from selling his pro- 
perty to foreigners, or to buy from them those things he may want. 



22 

The Government has a clear and perfect right to make any regula- 
tions respecting property, or trade, which the public interests may 
require. 

"Every question, therefore, respecting a tariff, or protecting du- 
ties, must be a question of expediency, and not a question of right.^^ 

This extract connected with those heretofore exhibited, gives a full 
view of the Governmental machiner}', which the author and the dis- 
ciples of the new school deem necessary, as the foundation of flie 
right of the General Government^ to pass a law for the protection of 
domestic manufactures. The writer concurs perfectly in opinion with 
the author, and the disciples of the new school, as to the necessity of 
all this Governmental machinery, or its equivalent, to establish a right 
in the General Government, to pass a law for the protection of man- 
ufactures, or any other occupation in society. Let then the inquiry 
be made into the principles here avowed, as the basis of all this necessary' 
Governmental machinery or chicanery. The following are laid down 
by the author, as fundamental laws, without which no right would exist 
in the General Government to pass laws for protecting manufactures : 
or, in other words, to pass the tariff law. 1st. That the nation is an 
unity — and the legislature the head of the nation. 2d. That the 
legislators are irresponsible. 3d. That they are unrestrained in the 
exercise of their legislative discretion, by any other influence than 
that which is derived from the laws, by which God governs the world. 
4th. That the legislators possess the same rights over the people, 
which a general does over the soldiers of an army. 5th. That the 
)>eople have no more rights than the law allows them, and this law is 
to be pronounced by God's vicegerents, or irresponsible legislators. 
Cth. That whilst the right of life is a natural right, the right of pro- 
perty is conventional. 7th. That all property belongs to the nation 
of which the legislature is the head-, and none to the people in their 
individual character. 8th. That Government has tlie right to dispose 
of the proceeds of the labor of every individual in society ; and that 
the individual has no right whatever, to dispose of the proceeds of 
his own labor : and by consequence, that the Government has a right 
to take from every individual any portion of the property, of which 
the individual may be possessed, without any compensation therefor. 
9th. That every individual labors for the community, and not for 
himself, &c. he. Fellow-Citizens! look steadfastly at this catalogue 
of fundamental principles, and ask yourselves, if they are not worth 
examination ; especially, when considered in connection with the acts 
of the practical Government, anj the avowals of some of its adminis- 
trators ? 

Under the full conviction, that they call for the best attention and 
consideration, the writer proposes, to give'to some of them, such gene 
ral examination, as may serve to attract the attention of others. 

August 29, 1825. 



FROM THE ENQUIRER. 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, 
NO. XI. 

Raymond's Elements of Political Economy-^or the text-hoalc of the 

new Political School. 

The practical Government of "this Union"— far ahead of the fun- 
•Jameniai laws of "this Union." 

The Government of this Union, has no right to take property from 
one man and give it to another. No — Not eveii by the fashionable 
mode of legislating — Neither by hook — nor b}^ crook. 

The writer having in the last No. introduced the common written 
social compacts, or Constitutions of the several States, composing the 
United States of America, for the purpose of dissipating the doctrines 
of the new school, in relation to the origin, and possession of the 
right of property ; and to shew that the people in their native char- 
acter, are the only rightful source of all political rights and power; 
and that the Government has no right whatever, to take private pro- 
perty, even for public uses, without just compensation ; he will 
now present some of his general views, in relation to the still more 
monstrous doctrine, relied upon by the author, as the foundation of 
the Governmental right, to take property from one man and give it 
to another; and that too, without any compensation whatever. The 
writer understands the author to admit, that if the Government pos- 
sesses not this right, it has no right to pass a tariff law, for the pur- 
pose of protecting domestic manufactures; which does, in fact, take 
from one man the proceeds of his labor, and give them to another 
without compensation. In this admission, and in this alone, the wri- 
ter concurs fully in opinion with the author, and the disciples of the 
new school. But the great difference of opinion consists in this: — 
whilst the author, and his tariff disciples, insist upon this principle, 
as resulting from the rightful power of the Government of "this U- 
nion ;" the writer thinks that no rightful Government has any such 
power; and less than any other, the Government of this Union; and 
that the exercise of such power, if it had, would be an act of the ut- 
most despotism and injustice, that could be committed by the most 
absolute sovereigns. To exhibit in the most striking point of view, 
the direct contrast, between the venerable, orthodox doctrine of the 
old school, and the fantastical heterodox doctrine of the new one, the 
writer will here insert the words of the author; and then, those from 
the fundamental laws of the United States and of the several States, 
in relation to the great cardinal doctrines upon which the rights and 
liberties of the American people depend: — First, in relation to the 
origin and derivation of the right of property. Extract from the 
author's book, pages 204 and 205. "Upon the same principle that 
God has a right to deprive a man of health and life, Government has 
a right to deprive him of his property. The former is the bounty 



24 

of God, and held subject to his will; the lattei- is the bounty 
of God and held subject to its will." Extract from the declaration 
of rights, made by Virginia, 6th of May, 1770, containing the fun- 
danieiital j)rinciples, upon which the first and best written common 
social compact was made, which the world ever saw. It is the first 
and most holy ark, ever erected, for a hallowed sanctuary of the 
rights of man. It is the most important State paper in the world; 
because the ^rs^, to break man's oppressive chains asunder; and 
practically to assert, amidst appalling dangers, his long lost, long for- 
gotten rights. But, lamentable is the thought ! even this towering, 
venerable, sacred sanctuary, is now to be laid low, by the indescri- 
minate, all-destroying, unrelenting scythe of well-wishing, ardent de- 
luded melioraiors. This sacrilegious abomination, "be the intent 
wicked or charitable," may God of his infinite goodness forbid ! ! ! 

"That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from the 
people. That magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all 
times amenable to them." Extract — declaration of rights. Massa- 
chusetts, 2d March, 1780. — "All power residing originally with the 
people and being derived from them, the several magistrates, fiic. are 
at all times amenable to them." — Every other written, common social 
compact of the several States, is founded upon the great fundamen- 
tal principle, first proclaimed by Virginia: that the people are the 
true, and only origin of all political power. Hear the author, in,the 
next place, in relation to the right of the Government to take pri- 
vate property for the public good: page 203. "They seem to sup- 
pose, that the right of property is absolute in the individual ; and 
that every one has a riglu to sell to whom he pleases, and to buy of 
whom he pleases, &cc. This is a manifest error." Again, page 204. 
•'The public right to property is superior to the private right of the 
individual owner. Hence the right of the public to take any man's 
property from him, whenever it becomes necessary for the public 
good."— Extract fi-om the sixth amendment of the Constitution of 
the United States: "Nor (shall any person,) be deprived of life, 
liberty, or property, without due process of law: nor shall private 
property be taken for public uses, xoithout just compensation^ These 
great fundamental principles, are asserted in every State Constitution 
in the Union, in which the subject is expressly mentioned, and where 
it is not, it is implied: and the Constitution, in every case, is bot- 
tomed upon it. It would be a waste of time and of words, to resort 
to arguments to show, the preposterous errors of tiie author, upon 
these all-important points, when these high obligatory sanctions, are 
presented in direct contradiction of them. Yet it is upon these niost 
abominable, heretical errors, that the author has bottomed the right 
of the Government of "this Union," to pass the tarifl' law, for the 
protection of domestic manufactures. Tliis law the author admits, 
was intended to take, and iii fact, does take property from one man 
and give it to another without just compensation. The author, ne- 
vertheless, justifies all this, from the potent, bewitching influence of 
his enclianted notion of national unity.— Hear him in his own words: 
Page 229, vol. 2. — " If it be admitted that a man had better em- 
ploy a week in making a pair of shoes when he has nothing else ic 






do, than pay tlic ordinary price of a day's labor for a pair, I shoulci 
like to know why tlie same principle will not apply to a nation. The 
cases are parallel, if it be admitted, that a nation is an unity; if it 
be not an unity, I should like to know what it is? If a plurality, I 
should like to know, whose interest among its members, is para- 
mount; or, whether such member is to be permitted to pursue his 
own interest, regardless of the public good; and if so, whether this 
would not utterly destroy the social compact!!" 

This notion of the unity of a nation, has been heretofore explain- 
ed; but in compliance with the author's earnest desire, this addition- 
al notion, of the impossibility of this unity, being composed of plu- 
ralities, shall receive some further illustration. The error of the au- 
thor seems to consist in a notion, that a nation is a great crucible 
which melts up and amalgamates every thing that is thrown therein, 
into one mass. The author probably would admit; however, that 
when man becomes a member of a nation, he still retains all his phy- 
sical organizations. He is still permitted to wear his own head upon 
his own shoulders : To retain his own tongue, his own eyes, his own 
nose, his own ears, his own body, his own limbs, and, in short, all 
the physical faculties of sense. He thus becomes an integral unit, in 
the organization of a nation; and, as one of the integral pluralities, 
which, when collected together in one conception, forms a nation. 
But whilst the author might admit to individual man, in his associ- 
ated state, his physical organizations ; he peremptorily denies to him 
his natural, moral rights; such as a right to property, Uc. Uc. 

Now the writer thinks, there is no more difficulty in conceiving, 
how an unity can be formed out of pluralities, composed of integral 
units, with natural, moral rights, than with physical capacities. As 
the author seems to find great difficulty in comprehending this plain 
conception, the writer will endeavour to present him with an emblem 
of a nation in miniature, Avhich may perhaps be more suited to his 
complete comprehension. This, he thinks, be will be able to do, 
with a little aid from the author's own imagination, which, on this 
occasion, is respectfully solicited. Let us then conceive of an im- 
mense flock of sheep, congregated into one fold; and that each one 
is the owner of the particular spot of earth upon which he stands; 
that he enters the fold with all his physical capacities, his head and 
tail, body and limbs—that he has also the power of locomotion at 
pleasure, provided he thereby injures not another. This may justly 
be termed, his right to liberty. That he also retains the right to 
bleat at pleasure, provided he does no injury to another. This may 
be called the right of speech, and of the press. The author seems 
willing to admit the liberty of the press, though his doctrines would, 
doubtlessly, swallow up that, as well as all other liberties. Suppose 
the father of the flock, should be made Lord paramount, or, if the 
author likes it better, the sovereign absolute, over the rest of the flock, 
with his humble suit of judicial and ministerial sub-dignitaries. It 
will then be presumed, the author can have no difficulty in conceiv- 
ing of one flock of sheep composed out of all these integral units 
with their physical, natural and moral rights, consiituting pluralities. 



20 - ' 

If so, then he can have no cTifi'icnlty In conceiving a nation sisnilarly 
composed. To aid liim still furtbcr, however, in a more particular 
analysis, let us suppose, that the cnrlosnre of the fold shall represent 
the geographical boundaries of the nation: The area within the en- 
closure, the territory of the nation : The sheep upon this area, each 
with the right to the spot he stands on, the people of the nation with 
their right to their land respectively. The physical organization, and 
the natural, njoral rights of the sheep to represent those of the peo- 
ple individually; and the patriarchal government of the sheep, lim- 
ited by a charter, that of the Government of this Union ; and he 
will then have before him, the miniature emblem of the American 
nation. The whole mass taken together, will form one flock in the 
one case, and one nation in the other. It is in this sense on!}', that 
a nation can be considered an unity. If upon the author's notion of 
national unity, all rights were to be amalgamated into one mass, to 
be directed by the unlimited will of the national Government, it wouhJ 
constitute the most shocking despotism the world ever saw. It would 
reduce the American nation to tlie most quiescent, submissive, con- 
temptible flock of sheep, that ever were collected together into one 
fold. The writer cannot suppress the thought, that the author must 
have taken up this notion of the immense mass of rights in the na- 
tion, from impressions made on him in his boyish days, when indulg- 
ing himself with his playmates in repeating the following fanciful, 
im:iginary notions, common amongst children. — '*If all the heads in 
this world were to he made into one head, what a great head that 
would be!!" "If all the noses in this world were to be made into 
one nose, what a great nose that v.'ould be," &.c. &;c. 

So the author: "If all the rights of the American people were to 
be amalgamated into one mass, what a great mass of rights that 
would be!!" "If the American nation possessed all this great mass 
of rights, what a great American nation that would be! !" -'If all this 
great mass of rights could, by magic, be taken from this great Ame- 
rican nation, and placed in one "national" Govermnent, what a great 
splendid, consolidated, devilish, monster of a " national" Government 
would that be! !" A most terrific devil of a "national" Government 
would it be!! possessing all capacities and properties to do good 
or evil; bui all propensities and tendencies to do evil; none to do 
good. This is precisely such a Goverinnent as the author and the 
disciples of the new school would impose ii|)on the American people, 
in lieu of the iifcc, beautilid, happy organization of their own Gov- 
ernments, made by themselves, for the protection and preservation of 
their own rights, liberties and happiness. But the author's fear seems 
to be, that without this amalgamation of rights, and the unlimited 
control of the "national" Government over them, the social compact 
would necessarily be destroyed. So far from this amalganjation of 
rights, preventing the destruction of the social compact, it necessa- 
rily involves the utter destruction of the social compact. It leaves 
tlie compact with one party oidy. All compacts have at least two 
parties. The social compacts would tlms be left with oidy one par- 
ty — to wit: the Governors. They will have the whole amalgama- 



0-7 



tion of rights. The governed vvoukl become stripped of all rights, 
of course; become deprived of all interests in the compact; and con- 
sequently, not a beneficial party to it. Besides, what inducement 
would the people or the governed, have for entering into compacts, 
by which, they were to he deprived of all rights.'' The writer can 
form no idea of the author's notion of a social compact. All written 
social compacts are made by the people, or the governed, in their m- 
dividual characters, in the absence of the Governors — and it would 
be great folly on their part, to give up all rights to their Governors 
when appointed. They have not done so; but they have given up 
to the Governors, only the smallest portion of their natural rights, 
which can be made to suffice for Governmental objects. All the re- 
sidue, they retain to themselves. The surrender of that small por- 
tion, is made in express consideration ti)at the Governors shall pro- 
tect the governed, in the enjoyment of all iheir retained rights. But, 
according to the author's notion, the Governors possess all rights, in- 
terests and possessions, independently of the people; and, therefore, 
must be relieved from the obligation of protection to the governed 
altogether; whereas tiiis right of protection from the Governor, is 
tlie only Conventional right, that the governed have reserved to them- 
selves, or in other words, all other Conventional rights are included 
in this right of protection. According to this view of the subject, 
the right of private pro))erty being absolutely vested in the owner, and 
the Governor.^ being solenuily hound to protect the owner in the enjoy- 
ment of it; cannot of right, violate that obligation of protection, take 
from the owner his private property, and give it to another. But to 
avoid these inevitable results, the author proceeds to make the fol- 
lowing application of his own Governmensal principles. 

Page 232, vol. 2.— "But, if the general good of the country re- 
quire, that the farmer should be compelled, either to do without these 
articles, or to buy them of his fellow-citizens, he has no right to com- 
plain of being compelled to do this; for he holds his land, upon which 
he raised his corn upon condition, that he should use it in such a man- 
ner as shall be most for the public good — his right of property is not 
absolute, for the whole community has an interest in it, and the na- 
tion has a right to make such regulations respecting it as the public 
good shall require." 

The author after admitting that the property of the farmer is in- 
directly taken from him, and eventually given to the manufacturer, 
then asserts, "that the farmer has no 7-ight to complain of being thus 
plundered of his property for the benefit of the manufacturer." Why 
not.'' Hear the author's reason against the right of the farmer to 
complain of this notorious act of injustice: "For he" (the farmer) 
"holds his land upon which he raised his corn, upon condition that 
he shall use it in such a manner, as shall be for the public good." 
Did any American citizen ever before hear of such a tenure? Did 
any American citizen ever before dream that he himself held his lands 
by such a tenure.'' No such tenure ever disgraced the feudal system. 
When the feudal Baron, granted out a parcel of lands to his tenant 
for valuable consideration, he annexed no such condition to his grant; 



28. 

nor did lie retain to himself any right to violate any condition upon 
which such grant was made. In the United States it ha? heretofore 
been thought, that lands were not held by any tenure from any Lord 
paramount whatever, but were allodial, or of absolute right in the 
owner. According to the doctrines of the new school, farmers are 
now to learn, that they hold their land by a new tenure, and one con- 
dition of this tenure is, that the proceeds of their labor upon the land, 
a\f to be taken Irom them and given to another for the public good; 
and this is to be done too, without taking into the estimate the labor 
bestowed upon the land. And who is to judge whether the poor far- 
mer is using his land for the public good or not? Not the poor far- 
mer himself: but the legislators — God's vicegerents upon earth — 
good for nothing fellows — a mass of stupidity and ignorance. Are 
farmers prepared to bear this doctrine? VVill not this rouse them 
from their torpidity into efficient action ? All this dospotlsm could 
be put down by a single blast of their breath. Not only are farmers to 
be plundered of the proceeds of their labor for the benefit of the man- 
ufacturer, but a new and grievous tenure is to be annexed to their lands : 
which w<ndd leave the whole proceeds at the capricious discretion of 
their silly, visionar^^ despotic rulers, and they are to be insultingly 
told, that they do not laloor for themselves, but for the community. 
^'That the whole community has an interest in it" (to wit) in his right 
of private property. Heretofore the great fundamental rule for the 
use of private property by the owner, has been, so to use your own, that 
you injure not another, Sic utere turo, ut alienum non ledat, is the 
great moral, civil and common law maxim. But according to the 
preposterous, new-fangled doctrine of the new school, the rule now is, 
so use your own, as to do the greatest benefit to another: Sic utcrc 
iuo, ut alienum commodium moxime promoveas. So says this dis- 
ciple of the new school. Hear him in his own words: (page 203.) 
"They will tell us, that Government has no right to control them in 
the disposition of their property^ merely with a view, (hat other citi- 
zens may derive a benefit from it. This is manifest error." Here, 
then, is the avowal, that the Government may control any citizen in 
the use of his own property, merely with a vieiv, that other citizens 
may derive a benefit from it. — Fellosv-Citizens, are not these new ele- 
ments in political economy? Are they not new elements respecting 
the tenure of your lands? Are they not new elements respecting the 
right of all private pi'operty ? Are they not the frantic inventions of 
the new school, to get at a favorite object? Are you prepared for 
the adoption of these mischievous fooleries, by the practical Govern- 
ment? Do you prefer them to the old and venerable securities, pro- 
claimed in your fundamental laws; under which you have herctolbre 
found your persons sacred, and your property your own? ]3ut, if 
such be the new elements of political economy, in relation to the 
right of properly, hear the author in relation to the rights of persons : 

Pages 230, 231— vol. 2, 
"The only difiiculty in comprehending this subject is, in distin- 
guishing between individual and national interests. Let it be admitted, 



29 

that a nation is an unity, and national interests paramount to indvid 
ual interests: and the other consequences inevitably follow — the ques- 
tion of cheapness and dearness is altogether irrelevant, and out of the 
case. Dr. Smith is upon a wrong scent, and his doctrine is given 
to the winds." 

'' It is the duty and interest of the planter to find employment for 
all his hands; and if this cannot be done in one branch of business, 
to seek out another; so it is the duty of the legislator, to find em- 
ployment for all the people, and if he cannot find them employment 
in agriculture and commerce, he must set them to manufacturing— 
it is his duty to take special care, that no other nation interferes 
with their industry — he is not to permit one-half of the nation 
to remain idle and hungry, in order that the other half may buy 
goods where they may be had cheapest." 

The author, the lauded disciple of the new school, having stripped 
the farmer and planter of their rights, to use their own property for 
their own benefit, and having added a new tenure to their lands, see 
what he now proposes to do with the rights of their persons. Fie 
now proposes that the legislators, if they cannot find employment in 
agriculture, shall set them to manufacturing. Thus, then, the avow- 
ed despotism over the person, is as unlimited, as it is over property. 
Thus, too, you may find the principle adopted by Mr. Clay, reduced 
by him to precise specifications, and actually applied to practical legis- 
lation. He requires 500,000 agriculturists to be drilled ofF, and^ 
strictly according to the author's doctrine, ^^ set to manufacturing.''^ 
This principle, odious and preposterous as it is, forms a most con- 
spicuous page in Mr. Clay's celebrated tariff* speech. Are these things 
longer to be endured f Nay, worse, infinitely worse : — Is this legislative 
despot to be set up as an idol to be worshipped by the very people, 
whose most sacred rights are thus made the sport of his fantastical, mis- 
chievous projects ^ And all this to be done too, upon the suggestion, that 
agricultural pursuits were, at that inauspicious moment, unprofitable 5 
and manufacturing pursuits could be rendered profitable, by oppressive 
contributions imposed upon that portion of agriculturists, whose misfor- 
tune it should be^ to escape from this civil military drill, and remain sub^ 
ject to the contributions imposed. Now, that agricultural pursuits have 
become profitable, upon the same principle, manufacturers ought now 
to be mustered by this military civilian, and set to work in agri- 
culiural pursuits. Can folly exceed this.'' Can despotism exceed 
this.'' This is folly unutterable!!! despotism intolerable! ! ! But in 
has been said, and may be said again, that all this despotism is prac- 
tised for the public good, the general welfare: That the farmer and 
planter are plundered for the public good. Miserable, delusive, fan- 
tastical, presumptuous folly!! But be it so. Where, then, is the jusi 
compensation awarded the farmer and planter, by the fundamental 
law? Where is the writ of ad quod damnum, to ascertain the value 
of the property taken from the planter and farmer, and given to the 
manufacturer for the public good, the general welfare^ Where the 
appropriation for paying him this valitei* If the property be taken 
for public use in any way, it cannot be done without just compensai, 



30 

tion. It is presumed, thai no legislator, civil or miiitary, will dare 

to say, that he can take private property from one man and give it to 

another, regardless of all public considerations whatever. 

September 15, 1S25. 

________ _ 

Hear the author. — Page 231, vol. 2. — "So it is the duty of the 
legislator to find employment for all the people; and if he cannot 
find them employment in agriculture and commerce, he must set them 
to manufacturing. It is his duty to take special care, that no other 
nation interferes wiih their industry. 'He is not to permit one-half 
of the nation to remain idle and hungry, in order that the other half 
may buy goods where they can be had cheapest." 

What new fangled nonsense! — Yet this quotation furnishes one of 
the texts from which Mr. Clay splendidly decorates his brilliant 
speech of political anomalies. Was it ever before thought, that legis- 
lators had, at their command, productive employment of any kind. 
for all the idle and hungry people in the nation ? Have legislators 
manufacturing establishments in which all the idle and hungry can 
be employed.'' Have they the command of productive labor in an} 
form.'' Governments have no command of productive labor — It be- 
longs to individuals. If the author, and his disciple Mr. Clay, hav<; 
made the great discovery, that legislators have a fund of productive 
labor, at their command, sufficient to give employment to all the idle 
and hungry people in the nation, they would entitle themselves to 
greater plaudits, than were ever awarded to Fulton, Watt, or Bolton, for 
their great invention in the application of the power of steam to use- 
ful purposes. They might also obtain a greater premium for the 
patent of this great invention in political science, than ever was be - 
fore awarded for any invention whatever. What would not the om- 
nipotent British Parliament give for this new and great addition to 
its former omnipotence? What would it not give for the new acces- 
sion of power, to set to productive manufacturing above one million 
of sturdy paupers, out of above one and a half milliou of paupers, 
now in poor houses, for want of employment of any kind.'* — 
What would it not give for a like power to set to work above five 
hundred thousand sturdy beggars in Ireland, who now subsist on 
private charity, from want of en>ployment of any kind.'* What miser 
able lolly! ! ! what mischievous new conceits! ! I 



FROiyi THE ENQUIRER, OF OCTOBER 13, 1825. 

POLITICAL DISqUISITIONS. 

NO. XII. 

Raymond's Elcmcjits of PoUtical Economij — or, the text-hook of the 

new Political School. 

The practical government of "this Union" — far ahead of the 
fundamental laws of " this Union." — " Home Market." 

In lieu of the terms used in the Constitution of the United Slates, 
for the purpose of describing the objects of its formation, the follow- 
ing (abalistical phrases have been introduced into the practical gov- 
ernment — "Home market" — "Independence of foreign nations" — 
"Protection of domestic manufactures" — "Internal Improvements" 
— " American s^'stem of national industry," &ic. fcc. 

Not one of these cabalistical phrases, is to be found In the Con- 
stitution, nor is one of the objects described by them, mentioned 
therein, as an inducement to its formation ; nor is one of them men- 
tioned as a power intended to be granted to the General Govern- 
ment. Indeed, nothing could have been more remote from the ori- 
ginal design and object of the Constitution, than granting this ca- 
talogue of undefined powers to the General Government: Some of 
them being strictly local in their character; and some of them alto- 
gether iilegitimaie, as governmental powers. In consequence of 
these deprecated aberrations from the original design and object of 
the Constitution, by the practical government, the most destructive 
effects are accruing to all fundamental American institutions, and 
consequently, to the individual rights of American citizens. The 
inevitable tendency of the powers usurped, under cover of these ca- 
balistical phrases, is to produce consolidation ; or anniliilation of the 
Federal feature in those institutions altogether. Almost ever}' intel- 
ligent man in this part of the countrj', not favored by the present 
partial administration, seems to be sensible, that something is wrong 
in the practical government, but appears to be at some loss to deter- 
mine in wliat that wrong consists. If any intelligent man in the 
whole community, will take the trouble of examining the subject with 
the attention it deserves, he cannot fail to find that the wrong con- 
sists, in the usurpations by the practical government, of powers not 
suitable to its peculiar organization; in its disregarding the objects 
contemplated in the Constitution and substituting others, utterly un- 
suitable to its peculiar character; and that the substituted powers 
are those described by the foregoing cabalistical phrases. 

These phrases have been introduced into the practical administra- 
tion, without any precise intelligible definition of the meaning of 
either of them : none having been given by their inventors ; and as 
far as the writer is informed, none having been demanded by their 
opponents. Hence, it has become essentially necessary at this time; 



32 

that these cabalistical phrases should severally, be critically defined, 
and their meaning respectively, clearly ascertained. Let, then, the 
meaning of this magic term, "Home Market," be first critically ex- 
amined. To define clearly the term, " Home Market," it becomes 
necessary to understand the true meaning of the general term, " Mar- 
ket." — Market means the act of buying and selling ; and includes 
as well the dealers, as the things bought and sold in the market. It 
includes all dealers, and all vendible things, without any discrimina- 
tion whatever. " Home Market," in its common and ordinary ac- 
ceptation, means buying and selling things for home consumpiioiif 
whether these things be of domestic or foreign production; or whe- 
ther the dealers in the market, be citizens or foreigners. A free and 
legitimate Home Market, includes the right of every dealer, to sell 
to whom he pleases, and to buy of whom he pleases, or in other 
words, that every dealer having a right to property, may use it in the 
Home Market, at his own pleasure. He can make the most of it, 
for his own benefit with the single limitation, that he does not so use 
it for his own benefit, as thereby to injure another. — After the fun- 
damental laws made by the American people had declared the right 
of property to be in the individual owner, and not in the nation, still 
less in the government; and had ordained, and established the law 
that private property should not be taken for public use, without just 
compensation, the people thought themselves perfectly secure in the 
enjoyment of their own property, at their own pleasure and for their 
own benefit; subject only to indispensable public contributions; but 
under cover of the bewitching term " Home Market," and the use made 
of it by the practical government, they now find themselves stripped 
of the inestimable right of using their own property at their own plea- 
sure; and for their benefit respectively: The term " Home Market," 
in its governmental sense, being entirely difierent from its meaning 
in its common and ordinary acceptation. The power assumed by 
the government under cover of the term "Home Market," accord- 
ing to the writer's understanding of it, consists in restraining the 
owner from selling to whom he pleases, and from buying of whom 
be pleases; and thus substitutes governmental for individual discre- 
tion, in the use of private property; and thus "Home Market" in 
its governmental sense, essentially consists in compelling the owner 
of private property to buy of those only, and to sell to those only, 
as well as to buy, or to sell the things only, the government shall 

choose. 

In the practical illustration of this governmental meaning, the ta- 
rift' law essentially enacts, that the owner of money shall not buy 
shoes with if, if made abroad ; but sliall buy shoes with it, if made 
in the United States. This enactment, it is true, does not involve a 
direct, but an indirect, prohibition in the one case, and a command 
in the other; and practically, the same prohibitory and mandatory 
"effects are produced, by the one operation, as by the other. The 
tariff upon foreign shoes, amounts to a prohibition ; so that the 
owner of money is absolutely prevented from buying them with it, 
if he choose to do so ; and tlie command to buy American shoes, is 



33 

enforced by the owner's absolute want of shoes and his prohibition 
from buyini^ any c.ther than American shoes. So, in other cases oi* 
a high tarili", which does not amount to a prohibition; the duty im- 
posed, acts as a penalty upon the purchasers. If he purchases the 
dutied article, he must pay the penalty, which consists in the duty 
imposed upon the article; and thus the advantage given to the do- 
mestic manufacturer, consists in this penalty imposed upon the pur- 
chaser: Buy the domestic manufactures without the duty; or buy 
of others and pay the duty. The governmental " Home Marlvet," 
then, promised the people in its practical effects, turns out to be a 
governmental cheat upon the people. It consists in restraining the 
people from the legitimate exercise of their own rights, over their 
own property: and instead of the nick-name given it by the practi- 
cal government, " Home Market," its true name, corresponding 
with its practical effects, should be Home Slavery. According to 
the Governmental notion of "Homo Market," the dealer in it, is 
obliged, first, to purchase the market itself, or in other words, the 
right to deal in the market upon equal terms; and, then, to buy the 
thing he wants. The price too, he is compelled to give for the pri- 
vilege of the market is, in some cases, equal to the thing he wants 
to buy in it. The notion of buying a market, wlicn the term itself 
includes the right as well as tlie act of buying and selling, is in itself 
a solecism. It is perfectly idle and fallacious to say, that the Tarift' 
law contains no compulsion on the purchaser to buy shoes of domes- 
tic manufacture, when it proliibits shoes of foreign manufacture from 
con)ing into the market. The compulsion is not express, but conse- 
quential. It consists in the absolute want of shoes on the part of the 
purchaser, and the exckision of all other than domestic manufactured 
shoes from the market. Suppose a duty, equal to the market price of 
bread, were laid upon it ; and a man without bread were told, you are at 
full liberty not to pay the duty on bread, but if you do buy bread, you 
shall pay the duty; you are, however, left perfectly free in your choice 
to buy bread or not; would not this proffered free choice be insult- 
ing mockery to the hungry man.'* This obligation to obey the law, 
or in other words, to buy the bread, is enforced by the strongest pos- 
sible sanctions, the indispensable wants of nature. The unavoidable 
obligation to buy the dutied article, gives the sellers an advantage in 
the sale, over the purchaser, to the full extent of the duty, and in this 
advantage consists the immorality and injustice of the Tariff law; 
and in this, consists the cheatery, covered under the nick-name 
'•Home Market." — It is wonderful to contemplate the extent of the 
influence of nick-names, upon mankind. It is wonderful to see how 
great a portion of mankind is content and even delighted with nick- 
names, when the things described by them, would be repelled with 
disgust and indignation. The nick-name, " Home Market," affords 
the most instructive illustration of the correctness of this observation. 
Whilst the term " Home Market" fascinates the ear of many unthink- 
ing American citizens, the term, "continental system," would strike 
the same ear with insult and indignation ; yet the terms " Home Mar- 
ket," and "continental system," mean precisely the same thing; both 



'ifo nrl«rvnrirl£if 



34 

the same practical results. The British term, "restrictive system/ 
although unfortunately, more familiar to the American ear, and there- 
fore, less alarming, is, nevertheless, founded upon the same despotic 
principle, produces the same injurious eflects; and, in substance, 
means the same thing. In what did the odious French "continental 
system" consist? In precisely the same thing, that the beloved Ame- 
rican "Home Market" consists. In refusing to individuals the right 
to sell to whom they please, and to buy from whom they please. In 
restraining the French people from selling to foreigners, and bnying 
from foreigners. In sliort, in giving the French people a " Home 
Market," and thus making the French nation, pusitively independent 
of foreign nations. — All this was done in France, as in the United 
States, for the "public good" — for "ihe general welfare;" and in like 
manner, although extremely oppressive to the present generation, this 
public good — this general welfare, was to overtake the French peo- 
ple in some two or three centuries to come. Who was the author of 
this French "continental system" — this French "Home Market.^" 
Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor, Sovereign absolute of France. The 
most splendid schemer of this enlightened age. Where is now this 
splendid schemer? Where is now the Great Napoleon? Not long 
since the terror of the world!!! Where are all his splendid, magni- 
ficent schemes of universal empire? His splendid schemes are given 
to the winds! ! The splendid schemer lies ignobly low in St. Helena ! ! ! 
Wherefore? How did all this happen? This splendid schemer was 
a despot and a tyrant — as all splendid schemers are. What has this 
splendid schemer done to hurl him down from his late high eminence 
to his present low condition ? He became a splendid schemer. He 
boldly undertook " to raise his own greatness upon his country's ruin." 
He despoiled his country of its most precious blood. He despoiled 
the people of their mosi precious rights. He drew forth the youthful 
blood of France, and poured it forth in schemes of mad ambition. 
He usurped the sacred rights of private property. He would not 
permit the French people to sell to whom they pleased, nor buy from 
whom they pleased. He gave them a "continental system." He gave 
them a " Home Market." He vainly thought to make Fvancejpositively 
independent of foreign nations. All for the people's own good — all 
for their own welfare, some centuries to come. Was not his a cruel 
fate, to be laid so low, by those for whom he had done so much? No. 
The splendid tyrant did all this for the indulgence of his own mad 
ambition. Stimulated by bad impulses, he mistook his schemes, and 
in that sad mistake he laid his country's ruin. And for that wanton, 
sad mistake, he well deserves his fate. ^^ Sic semper tyrannis ! ! V It 
should b6 recollected that the brave French people were never con- 
quered by their foreign foes. They were conquered by their splen- 
did domestic tyrant. In the year 1813, when the allied army pur- 
sued the retreating tyrant into France, that army was placed in the 
hands of the French people. After the allied army had reached 
Montmatre, the whole of that army would not have made a breakfast 
for the whole of the French people, if the u'hole of liiat people had 
♦.bought proper to make a meal of the whole of that army. Out oi 



i+iirty miliions of the brave French people, but sixty thousand couM 
be brought to join their scheming tyrant's standard; and those were 
soldiers, not citizens. With these sixty thousand troops, and the 
school-boys from the polytechnic school, Napoleon had discomfittcd 
the whole of the allied army. After the battle of Montvnatre, the 
allied army which entered France, 200,000 strong, was reduced to 
120,000. Upon that discomfiture, the Emperor of Austria fled to 
Dijon, with a single attendant; and could have been made prisoner 
by a single Frenchman. But no Frenchman could be found to per- 
form that office. After the treaty of Chatillon, the Parisians alone 
could have destroyed the remnant of the allied army, had they will- 
ed its destruction. But the Parisians said, no. We have two alter- 
Katives. Both dreadful ! ! Both deeply humiliating! ! Both heart- 
rending!! Both fervently to be deprecated ! ! But better hazard 
the doubtful dominion of foreign foes, than longer to endure the cer- 
tain evils, inflicted by the domestic scheming tyrant. Fayette— the 
good, the great, the patriotic Fayette—- at ail times, and under all cir- 
cumstance^-, the devotee of the rights of man, the Nation's Guest, was 
there. He, too, preferred submission to foreign foes — dreadful al- 
ternative to his sublimated soul— rather than the longer endurance of 
domestic tyranny: rather than further schemes of mad ambition. 
And whilst the splendid schemer lies low in St. Helena, what has 
become of his insulted and degraded country? His bleediiig, im- 
poverished country—- plundered of her rights, has been compelled to 
seek for peace and safety in her ancient deprecated regime. Deplo- 
rable destiny both of the tyrant and of his country! Ought not this 
recent example to afibrd an awful, instructive lesson to the little fash- 
ionable schemers of the day? Does it not teach the little ephemeral 
fashionables, whilst strutting in a littk brief, unmerited authority, 
the deplorable consequences of depriving man of his great, origiual, 
essential, native rights? And of usurping them by the mere force of 
Governmental power? Of depriving individual man of the right to 
sell to whom he pleases, and to buy from whom he pleases? Of 
stripping him of bis right to property; and of forcing upon him a 
^^ Home Market?"^ This was one of the greatest political sins ^om^ 
mitted by the great, splendid schemer. of France; and, sin it ji'as 
enough io doom him to his humiliated destiny. Do not the little 
imitating fashionable schemers tliemseives think, he well deserved bis 
fate? Have they ever thought that the awful consequences of mis- 
taken schemes do not follow immediately upon their own heels; but they 
finally' come with double vengeance on the devoted heads of the sche- 
mers? Scheming tyrants are never too much punished. Tii-e mis- 
chief done to mankind by their ambition, their vanity, and tlieir folly, 
are so great, so infinitely beyond all reparation, that the measure of 
punishment never can exceed the measure of guilt. But, say the lit- 
tle fashionable schemers, it was not the French "continental system," 
but the British "restrictive system," that stood God-father for the 
American Tarift' law — The American " Home Market." Where is 
the diflerence? And what has become of this foreign, delusive spon- 
sor? Crushed into atoms! ' Given to the winds! ! This great good 



■"^O 



o(. 



to mankind has heen achieved by the improvement of the iiumau in- 
tellect, by enlightened wisdom, by niorsd honcsfy- These, the wri- 
ter hopes and thinks, will ere long, with God's good speed, put down 
all diese little minded, cunning, traliieking depredators upon the 
lights of individual man, and place him once more in tlie dignified 
station awarded him by his God, in his creation; and secured (o Ame- 
rican citizens at least, as was heretofore thought, by (lie tunrh-nnental 
laws of American institution^;. In one single bill, lour hundred and 
sixty-five restrictive laws, have been repealed by the British Parlia- 
ment. The restrictive j)rincipJe, has not oidy been practically de- 
nounced by the British Parliament; but avowedly by the British 
IVIonarch from his throne, by the British ministry in their places, and 
by the British people in their individual characters. Yet the Tarifl' 
schemers here deny this audible denunciation altogether. And well 
they may; for they must see their own destiny sooner or later, in this 
great and happy development. Their great prototype lias denounced 
the experienced misciiieis of their theoretical, imitative schemes; and 
the silly imitators must sooner or later fall victims to the just denun- 
ciation. 

And what effects have already accrued from unfettering the Britisli 
people of four hundred and sixty-five ligaments, heretofore, unwise- 
ly bound around their rights of property, restricting individual eflbrts, 
in using their labor and their property to the best advantage? .The 
measure has not only produced the most cheering activity in every 
branch of industry in Great Britain, but its benefiical etiecis have 
been already felt, as far as the commercial relations of Great Britain 
with foreign nations have extended; and in no country have thej' been 
so sensibly felt as in the United States. — It should never be forgotten, 
that Government itself is an evil : but to a certain extent a necessary 
one. Beyond thiit necessary extent every movement of the Govern- 
ment is in derogation of common riglu, and becomes a connnon curse 
to the j)i'opIe. Every enactment is in derogation of conmion right; 
and every enactment bevond the necessary limits of Governmental 
powers is an act of despotism. It is an usurpation of the lights ot 
I he people. Yet, from the folly and thouglillcioness of legislative 
schemers, the Aiuerican codes are already swelled to an unwieldy- 
bulk; whilst, perhaps, more than nine out of ten of the laws are 
either wholly useless, or worse than useless. The itch of scheniing 
and of legislating is the prevalent, infectious, political disease of the 
country. It iiuist be checked, or the country ruined. During the 
Roman Empire, although the Emperor's will was the law; yet, the 
written rescripts, edicts, and other enactments had become so numer- 
ous that they could not be even read over in one long life-time. They 
amounted to many camel loads. In (he time of Justinian, it becaine 
absolutely necessary to abridge the enormous mass; a)id even the 
abridged Justinian pandects amounted to iifty books. 

What must hav^e been tlie accumulated folly and consequent mis- 
chiefs of the whole British restrictive system, when it became both 
wise and necessary to repeal fom- hundred and sixty-five laws by a 
single breath.'' Let the author tell of some of the mischiefs of the 
system upon the laboring populatiou of Great Britain. 



37 

Extract, tage 245, vol. 2. 

"The extensiveness of the manufacturing establishments in Eng- 
land, in consequence of which, the manufacture is carried on with 
much more economy, the mukitude of people they employ of every 
age and coniHtion, at wages which barely supply them witli the ne- 
cessaries of life, and not even that, as the public maintains many of 
them, some part of the year, as paupers; the superior skill which 
these people have acquired in many branches of manufacture, render 
it utterly impossible for liie people of this country to enter into com- 
petition witii the English upon equal terms; and they never will be 
able to enter into such competition until they are reduced to the ne- 
cessity of working as hard, and living as poor as the English labor- 
ers, which, it is to be hoped, will never be their condition." 

Here, then, the author tells the American people that the enormous 
Tariff ti)ey pay, is to prevent American artizans from laboring as 
hard, and hving as poor as British artizans; and to prevent these ef- 
fects, he recommends the adoption of the very system, which has 
produced them in Great Britain, and if persevered in, will produce 
the like effects in this, or in any other countr}'. This recommenda- 
tion, too, is made at the very moment when Great Britain is proclaim- 
ing these mischiefs to the world; nnd attempting by the abandonment 
of all this artificial folly as far as it is possible to do, after so long and 
extensive an accumulation of the system. What a hopeful prosyect, 
too, is held forth to the American people, of increasing the national 
wealth and prosperity, by this restrictive elementary system of politi- 
cal cconomv? Surelv the author, and his affiliated fashionables, must 
have forgotten, or never could have thought before, that this deplora- 
ble condition of Britisii laborers, was brougiit about by the very re- 
strictive system, recommended to the adoption of the American peo- 
ple. The author is yet, in his description, far short of the real con- 
dition of British laborers. In England alone, there are above one 
and an half millions of wretched laborers in poor houses. It is pro- 
bable, the author would not like to see the same number of his fellow- 
citizens doomed to this wretched fate; 3'et he recommends the same 
system, whicii has mainly contributed to produce this effect in Great 
Britain. He asserts, too, that it is the duty of legislators to set all 
the lazy and hungry people to manufacturing. How remiss must be 
the British legislators, in not complying with this injunctive duty.^ 
Now let the American people see, wliat the future blessings are, which 
are promised them, as inducements to bear with patience all their jore- 
sent artificial suflerings and humiliations, and to live on future hopes- 
Hear the author: — 

Page 250, vol. 2. 

"It may be, and often is, folly in a legislator, not to be longer-sight- 
ed in his schemes than the wisest individual — the schemes of the lat- 
ter can only be adapted to the probable duration of this life, which 
can only be for a lew years at most. The schemes of the former 
may be adapted to the life of the nation, to which no limit can be fix- 
ed. Upon the same principle, then, that it is wise for an individual 
to make calculation, and adopt measures vi'hich look ten, or twenty 
years ahead; it may be wise for a leeislator to adoot monoures. ivhich 



38 

look centuries ahead; although it may he more beneficial for the time 
heing, for a nation to import, than to manufacture its own com 
forts of life, still that ought not to decide the question. — The inqui- 
ry should be made, how xdll it he ffty years hencc9 Admitting that, 
for the first five years, domestic manufactures may come at double price : 
still if in ten they will come at single price, and in twenty at half 
price, we may be very sure that the present extra cost, is money well 
laid out for the nation ; more especially when it is considered that 
the annual product of labor, cannot be accumulated; but must be 
annually consumed." 

What scheming!!! What nonsense!!! And upon whom does 
the aiuhor rely for calculations, respecting the supposed political con- 
dition of this country centuries ahead .'^ "God's vicegerents!!'' 
•' stupid, ignorant legislators ! ! !" — What vanity ! ! ! What folly ! ! I 
— Within the very first year, after the Tariff law was passed by these 
vicegerents, upon these idle, silly calculations, the actual condition 
of the country became entirely reversed.— Great Britain, whence the 
scheme was borrowed, denounces its mischiefs; and the uproductive- 
ness of agricultural pursuits, which was strangely made tiie basis of 
the law, becomes converted into a productiveness, unusually abundant. 
What mistaken folly, then, to talk to the people of the United States 
of the benefits of scheines centuries ahead, when the silly schemers 
liave proved their absolute incapacities to look a single year ahead; 
yes, incapacities to look a single inch beyond their own noses in their 
own faces. Fine prospects these held out to the American people, 
bv the political fashionables!!! — Yet, they furnish Mr. Clay with 
another text, which makes a brilliant figure in his prize speech of 
political anomalies. Another inducement held forth to the Ame- 
rican people to compensate them for the present privations, is, to 
make the American nation positively independent of all foreign na- 
tions, in some centuries to come. Vain, idle, presumptuous thought! 
It is directly at open war with all God's providential dispensations 
awarded to nations; and just as impracticable and presumptuous, as 
the war waged by Bonaparte against the Russian climate. Tliis sub- 
ject, as well as internal Improvements, having been before particu- 
larly examineil, will now be passed over without further comments 
The next cabalistical tub tlirown out to the whale, presents itself un- 
der the phrase— "Protection of domestic manufactures" — How long- 
will the people of the United Slates consent to play the part of the 
whale, with the political tubs thrown out for their amusement, whilst 
the political fashionables are busily engaged in usurping their sub- 
stantial rights.? What is the real meaning of "Protection of domes- 
tic manufactures?"— What is this protetion made of.-" In what does 
it consist: The true meaning of protection, k.c. is other people's 
money. It is made of other people's mono}'. It consists of other 
peopfe's money. Can other people be prepared to give their money 
to manufacturers for their protection—and what is to be the natural 
and obvious consequences of giving tii^m this money .^ It is to encour- 
age them in immorality — in idleness — in extravagance — the universal 
eflecis of the principle of monopoly. But then, in aid of all these 
tubs, comes another most imposing nick-name— " Encouragem.ent 



39 

of the American system of national indifstry." The definition of this 
nick-name, can be given with facihty, and with certainty. It is both 
a fraud and a falsehood. It is an imposition attempted to be prac- 
tised upon the American people under the mere disguise of a nick- 
name, in direct opposition to truth. The system is not an American, 
but a British system, attempted to be transplanted into America; and 
its first transplantation was to be effected by the bill under consider- 
ation ; and that too, at the moment that Great Britain liad denounced 
the system, from dear bought experience of its destructive efiects. 

Fellow-citizens ! look at tliese cabalistical phrases — look at the 
powers usurped under cover of them — look at the despotic character 
of these powers — then turn to your Constitutions— examine well all 
your own fundamental laws ; and see if one of tl>ese powers be grant- 
ed to the practical Government of the United Staics. If not, is it 
not your first duty? Is it not your first interest to recur to these 
t'undamental principles; to tear from tliC practical Government, all 
usurpations not having their only legitimate sanction; to correct its 
destructive abberrations; and thus to restore to 3'our fundamental 
laws, their pristine wisdom, purity and energy; and to yourselve?. 
all your violated rights. 

September 26, 1825. 



The writer of Political Disquisitions, is authorised to say, that the 
annexed defence of Raymond's Elements of Political Economy, is 
made by Raymond himself. 

Pray reader, turn to the quotations made from Raymond's own 
works, in his own words, and ask yourself, whether this defence does 
not amount substantially to a dereliction of his own doctrines of ele- 
mentary political economy plainly laid down by himself, except in 
two instances? and behold his own attempted justification of those 
two exceptions! Then ask yourself, whetlier this puerile unavailing 
defence, does not substantially amount to an abandonment of all his 
essential elementary political doctrines? 

[communicated.] 

For the Enquirer, December 6th, 1826. 
"POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS." 

Under the above title a writer in the Richmond Enquirer has, for 
several months past, professedly been writing commentaries or criti- 
cisms upon Raymond's Elenaents of Political Economy. The num- 
bers have been characterised with no small share of asperity and vi- 
tuperation ; but as the principal doctrines attacked, are not to be found 
in Mr. Raymond's work, the writer has wrought himself into a fury 
and spent his strength for naught. 

The following is a quotation from the 8th No. published on the- 
9th September, 1825. 

«' The foi lowing are laid down by the author (Mr. Raymond) as fundamental laws, 
without vvliich no right would exist in the General Government to pass laws for pro- 
tecting manufactures ; or in other words, to pass the Tariff law. 1st, That the na- 
tion is an unity— and the legislature the head of the nation. 2d. That the legisla- 
tors are irresponsible, "d. That th^^v ar** unrestrained in thf» P!cer<-isE» of thrtli^ 



40 

legisliiuvo (llscretlon, by any oilier influence than lliat wliich is derived frpm the 
laws by which God .^-overns the world. 4th. Tiiat tlic iegislators jjossess the same 
rights over the people, which the General does over the soldiers of an army 5th. 
That llie people ha\'e no more rights th.in the I.vv allows rliein, and this law is to 
be pronounced by God's vicegerents or irrespon.sible iegislalors. 6th. IMiat whilst 
the right to life is a natural right, the right of property is conventional 7th. That 
all properly belongs to the nation of which the legislature i&the head; and none 
to the people in their individual character. 8lh. I'hat the Government has the 
right to dispose of the proceeds of the labor of every individual in society; and 
that the individual has no righl whatever, to dispose of the proceeds of his own 
labor; and by consequence, that the Government has a right to take from every 
individual any portion of the property of which the individual may be possessed, 
without compcnK;ii.ion therefor. — 9ih. That every individual labors for the com- 
munity, and not for himself" 

On reading the above quotation every person who had not read 
Mr, Rayuiond's work, would conclude that he had laid down each 
of these propositions in to tidem verbis, as a fundamental law: what 
tlien, will be tlie surprise of the reader whet) he is informed that so 
far is this from being true, that, save the first and tiie si.\lh pro- 
positions, Mr. Raymond not only has not laid them down in terms, 
but he has not laid down any fundamental laws or principles, from 
which they can, with propriety, be inferred, or to which, tney bear the 
slightest resemblance. 

Mr. Raymond does indeed s-'iy, that a nation is a v.jiiii/, or in other 
words, that a nation is one nation and not many nations, and that the 
Government or legislature possesses the supreme or legislative power, 
and is, therefore, "the head of the nation." These propositions are 
so obvious and common place, that we presume' iMr. Raymond does 
not claim the merit of originality for them, although this Virginia 
critic has attempted, [with such success as usually attends- those who 
uttempt to overthrow self-evident propositions,] to overthrow them ; 
I\Ir. Raymond also rnaintains, that our right to life is a natural right, 
or in other words, that we are indebted for our existence and life to 
our Creator, and not to the civil institutions of the country. If the 
critic doubts this, he must remain in doubt, for reasoning woidd not 
avail to remove his doubts. Mr. Raymond also holds, tiiat in a so- 
cial community, our right to specific property, is a conventional riglit, 
and depends entirely on the laws of the country. 

That mankind have a natural undefined right to undefined proper- 
ty, is no doubt true, but in the social state, our right to specific proper- 
ty dcpejnds. exclusively upon the laws of the countrv. Were thi. 
Virginia critic required to show his right to his plantation, he would 
in defiance of his own Political Disquisitions, as readily as any one- 
else, produce his title deeds, and the laws of the State which secured 
it to him. ^ 

We have read Mr. Raymond's work more than once; wc have a.- 
so referred to each chapter and page cited by tiie Virginia critic, but 
we have not been able to find any such propositions or fundarnental 
laws, as have been attributed to him by the writer of the Disquisitions, 
with the e.xceptions above stated. The rest appear to be the produc- 
tions of the writer's own heated imagination— mere men of straw, set 
up by the critic for the purpose of showing his skill in beating them 

down. _^. 

So much for the Political Disquisition?, of this boasted son ot Vir- 



From the Enquirer, November 1, 1825. 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, 

NO. XIIL 

Raymond' 3 Elements of Political Economy^^or^ the text-hook of the 

new Political School. 

The practical government of " this Union" far ahead of the fun- 
damental laws of "this Union." 

The Tariff — Its reduction — Pros and Cons, by classes. 

The tariff ought to be greatly reduced. It ought to be fixed ac- 
cording to the strict principle of revenue — Not according to the par- 
tial notion of protection to domestic manufactures. The one is a legi- 
timate object of the government of *'this Union"— The other is not. 
The consequential protection of domestic manufactures, by a tariff, 
even upon (he strictest principle of revenue, would be too great. This 
is one of the evils of a system of indirect, insiead of direct taxes. 
It would be more wise, more politic, and more just, and more eco- 
nomical, to raise the greater part of the revenue of the governm. nt 
of "this Union," by direct, than by indirect taxes; but the indirect 
system having been adopted, a change of this policy caujiot imme- 
diately be expected. The Constitution was originally founded upon 
the basis of direct taxation ; and hence, the apportionment of repre- 
sentatives was fixed, partly upon the slave populaiioo. The facility 
and cheapness of the collection of imposts, afford no sound consi- 
deration for a preference of that mode of taxation. If the revenue 
were chiefly raised by direct taxes, the saving in the public expendi- 
tures would amount to millions more than the costs of the collection 
of both direct and indirect taxes. It would tend to check the profli- 
gate schemes of patronage and the assumptions of unauthorised 
powers by the practical government. These greatly swell the pub- 
lic expenditures. Besides, imposts are often laid upon articles of 
the first necessity ;• and operate extremely unequally upon different 
sections of the United States, as well as upon differ nt individuals. 
The watchful spirit of avarice throughout every administration, has 
seized every occasion to raise the tariff; and upon every such occa- 
sion, has pledged its promises, that it should be re luced as NO«)n as the 
occasion which caused it, was over. This was particularly the case 
with what was called the Medi'erranean fund. But after repeatedly 
violated promises, the writer thinks, that fund was finally incorpora- 
ted with the permanent tariff. The last tariff bill was a phenome- 
non, which the writer believes, was never before seen in the political 
world. No additional revenue was either wanted or called for; yet 
Congress increased the tariff, so as to increase the whole revenue 
upon imposts, to about 7 1-2 per cent. The writer believes this is 
the first instance in the annals of legislation, in which the represen- 
tatives of the people, of their own mere notion and liberality, increas- 
'*d |heir taxes, without ^ call, without an estimate, and without axi 



object, unless ii were tiie protection of domestic manufactures. ThiA 
was an illegitimate oljject; and, although at first avowed, was finally 
disvwowvd. The condition of the country, at this momeni, is pecu- 
liarly favourable for the reduction of the tarift'; provided the govern- 
ment would limit its calls for expenditures to its legitimate objects. 
This act of delayed justice ought now to be done, if it should even 
cause some delay in the final extnigulshment of the public debt. But 
it is believed it may be done without piodiicing that effect. What 
hope can be indulged in favour of this reduction, so ioag as the ele- 
mentary doctrines of the author, the favorite apostle of the new 
school, shall be acted upon by the practical government? Hear him : 
Extract from page 247, vol. 2. 
*'There is no part of the statute-book that requires such frequent 
revision as the tariff law, although we sometimes hear it said, that a 
tariff should be permanent, and seldom, if ever, changed; but this is 
a great error. A year does not pass, in which the tariff upon some 
pariici'lar ariicle may not be raised v\ith advantage. The most gen- 
eral rule on this subject is, that a tariff ought not to be reduced, al- 
though it may frequently require to be raised." 

^Igaiji, jjoge 248. 
*'The reduction of a tariff is one of the harshest and most violciit 
measuri's that a governmeiit can possibly adopt." 

What an unblushing spirit of avarice is here displayed.'' The 
manufacturers, whose insatiable cupidity seems not satisfied with the 
extreme injustice of the present tarifl*, are still to be upon the watch, 
and every year some new addition is to be made to it. Every im- 
ported article is to be strictly watched; and if not already burdened 
to its highest pitch, is to be strained up annually a little higher, 
whilst "the reduction of a tariff is one of the harshest and most vio- 
lent measures that a goverimient can possibly adopt." AVhat ele- 
mentary logic! What political morals! Every occasion is to be cre- 
dibly seized upon to add to the plunder of the proceeds of the labour 
of one man, and give them to another, who did not labour for them; 
but to cease from further plundering is " one of the harshest and 
most violenj, measures that a governjuent can possibly adopt." Is 
this also the doctrine of the new political school? Is this doctrine to 
be honored by the sanction of its future enactments? On the other 
hand, the writer contends; that the practical govenmicnt is now call- 
ed upon, by every motive that moral honesty, and by every principle, 
that the "general welfare" can suggest, to suspend this plunder, and 
to leave to every individual labourer, the proceeds of his own honest 
labours. 

Waiving, then, for the present, the constitutional right of the gov- 
ernment of "this Union" to pass the tariff bill, the writer will look, 
for a single minute, to its policy in regard to the "general welfare." 
He will waive too, all reference to the visionary phantoms, which 
may, or may not happen "centuries ahead;" and make his calcula- 
tions in reference to the present practical condition of the different 
occupations in society. Suppose, then, the reduction of the tariff 
were proposed, and the quesiiou put to the different occupations in 



3 

society; are yon pro? — or — are you con ? Wheat farmers — What say 
von ? Can there be any doubt of an affirmative reply from this class? 
The wheat farmers have suflVred more uoder the operation of the ta- 
riff law, both before and since the passap::e of the last bill, than any 
other class of society. The low prices for the chief articles sh^y 
raise, and the high prices of the imported articles they consume, 
produced by the enormous tarifl', have been felt by them with great 
severity. — But the unjust burden has been better borne by some, 
than others of this class. Some of them have, in a degree,^ protect- 
ed themselves by their own abstinence and parsimony. Some are 
<:ontent to live on the offal of the produce of their labour, and to 
give up the first fruits, to satisfy the impositions of the government. 
These form an admirable corps of dray horses, for the service of 
despots. They seem not to care, and can n-ever tell, on which side 
their political slice the butter is. But the heavier the burden im- 
posed, the stronger they pull; and tlie more they stint themselves, so 
as always to have a surplus, to administer to the indulgencies of tiieir 
insatiable task-masters. There are, iiowever, very many vvho have 
been educated in more gentlemanly habits, and who require some of 
the first fruits of their own labour, to administer to their own indul- 
gencies. Upon this description of wheat farmers, the tarifi' has fallen 
with a heavy hand. This observation will forcibly apply to the 
North Western section of Virginia; of which, the county of Loh- 
doun may be taken for the centre. Wheal is the gi^eat staple of this 
section of country. It is cultivated at great expense; and its car- 
riage to market, falls heavy on its price. The surplus of that price, 
after defraying the expenses of cultivation and carriage, 'eaves but 
little to the grower.^ If he should persevere in his habitual indul- 
gencies of consuming imported articles, at the double prices pro- 
duced by the tariff, his little produced by his own labour will soon 
be exhausted; and he must be left to the distressing alternatives, 
either of abandoning his former habitual indulgencies; or buying on 
credit; in the delusive hope of better times to enable him to pay; 
and if they should never come, to be doomed to utter ruin. In this 
section of country much political discontent is seen; but it seems to 
vent itself in angry complaints against the Constitution of Virginia-; 
r.nd not against the tariff law. Tiie writer is fully impressed with 
llie great intelligence and sound practical observation of the people 
of this section of the State; and would be the last to attempt to in' 
terpose his judgment for theirs, in deciding upon their own interests; 
but, he thinks, no one can doubt of the oppressive effects of the enor- 
mous tariff, upon that section of country; and he hopes he may be 
excused for saying in behalf of the beloved Constitution of Virginia; 
that after the most respectful attention given to the complaints urged 
against that Constitution, he has been unable to see a single subsian-^ 
iial practical evil arising therefrom to the people in that section ol 
country; and that he sees, or thiiiks he sees, more substantial practi- 
eal good, diffm^ed by that Constitution, not only amongst those peo- 
ple, but throughout the whole State of Virginia, than ever was dif- 
fused throughont a whole people by any other Constitution upoi? 



earth. The writer hopes to he excused, for observing further, in a 
spirit of respecilul candor; that he has for some years looked on 
with surprise, at the attention, which appears to be given by the pr;;c- 
tical intelligent people in that section of the State to the multitude 
of ephemeral meteors, which have for some time bespangled the po- 
litical horizon of the United States; and that they should seem dis- 
posed to follow these political Jacks in their lanthorns, in their devi- 
ous paths, through their fascinating, meliorating political thickets; 
btcause the writer thinks, that every reflecting, intelligent man must 
see that these meliorating relief thickets, are thickly set throughout 
with Brambles, Bamboos, Hawiiiorns, Black J icks, &tc. Sic., and 
that if all the people of the United States could be enticed to follow 
these igncs faiui in all their devious wanderings, through these en- 
chanted thickets, they must have their political habiliments torn into 
tatters, their exteriors miserably mangled with scratches; and fortu- 
nate would it be, indeed, if they contiiuied the bewildered pursuit to 
the limits of these enchantments, if they admit of any limit, the de- 
luded people should find they had left remaining one vital spark of 
political energy. The deluded people of Kentucky, have exhibited 
the most awful, monitory lesson, to all other people, of the fatal con- 
sequences of their devotion to the Kentucky Jacks in their relief lan- 
thorns. They seem to have become sensible themselves, of the severe 
scratches they have received in their enchanted wanderings through 
their meliorating ihlckets, and it would be well, if these seemingly 
exterior scratches, should not have penetrated to the very core of all 
social morals. The Colonization Societies, will soon add another 
impressive warning, against the indulgence of ardent wishes, in op- 
position to the dictates of sober judgment. The writer thought it 
due to the importance of the occupation of wheat farmers to make 
this digression, in the earnest hope of inducing them to look at things 
as they are; and not as enthusinsiic schemers wish them to be; who, 
without the vestige of a shade of the spirit of prophecy, vainly haz- 
ard their guesses, as to what the stale of things may be " centuries 
ahead." 

Cotton and Tobacco planters stand on the same ground with wheat 
farmers, with this diflerence only; that from the high prices of those 
articles, the planters can better bear the unjust burdens of the tariff 
law. All other agriculturists, except sugar planters, may be set down 
in one class, for the reduction of the tarifl*. The next class in point 
of suffering is the journeymen artizans. This arises from the boun- 
ty being given upon the price of the article; and not upon the price 
of the day labour. — Hence the combinations complained of for rais- 
ing wages. They are mere attempts of the day labourers to parti- 
cipate in the bounty; and are quite shocking to the feelings of the 
owner and stock capitalists, of the manufacturing establishments. It 
may be laid down as a posiulatum in political science, that artificial 
variations in the distribution of the proceeds of labour never did, nor 
ever can benefit the actual labourer, it is this governmental vari- 
ation of the proceeds of labour in Great Britain, by means of tythes 
and taxes, restrictive systems, &tc. which i^as produced the deplorable 



extremes in llie condition of the people of that country ; and doom- 
ed so many labourers to the wretched alternative of poor houses; 
and many more lo ask charity of those who, by the partial distribu- 
tion of the government, are rioting in the proceeds of the labour of 
the very beggar asking such charity. 

Let. then, all labourers beware of every measure which varies the 
distribution of produc'ive labour. All annuitants, including help- 
less widows and orphans, have a direct interest in the reduction of 
thr" tariff — All clergymen, all lawyers, all physicians, all shipwrights, 
all merchants, all sailors — the army, the navy, and all other classes, 
who jonsume imported goods; the owners of manufacturing estab- 
lishments and stock, and the sugar planters, only excepted. The 
manufacturer himself would be bettered by the reduction, if his mo- 
rals are worth u'ore than his money; and if an honest reliance upon 
his own skill and industry, be better than a reliance upon a bounty, 
forcibly taken from the proceeds of the labour of others. But, more 
tiian all others, the government of "this Union" would he_ bettered 
by it, because it would thereby reclaim its character against an ill- 
judged act of iujustice, and consequentially, so far regain its lost 
moral influence. Is this a fair picture of the effects of the tariff law 
upon the government itself; and the various occupations in society? 
Il it be, will It not excite the wonder of every reflecting, impartial 
m iu in the commfuiity, to observe the heavy burdens imposed upon 
the many for the benefit of the few? And that too, by turning top- 
syturvy the soundest principles in political economy — by substi- 
tuting the principle of monopoly, in place of the principle of com- 
petition — falsely asserting it to be "the American system for encour- 
aging national industry." When the principle of monopoly is ex- 
pressly and most justly denounced by the fundamental laws of most 
of the States; and when one great object in forming the Constitu- 
tion of the United States was to promote the general welfare, " in 
preference to the particular local welfare." 

This, the writer believes, to be a fair picture of the effects of the 
tariff law, upon the various classes of freemen in society; but most 
unfortunately, there is another class of human beings in the United 
Slates, upon which, this law falls with a cruel, heavy hand. This 
class consists of slaves — of commiserated slaves. It has been before 
remarked, that some of the imposts were laid on articles of the first 
necessity. Amongst these, are the duties on coarse woollens and 
linens, striped blankets, coarse shoes, hats, 8ic. These articles are 
consumed by labourers generally, but particularly by the commiser- 
ated slaves. The master too, must judge for the slave, as to the ex- 
tent of furnishing him witli these articles for his comforts and indul- 
gencies. The author admits, as a general rule, that the consump- 
tion of foreign goods will be lessened in proportion to the duties im- 
posed upon them. Suppose, then, that the duties imposed upon 
these articles, consumed principdly by slaves, should be averaged 
at 33 1-3 per cent, according to the rule, the slaves would be strip 
ped by the tariff law of one-third of their warm covering by day, 
and one-third of their warm blankets by night. What can be the 



meni of a law, which shall strip these commiserated children of the 
sun, of one-lhird of their comfortable covering, and thus expose 
them to the biting frosts of the morning, and the chilling blasts 
of the night? No case can exemplify, better than this, the contrasts 
between delusive projects and practical realities; let it then be more 
particularly analyzed. The author is both a fanatical devotee to the 
tariff law ; and a commiserating meliorater of the condition of slaves. 
He is, in fact, an honored member of the Baltimore anti-slave socie- 
t}'. Let him then approach one of these commiserated slaves, with 
the tariff law in one hand, and the constitution of the anti-slave so- 
ciety in the other; and address him upon the merits of each. Mr. 
Jtaymond to the poor commiserated slave! "Poor commiserat'^^d 
slave" !!! How deeply do I bemoan your fallen condition !!! Rly very 
bowels are, at this moment, overflowing with compassion for you ; 
and the tenderest sensibilities of every heart are, at this moment, 
working wonders for your relief!!! Look at my watery eyes, and 
their briny tears will attest tlie sincerity of both bowels and heart. 
But here is the tariff law. That awards me one of }our blankets, 
^nd I must take it for the benefit of the domestic manufacturers. 
Give me too, your jacket, your shirt, your pantaloons, jour shoes, 
and your hat. The law awards it, and I must have them all. Poor 
commiserated slave — I know you love sunshine, you love fire, you 
love warm covering by day and by night, I know you must be chill- 
ed almost to death in this cold climate, when stripped of your warm 
covering; but 30U have no right to complain of the tariff law. It 
leaves you yet your meat and bread* The cupidity of the manufac- 
turers iias yet left the whole of tliem to you. Take care of your 
meat and 3 our bread. This tender spirit is still on the watch. Be- 
sides, you have no right to compUin, because all I take from your 
comfortable covering, is wanted "for t-iie protection of domestic ma- 
nufacturers;" "For the encouragement of the American system of 
''national" industrj^," all for the public good. The "national" gov- 
ernment has a right to every piece of property in the nation, to be 
♦disposed of for the pul)l}c good. But here is the grand panacea for 
all your sufferings. Here is the ■constitution of the Baltimore anti- 
fclave sociel}'. Hear the blessings I have in store for yoin' poor com- 
miserated slave — O slavery!! "Thou art, in thyself, a bitter pill;^' 
feut I thought, I could make a sweei electioneering one out of thee. 
I had vainly thought, through thee to have become one of God's 
vicegerents upon earth; yet strange to tell, the Baltimore people 
would not swallow the pill at the last election ; although 1 thought it 
very nicely honeyed over. — Nevertheless, be o^f good cheer. Not- 
withstanding this first discomfiture, ihey will swallow it at the next 
election; and then I shall arrive at the summit of all iHy aspiring 
hopes; and then look out for the blessings I have in store, to pour 
forth for you in plentiful abundance. Then I will hatch projects 
enough, for your emancipation, ^'centuries ahcad.^' Then you shall 
be elevated to the enviable rank and condition of the free blacks, and 
then I will send you back to the coiuitry of your fathers, to Liberia, 
to St. Doiningo, beyond the llocky ^lountain, or seme where else, 



God only knows where, most likely to the D — 1." What swee; 
erurnbs of comfort "centuries aheaiV for the practical blessings of 
the present day!!! And how warm the sensibilities, which pour theiu 
forth in such a waste of profusion!! Away with all the selfish dreams 
of all electioneering panders. — Their's is the devouring spirit of the 
present times. It is high time the American people had stopped the 
bewildered pursuit of these destructive ignes fatui. It is high time 
for them to resume the exercise of their own sound practical intelli- 
gence in conducting their own aflairs. It is not too late to cure the 
wounds inflicted by the tarifl" law. This is the happiest moment for 
that purpose. The moment its mischiefs are developing themselves, 
is the most appropriate moment for applying the remedy. Let then, 
the Secretary gf the Treasury be called upon, the first day of the 
next meeting of Congress, to report a system of advalorem duties 
upon the strict principle of revenue; to report all articles, upon 
whifh prohibitory duties now exist — and what would be the product 
of such duties, if reduced to the smallest advalorem duty, sufficient 
for all constitutional expenditures. 

Let him be specially instructed, to exclude from his estimate all 
disbursements for "Internal Improvements," "protection of domestic 
manufactures," "encouragement of tlie American system of 'nation- 
al' industry," all unnecessary patronage, all sinecures, and all other 
cabalistical phrases, which have been introduced into the practical 
government; but are not to be found in the Constitution of the Uni- 
ted States, and thus restore the Constitution to its pristine purity, 
wisdom, and energy; and thus, by constitutional means, and in the 
true sense and spirit of the Constitution itself, "promote the general, 
and not tie particular welfare." 

Octobfr 11-1825. 



From the Enquirer, JVutember 4, 1820. 

THE GENERAL WELFARE. 

We earnestly recommend the following Disquisition to the reader's 
attention. It is worthy of the ve.y interesting subject v hich it pro- 
fesses to discuss. The writer is a man of great experience, of exten- 
sive reseai'ch, of vigorous mijid. Such are the principles, and such 
the man, whom Virginia at this great crisis ought to upiiold. The 
heresy which he attacks is now creeping upon the public mind; and 
if permitted to take eft'ect, will poison the very principles of our 
Union. 

If his powerful arguments required any confirmation ; if the geni- 
us of our government stood in need of any further elucidation, we 
should find it in the cotemporaneous expositions of the Constitution. 
We should find it in the Debates of the Virginia Convention, where 
the friends of the Constitution deny tliat this clause conferred any 
new powers upon the government. We should find it in the Feder- 
alist, (No. 41,) where Mr. Madison peremptorily excludes and tri- 
umphantly overthrows the idea of "an unlimited c<;mmission to ex- 
ercise every power, which may be alleged to be necessary for the 
common defence or general welfare." We find an equally clear de- 
monstration of that clause from the pen of the same gentleman, in 
bis triumphant Report of '99. In a word, we find an irresistible 
confirmation in the very origin of these very phrases, being copied 
from the Articles of Confederation, that most limited instrumen. ol" 
political power. The 8th Article of the Confederation says; "1'hat 
all charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for 
the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the United 
States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of the common 
treasury," &c. Stc. ; words which are quoted, both in the Debates of 
the Convention, and in the Nos. of the Federalist, to prove that they 
conveyed no new substantive power. *'A similar language again 
occurs in Article 9, of the Confederation." "Construe (says the 
Federalist) eitlier of these articles, by the rules which would justify 
the construction put on the new Constitution (by its opponents at 
that day, and its •alleged friends at this, as Governor Van Ness and 
others,) and they vest in the existing Congress, a power to legislate in 
all cases whatsoever. But, what would have been thought of that as- 
sembly, if, attaching themselves to these general expressions, and 
disregarding the specifications, which ascertain and limit their import, 
they had exercised an unlimited power of providing for the common 
delence and general welfare.'' How difficult it is for error to escape 
its own condemnation!" Bui the idea is as absurd in theory, as it 
■would be pernicious in practice. — [^Editors. 



For the Enquirer, 
POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, 

NO. XIV. 

Raymond^s Elements of Political Economy-^or, the text-book of the 

new Political School. 

The practical government of "this Union" — far ahead of the fun- 
damental laws of "this Union." 

" General welfare," Omnipotent — as national unity. ^"^ 

The author seems studiously to have avoided any reference what- 
ever, to the Constitution of the United States as the proper source for 
the derivation of the power to protect domestic manufactures, or in 
other words, to pass the tariff law; whilst the practical administrators, 
with seeming contemptuous reluctance, have called into action, their 
whole intellectual energies to give such interpretation to the Constitu- 
tion, as will subserve the same object. The term "general welfare" 
seems to have afforded the most scope for the exertion of their forensic 
faculties. It has, therefore, become of the first importance to the effi- 
ciency of the Constitution; that this terra should be perfectly under- 
stood, that not the shadow of a doubt should rest upon it. — This the 
writer thinks, can be done with facility, and with certainty. He will 
now attempt to perform this duty. 

The terra, "general welfare," in itself contains no grant of power 
whatever. It is twi^e used in the Constitution. Once in the pream- 
ble — once in the body of the instrument. In the preamble it is used 
only as a declaration of one of the great ends, intended to be pro- 
moted, by ordaining and establishing "this Constitution for the Uni- 
ted States of America." The words of the preamble containing this 
declaration, are the following — "We, the people of the United States, 
in order to form a more perfect union, establish peace, ensure domes- 
tic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, ''promote the gene- 
ral welfare,^' and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United 
States of America." Preambles never contain enactments. They 
are used only, to express the objects or ends to be effected by the 
enactments, or the inducements to such enactments. The term "gen- 
eral welfare," as here used, so far from granting a general power, 
does not contain the vestige of any grant of power whatever. It 
merely declares one of the great ends intended to be promoted, or 
effected by forming "this Constitution for the United Slates of Ame- 
rica." The specific words in relation to this specific point, are— 
"In order" "to promote the general welfare." What is done " ia 
order to promSte the general welfare.?" The people "do ordain and 
establish this Constitution"— " in order to promote the general wel- 
fare." For whom, or for what, did the people "ordam and estab- 
lish this Constitution ?" "For the United States of America." Not 

B 



10 



for the people llieinselves, ni tlieir original characters, but for tiiem- 
selves in their associated characters, as political members of the seve- 
ral pre-existing States, composing the "United States of America." 
What are the means pointed out, and where are they to be found, 
for promoting the "general vvelftire?" In " this Constitution." — 
"This Constitution" must, therefore, be examined, for the purpose 
of ascertaining what are the means pointed out " in order to promote 
the general welfare." U^on examining this Constitution, these means 
will be found to consist in grants of powers of a general character 
to a general government. By general powers is meant, powers 
whose practical operations extend beyond the geographical limits of 
thlTseveral States. By rese«ving powers of a local character, such 
as do not extend then- influence beyond the limits of the Slates, to 
the pre-existing State governments. And by retaining all other 
rights to the people, to be executed by them respectively, in their 
original native characters. — For examples: This Constitution will 
be found to have granted to the general government the power "to 
regulate commerce:" To have reserved to the several States the 
power to make internal improvements through the State govern- 
ments respectively, as not having been granted to the general gov- 
ernment: and have retained to the people their natural right to their 
property respectively, as not having been granted, neither to the 
general nor State governments; but expressly secured to them, 
against being taken from them, even for public uses, "without just 
compensation." Thus the people in their associated character of 
States, have resolved to judge for themselves, of the means which 
are necessary and proper for promoting the general welfare; and 
have solemnly enacted and declared, that these means consist in the 
distribution of powers, upon the plan and in the mode described in 
their Constitution. This code of fundamental laws is expressly en- 
acted for the observance of the practical administrators; and the ob- 
ligation for their observance is enforced by the solemn sanction of 
an oath imposed upon each administrator. So say the American 
people in exercising their rights of judging for themselves, of the 
necessary and proper means for promoting the " general welfare." 
But, say the practical administrators to the people, in substance, as 
the writer conceives — A fig for your opinions, and your restraining 
fundamental laws. You have organized a government, and most 
strange to tell, by hook or by crook, we have become its administra- 
tors. We find in your code of fundamental laws, the words "gene- 
ral welfare." We will consider these words as an unlimited grant 
of power to ourselves, and we will take the liberty of judging of the 
necessary and proper means of carrying into effect this unlimited 
grant of power. Our own discretion shall be our only fundamental 
law. We will thus make ourselves Lords paramount over all your 
rights, and will deal out a goodly share of them to oTirselvcs, and to 
our favorites; and help yourselves if you can. — But, if we were even 
to condescend to derive our unlimited power to promote the "gene- 
ral welfare," from the specified powers in the body of the Constitu- 



u 

lion, it may he found, amongst these specifications, in the following 
words: — "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, 
duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the 
common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all 
duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United 
States." Here is a repetition of the powers mentioned in the pre- 
amble, and nearly in the same words. It is from these words, in the 
body of the instrument, that we derive our unlimited powers, and 
gainsay t!ie power if you can. The writer accepts the challenge, 
and will attempt to do so. 

The words, "provide for the common defence and general wel- 
fare," in this clause, no more contain a grant of power, than the 
words used in the preamble. So far from it, that they were intend- 
ed to contain, and do contain important limitations — the specified 
2Jower to lay and collect taxes. They are the same words, with the 
omission of the word "promote," and were introduced here, to ex- 
press some of the great ends for which the specific power, just preced- 
ing, was granted. That specific power was, in its nature, immediate- 
ly appropriate to the effectuation of the ends expressed, to wit: — tlie 
specific power, '"to lay taxes," &,c. has a direct operative influence, 
as means " to provide for the common defence and general welfare," 
being the common and indispensable means employed for effecting 
those objects. Hence the inducement, in the repetition, for dropping 
the word "promote," which was used in the preamble in the absence 
of the specified power — "to lay taxes," the word "provide" being 
the common and technical word used, to describe monied means, to 
produce a given end. To " provide" means for the common defence 
and general welfare. The word " promote" would not have corres- 
ponded with the technicality of the word " provide" in its applica- > 
tion to monied means, to eflect an end; and therefore was deemed 
unnecessary, if not improper, in the repetition. — But there are other 
words in this clause, which leave this interpretation of its meaning, 
without a doubt. The words are, " to pay the debts." Are these 
words considered, as an unlimited grant of power? Or do they con- 
tain an object, or an end, to be effected, by the specific grant of the 
power "to lay taxes," Sec. &ic. immediately preceding them? "To 
lay taxe?," surely must be the specific means granted, to effect the 
object of paying " the debts of the United States." What could be 
the quality and operation of a power conferred, to pay debts, with- 
out the grant of means to effect the object? It would in no sense be 
deemed a power granted, but an obligation imposed; a very serious 
one, unaccompanied with the necessary means to effect the object. 
The meaning of this clause, then, is plainly and simply this — a power 
is therein given to Congress to lay taxes, to enable it " to pay the 
debts of the United Slates," and also to enable it, " to provide means 
for the common defence and general welfare;" explained and limited 
by the specifications of particular powers in the Constitution ; and 
by the express reservations in the amendment. If these three terms, 
to pay the debts— to provide for the common defence — to provide 



12 

for the general welfare, are respectively to be considered, as unlimit- 
ed grants of power, it would have been quite uiuiecessary to have 
gone further, than the first grant— the unlimited power to pay debts. 
Because, that granted power being without limitation, the choice of 
all the means necessary and proper for carrying it into effect, being 
expressly granted, the unlimited power of Congress could be just as 
well inferred, from the general power to pay debts, as the general 
grant "to provide for the common defence"— or, "to provide for 
the general welfare." Because, the unlimited power consists, not in 
the end to be effected, but in the unlimited choice of means to effect 
the end. Thus, Congress would be left as perfectly unlimited in the 
choice of means " to pay the debts," as in the unlimited choice of 
means to provide for the " general welfare." — Yet the writer has no 
recollection, ever to have heard, in all the forensic quibbles which 
have been resorted to, for the purpose of destroying all the limita- 
tions of the powers of the practical government, that they were all 
absorbed in the general power " to pay the debts of the United 
States." But the very same inferences might be drawn from that 
general grant of power, if such be its real meaning and character, 
as from the unlimited grant of power " to provide for the general 
welfare." In choosing terms for expressing the fundamental laws of 
the United Slates, the framers of the Constitution seem to have coii- 
sulted both simplicity and sententiousness. Hence the word "to" is 
used, to express the end ; for which a specific power is granted, to effect 
that end; and when taken in connexion with the first "to" used in 
granting the povver, has given an opportunity to forensic quibblers, 
to consider the last "to" as also intended to make a grant of povver. 
This construction is somewhat aided too, by the interposition of a 
comma, before the last " to." But it should be recollected, that in 
critical constructions of sentences, all stops are to be obliterated ; and 
the construction grounded exclusively upon the literal meaning of 
the words used, taken in their relations, to each other. Thus, the 
words used in the Constitution, in their relations to each other, with- 
out the intervention of a comma, would read thus — "Congress shall 
have power — to " lay and collect taxes" — to " pay the debts of the 
United States." — Here, then, is the clearest expression of a mean, 
and an end, peculiarly and technically suited to each other, according ^ 
- to the relative meaning of each. Perhaps, if the framers of the Consti- 1 
tution had departed from their general rule of sententiousness in this 
case, and had used the words "for the purpose of paying the debts," 
&c. it might have been a better form of expression, than the term " to." 
But it is presumable that the framers of the Constitution could ne- 
ver, for one moment, have anticipated that so miserable a subtlety 
would have been resorted to, (or the purpose of battering down all 
the limitations they had set up, with so much patriotic care and la- 
bour, as safeguards to the rights and liberties of the people, against 
the possible usurpation of the practical government, as have grown 
out of this little unfortunate word "to," in its relation to another little 
"to." It should be alwa3's recollected, that uncontrollable wjll, is in 



13 

ils essence, sovereignly — unlimited discretion, despotism ; — and that 
these essentially consist in the choice of means to efiect an end, and 
not in the end to be effected. But there is in this clause, an express 
limitation upon the power of the practical government, which most 
certainly excludes the interpretation, that the terms, pay debts, pro- 
vide for the common defence and general welfare, are grants of pow- 
er. It is contained in the following words — " but all duties, imposts 
and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." These 
words contain a most important limitation upon the discretion of the 
practical government, in the exercise of this specified power. Is it 
possiole to conceive, that, in the same clause, the framers of the Coii- 
siitution, would impose a limitation upon^that discretion in the exer- 
cise of the specified power; and, in the same clause, make three un~ 
limited grants of power; each of which, would completely destroy 
not only every limitation, upon the specification, but upon every 
other restraining power in the Constitution. Such a supposition 
would be, at once, absurd and preposterous; and therefore utterly in- 
admissible. • 

So far from the terras, " to pay the debts of the United States" — ■ 
•' to provide for the common defence and general welfare," contain- 
ing any grant ol power whatever; they were evidently intended to 
coniain, and do contain important limitations upon the exercise of 
the specified power — " to lay and collect taxes" — " To lay and col- 
lect taxes to pay the debts of the United States." — The limitation 
consists in grantmg the power to pay the debts of the United States, 
and no other debts. The power to pay the debts of the United 
States only, negatively excludes the power to pay any other debts, 
than the debts of the United States. The clear meaning of the lan- 
guage addressed to the practical administrators is: — You may lay 
and collect taxes to pay the debts of the United States; but you shall 
not lay and collect taxes to pay the debts of the several States; the 
debts of New York, for example, incurred in making the great ca- 
nal ; the debts of Virginia, incurred in her efforts to make the James 
River Canal. Nor shall you lay and collect taxes to pay the debts 
of one another, nor of any other favorite ; Ninian Edwards, for ex- 
ample. You may also lay and collect taxes for the common defence, 
but not for the defence of the police laws of the several States; such 
as the defence of the penitentiary establishments; this object being 
for local, not common, defence. You may lay and collect taxes for 
the general welfare, but not for a local, or particular welfare. You 
shall not lay and collect taxes for internal improvements, that power 
not having been granted in the Constitution, and being local in it? 
character, is reserved to the Slates : — nor to protect manufactures^ 
that being a particular, and not the general welfare. Nor is that 
power specifically granted to the general government. You shall 
not lay and collect taxes to establish a system of sinecures for retir- 
ing Presidents and Vice-Prcsicents; nor for paying Daniel Raymond 
for writing a book upon the Elements of Political Economy; the 
evident tendency of which is, to destroy all limitations upon the 



14 



powers of the practical government, &ic. he. It is most extraordi- 
nary that the very terms introduced for the purpose of utterly ex- 
cluding all partial interests, and favoritisms, should be seized upon, 
as the foundation of the whole system of locality and favoritism. 
The exposition here given of the meaning of these terms is not only 
demonstrably correct in itself, but is warranted by the whole spirit 
and tenor of the Constitution, as well as by many of its subsequent 
provisions. And ought not such to be the true spirit and interpre- 
tation of the Constitution? Surely it must be admitted by all; that 
such ought to be the provisions of the Constitution, and that the 
terms are amply sufficient for that object; but if a contrary interpre- 
tation should be put upon these terms, others ought certainly to be 
introdticed into the Constitution to effect the object for which these 
were manifestly intended. 

liet it ever be freshly remembered, that the term "general wel- 
fare" considered as a grant of power, is "an unity." — One and in- 
divisible. — That its powers are indefinite and irresistible. It stops 
at nothing. It sweeps every thing before it. If it* can invest the 
practical government with the power to make internal improvements 
when that term is not in the Constitution, nor any other bearing the 
least affinity to it; it can, in like manner, invest the same govern- 
ment with the power to protect domestic manufactures, in the absence 
of all expressions bearing the least affinity to that power. If that 
investiture can be derived from it, so can the power to protect reli- 
gion. — It is said, that President Adams, like the first christian Em- 
peror, the great Constantine, is playing a doubtful game between 
the Trinitarian, and Unitarian creeds, or like the great reformer, and 
detestable tyrant, Henry the VIII , vibrating between Catholicism 
and Protestantism. When he shall settle down upon one of them, 
perhaps he might think that all the American people, ought likewise 
to do so, and if they will not, be will make them not only for the 
" general welfare," but for universal harmony, in private opinion. 
This measure will admit the application of money for its eflectua- 
eion; and fire and sword to aid it. Auto defes, — might again become 
fashionable fo;" " the general welfare" and universal harmony in pri- 
vate opinion. " General welfare," can accomplish all this; and then 
mount at once lo the author's utmost limit of despotism, the public 
right to every piece of property in the nation; and the governmental 
right to take it from the individual owner, an-d to apply it to the pub- 
lic good, alias, the " general welfare." Are tjie people of the Uni- 
ted States prepared for these frightful results, arising fi'om the omni- 
potent influence of the term "general welfare?" If not, let them 
again pause, look stedfastly at these things, consider them well; and 
then ask thcinseKes, if one atom of power be derivable from the term 
" general welfare," where is the stopping place? If it grants an atom 
of power, it grants all power. It must finally eventuate in the most 
awful, terrific, uncontrollable despotism. But there is another view 
of this subject not less interesting, and calling, perhaps, still more 
loudly for tlie most profound attention of every patriotic American 



IS 

citizen. The practical administrators of the government, are fre< 
qucnily boasting of tlie great American developements in political 
science. The great blessings they have already diffused amongst 
the whole American people, the hopes of the greater blessings to pos- 
terity, as the developements shall become improved and matured; 
and finally, the diffusion of these improved blessings to the whole 
human race; and at the same moment, as the writer thinks, or fears, 
have, under ilie potent charm of " general welfare," laid the whole 
of these blessed devolopcments prostrate in the dust, and trampled 
them under foot. Fellow-citizens, pause again, look stedfastly at 
these things, consider them well, they well deserve it, and ask your- 
selves in what these great American developements consist? In what? 
but in your fundamental laws. In what? but in the specifications and 
limitations ordained and established in your Constitutions. Oblite- 
rate those, and wliat have you to boast of in the discoveries of the 
great elements of political science, more than tlie other nations of 
the earth? Nay, than the most despotic nation upon earth!!! In 
what do these all-important specifications and limitations consist? 
Most certainly in restraints upon the unlimited discretion of your 
rulers. These form the great ramparts for the protection of your 
rights and liberties; impregnable with your own superintendence, 
and under your own firm reliance upon your own capacity for self- 
government: worse than nothing, if left to the unlimited discretion 
of your rulers, in the choice of means to promote the " general wel- 
fare." Let it be always fresh in your memories, that unlimited will, 
whatever be its form, is unlimited despotism. Look at President 
Adams' inaugural address upon this point, and you will then see the 
most beautiful and glowing anticipations of the blessed eflects upon 
the whole human race from the great American developements in po- 
litical science. Look at Mr. Secretary Barbour's address to the Ca- 
dets at West Point, and you will see the same laudable, philanthro- 
pic anticipations. Look at Mr. Secretary Clay's address to one of 
his electioneering dinner parlies, and you will there see the same 
thing. Yet, if these great American developements do really consist 
in constitutional limitations upon governmental power, you will find 
them all " dissolved into thin air," by the omnipotent, magic influ- 
ence of the term " general welfare." 

Perhaps you may be told, your great security will be found in the 
checks of departments. Listen not a moment to the syren voice of 
this delusive ''ivicked sprite.'' — Checks of departments, without limi- 
tations upon power, and without the guardianship of the sovereign 
people, are always converted into combmations of departments. The 
patronage of the Executive, corrupts the other departments, and con- 
verts them into instruments of its own aggrandizement. That is the 
great evil in the practical government at this moment. Other gov- 
ernments have checks of departments. Great Britain hns her checks. 
France has her checks — all, like the American checks, coalescivg with 
the Executive departments. The American people alone, have 5^e- 
cifx Umitations vpon governmental poivers, ordained and established 



iO 



in their fundamental laws. Americans alone are secured in their 
great interests, through the benign influence of the federative princi- 
ple. These are the great American developements — these are the 
great American 'peculiarities — these are the great blessings, of which 
they can exclusively boast. These are their great inventions for the 
security of human rights. These are their great ramparts for their 
protection; and it is against these, that the elementary artillery of 
the political fashionables is directed. If they should unfortunately 
succeed in battering down these; farewell, and a long farewell to 
human rights!!! to human liberties!!! to human happiness!!! 
October 15, 1825. 



J 



From the Enquirery J^ovemher 11,1825. . 
"GENERAL WELFARE." 
POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS,— No. XIV. 

[concluded.] 

Raymond's Elements of Political Economy— or^ the text-book of the 

new Political School. 
The practical government of " this Union" far ahead of the fun- 
f^amental laws of " this Union." 

'* General welfare" — omnipotent — as " national unity." 
But let it be supposed, that the writer is mistaken in iiis interpre- 
tation of the meaning of the term " general welfare," and in the in- 
tents and objects, for which it was used in the Constitution; and that 
the framers of the Constitution did inadvertently, by the mere slip of 
the pen, introduce into the Constitution, a general phrase, which 
swept away all the limitations, recommended to be ordained, and es- 
tablished for the protection of the rights, and liberties of the Ameri- 
can peojale: Recommendations, flowing from the pure fountain of 
love of country: The results of sound wisdom, anxious care, and 
patriotic labour. If it be possible to believe, that the framers of the 
Constitution had committed so fatal an error, it can only be ascribed 
to inadvertence. It would be impossible to ascribe it to intent; be- 
cause it would be a wicked intent. It would be the most atrocious 
and abominable fraud, that could have been practised upon the con- 
fiding American people, and therefore, utterly impossible, and inad- 
missible. If the term "general welfare," be construed into a grant 
of power, if it be but an atom, it is a grant of all power; because it 
is "an unity," "one and indivisible;" and would necessarily destroy 
all the limitations upon the powers of the practical government. — 
However improbable, let it, nevertheless, be supposed, that the fra- 
mers of the Constitution did, inadvertently, employ a general phrase 
which effectually destroyed the whole beautiful plan, they had devi- 
sed for the government of the United States ii\ their compHcated re- 
lations to each other, by an adaptation of general powers to a gene- 
ral government, local powers to State governments, and by leaving 
to the people individually, all the rights not granted, either to the 
general, or State governments, and that it had fallen to the lot of 
the political fashionables to make this fatal discovery. What obli- 
gations would such an extraordinary discovery impose upon the 
practical government? What obligations would thereby be imposed 
upon the President of the United States? What upon the legislators ? 
Surely, it would then become the first duty of the President to com- 
municate so important a fact, so important a discovery to Congress. 
It is his sworn duty, " to give to the Congress information of the 
state of the Union." What information could be more interesting 
to the Union, than the discovery, that all the fundamental laws were 
c 



18 

rendered nugatory, bj a fatal inadvertency in tlieir framers? That 
all the limitations upon the powers of the practical governments were 
destroyed; that all the safeguards set up for the protection of the 
rights and liberties of the people were annihilated; and the whole of 
them, left to the capricious absolute will of the practical government? 
Surely, the President would be called upon by every motive, which 
his official duty could suggest; by every sanction, which the solemni- 
ty of an oath could impose; by every impulse, vvhich patriotism, 
public and private morality could inspire, to give this all-important 
information to (Congress. And what would it then become the in- 
dispensable duty of Congress to do, in so fatal a dilemma? Surely, 
to call upon the American people to remedy the great defect pro- 
duced by the deprecated inadvertency; to make provision for amend- 
ing the Constitution, so as to explain the true meaning of the term 
''general welfare;"' and if it should be found that it had in truth, 
and in fact, prostrated all the restraining provisions of the Constitu- 
tion, deprived the people of all the great American developeme:its 
in political science, and left them without any protection whatever 
for their rights and liberties; tiiat the people might thus be afforded 
an opportunity of setting up, new safeguards, in the place of those 
so unexpectedly and inadvertently battered down and destroyed. — 
These would be the obvious and indispensable duties of the Presi-- 
dent, and Congress. Surely it never could be expected, that an 
American President, and an American Congress, would stoop so 
low, as to avail themselves of such a discovery, to obtain by stealth 
from the people, every power they might fancy would be proper for 
the general welfare — and the promotion of their own personal ag- 
grandizement — to employ all their forensic powers for so base a pur- 
pose, and pride themselves in the unhallowed acquisition. Yet, 
wonderful as it may be, have not great advances been made by the 
political fashionables, in this unhallowed occupation? If President 
Adams really believes, in sincerity and good faith; that the term 
" general welfare" may be used to sweep away all the limitations 
upon the powers of the practical government, has he yet given any 
intimations of his intention to give this all-important information to 
Congress, and solemnly to call upon the legislative body, instantly 
to furnish a remedy for this great misfortune, which was discovered 
to liave befallen the code of fundamental laws? Has he not, on the 
other hand, given the most alarming forebodings of the uses, he 
wishes, or intends to make, of the term "general welfare"? Do you 
jiot fmd the unlimited scope given to his interpretation of its mean- 
ing in his Ohio letter, and in his inaugural address? In the dilem- 
ma in which President Adams would be placed by this new discove- 
ry, is he not called upon by every consideration arising from the 
loVe of country, and a love of future fame, to deliberate well, and to 
decide wisely upon the course he ought to pursue? And can this be 
better done, than to see what others have heretofore done in the like 
dilemma; and what destinies have awaited each actor in the scene, ac- 
cording to his conduct pursued, on each great occasion? Let Presi- 
dent Adatns then inquire, what would Washington now do, if placed 



19 

in President Adams's supposed dilemma, if he Iiad discovered this 
great inadvertent defect in the fundamental laws? In so sad a dilem- 
ma, his former acts would prove his present conduct. He would on 
the instant, nobly, honourably and openly proclaim the fact to the 
proper tribunal, and call for the proper remedy. What did Wash- 
incton in a former dilemma? When his discontented army offered 
him a diadem, he disdained the alluring glittering overture, and 
crushed the wicked spirit that dared to tempt him with a crown. 
Vv'hen the rights and liberties of his country becatne secure, he re- 
tired, honoured and dignified, to a private station. When his coun- 
try again wanted and demanded his efficient aid, in forming funda- 
mental laws, and establishing a practical government, he again left 
his beloved retirement; an^ after he had seen the government fixed 
upon an unshaken foundation, as he ardently hoped, and firmly be- 
lieved, he again sought for happiness in his enamoured retreat. But, 
upon the instant of doing so, he left to his beloved country an ines- 
timable legacy:— His Farewell Address. In that Address, with a 
wisdom and patriotism, almost divine, he admonishes his countrymen, 
against the very political shoals, and quicksands, upon which the 
practical government seems now intent to place itself :— exciting oc- 
cupation against occupation, section against section. Washington 
well knew that the great and stable pillars of the government of this 
Union, w eve generality and equality. — He therefore" prayed with the 
most holy fervor, that these might always be deemed too sacred to 
be polluted by any sacrilegious touch whatever. Where now are 
these hallowed pillars? Pulled down, cut up, and. given to the de- 
vouring flamesin Occupation, is now set up, against occupation; 
section, against section, and worse than all, each section is stripped 
of its constitutional federative protection— State authorities— State 
rights. Where is now the great, the good, the patriotic Washing- 
ton? He is no more seen in the land. His inspired admonitions 
have become the sport, and contempt of the political fashionables. 
But his soul is doubtlessly in the regions of the blessed. His memo- 
ry is embalmed in the hearts of his countrymen; and his great good 
fame is coextensive with the civilized world!!! What would Bolivar 
do in this dilemma? His former acts, would also prove his present 
conduct. He, like Washington, would nobly perform his duty. He 
would disdain the accumulation of ungranted powers by forensic 
subtlety. After being invested with the dictatorship, and liberating 
his own country from the most oppressive bondage, he, like Wash- 
ington, begged permission to retire to a private station, declaring to 
the legislative body, that his country was about to be relieved from 
two of the most frightful curses that could attend it; the war and 
his own dictatorship. Such noble disinterested patriotism could ne- 
ver stoop to low usurpations of illicit power. Where is Bolivar f 
And where his present fame? He is now hailed, as the liberator of 
his own country, and the benefactor of mankind. The whole civil- 
ized world is now paying homage to his profound wisdom, his heroic 
bravery, and his sublime patriotism; and more than any other peo= 
pie, the liberated people of the United States. In all the sentirqen» 



20 

tal incidents which fiave been called forth by tlie visit of iiie nation's* 
illustrious guest, alike honourable to the nation and its guest, none 
has been better selected than the present bestowed by Mr. Custis 
upon Bolivar. How great the honour, how great the reward, to se- 
lect Bolivar, lately risen up in the new world, amidst bigotry, super- 
stition, ignorance, barbarism and despotism, as the most worthy to 
be presented with the precious relict of his own great prototype, our 
own renowned and beloved V/ashington. What would Julius, the 
first Ceesar do, if placed in this dilemma? His former acts too, must 
prove his present conduct. He would avail himself of every false 
pretext, of every forensic subtlety, "to raise his own greatness upon 
his country's ruin." What has become of the great, the splendid Ju- 
lius Caesar, and his fame? Ask the Roman patriot; ask Ceesar's bo- 
som friend; ask his own Brutus. He will tell you, "Csesar was am- 
bitious, and I slew him" !!! Under Brutus' fatal stab, Cresar lies igno- 
bly low, a detested and detestable tyrant, and as lime rolls along and 
the human intellect becomes more improved, the memory of Julius 
Caesar, and of every other tyrant, becomes every day more detested. 
The enlightened world now bestows its homage and its plaudits, not 
upon the destroyers and plunderers; but upon the benefactors of the 
human race. What would the great Napoleon, the last Ca?sar do, 
if placed in this dilemma? His former acts would also prove his pre- 
sent conduct. The Trier consul. The Premier consul. . The Em- 
peror for life. The Emperor absolute, prove that he, like the first 
CcEsar, would avail himself of every subtlety " to raise his own great- 
ness upon his country's ruin"!!! Where is the great Napoleon? 
Where his fame? His awful destiny has been recently sketched; and 
therefore, need not now be repeated. Let it sufiice to say, that he 
lies low in St. Helena, the common subject of reproach, with every 
patriotic philanthropic mind: His own, the just and awful doom of 
fivery other tyrant. Is it not truly shocking to every philanthropic 
mind to look back, and behold the many destroyers, and the i'ew be- 
nefactors of the human race, who have appeared in the world, from 
the time of Julias the first, to the lime of Bonaparte, the last Caesar? 
Out of these far-famed originals, can President Adams hesitate to 
choose the model for his present glory, and his future fame ? Have 
his first impressions seized so strongly upon his mind, as to deprive 
it of its own proper energies in this weighty contingency? If so, he 
still may find an infallible index, in a recent impressive incident. 
He may find it, in the affectionate, paternal reply of the nation's late 
illustrious guest, to his own beautiful, sentimental farewell address : 
An address highly honourable to President Adams and to his coun- 
try: An address, so fraught with the sensibilities of the heart and the 
glitterings of the imagination, with incidents so happily chosen, and so 
beautifully portrayed, that every disapproving American patriot, on 
other occasions, would upon the instant, and upon the occasion, be- 
come disarmed of every hostile feeling, and own himself proud thus 
to be represented by the nation's President. How much more de- 
plorable then would it be, if President Adams with such refined sen- 
sibilities of heart, and glittering capacities of imagination, should 



21 

attempt, like the Caesars, «*to raise his own greatness upon his coun- 
try's ruin." Let him then listen, with due devotion, to the emphatic, 
impressive voice of La Fayette ; ushered forth, too, upon an occasion, 
and in a tone never to be forgotten : 

" Yet, gratifications still higher awaited me — in the wonders of 
creation and improvement that have met my enchanted eye; in the 
unparalleled and self- felt happiness of the people; in their rapid 
prosperity and insured security, public and private; in a practice of 
good order, the appendage of true freedom ; and a national good 
sense, the final arbiter of all difficulties— I have had proudly to re- 
cognise a result of the republican principles for which we have fought, 
and a glorious demonstration to the most timid and prejudiced mind, 
of the superiority, over degrading aristocracy or despotism of po- 
pular institutions, founded on the plain rights of man, and where 
the local rights of every section are preserved under a constitutional 
bond of union. The cherishing of that union between the States, as 
it has' been the farewell entreaty of our great paternal Washington, 
and will ever have the dying prayer of every American patriot, so 
it has become the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world." 
How difierent is the spirit and tenor of this language, from that 
used in President Adams's inaugural address. Let them be com- 
pared — "To the topic of internal improvement, emphatically urged 
by hi«i in his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is 
that, from which I am convinced, that unborn millions of our poste- 
rity, who are, in future ages, to people this continent will derive their 
most fervent gratitude to the founders of ^'this Union ;'^ that, in 
which the beneficent action of its government, will be most deeply 
felt and acknowledged." Fayette, far from becoming enchanted 
with the glittering promise of the beneficent action of the govern- 
ment of this Union in its usurped exertions, for splendid magnificent 
internal improvements, which are to call forth the fervent gratitude 
of millions of unborn posterity to the founders of this Union; in a 
tone and spirit directly opposed to this enthusiastic, sublimated con- 
ception, most emphatically says — '« I have had proudly to recognise 
a result of the republican principles for which we fought, and a glo- 
rious demonstration to the most timid and prejudiced mind, of the 
superiority over degrading aristocracy, or despotism, of popular in- 
stitutions founded upon the plain rights of man :"* [See note.] Not 
upon governmental usurpation; not upon governmental splendoro 
Still less enchanted wiih the pledge of the beneficent action of the 
government of "this Union," in exclusion, or forgetfulness of the be- 
neficent action of the State governments, yet more emphatically says ; 
** and where the local rights of every section are preserved under a con- 
stitutional bond of Unions Nor does Fayette seem at all enchanted, 
with the ardent spirit of rivalship displayed by President Adams in 
another part of his address, with the ancient republics, in the mag- 
nificence and splendor of their public works, roads, canals and aque- 
ducts ; but seems resolved to charm it down by calling the sober at- 
tentions of President Adams to republican principles, founded upon 
the plain rights of man; tending to produce individual happiness, 



22, 

not governmental splendor, and still more emphatically, calling his 
attention to the farewell entreaty of our great paternal Washington, 
*' to the cherishing the Union between the States,^^ which he feeling- 
ly asserts, "will ever have tlie dying prayer of every American Pa- 
triot." Nor does Fayette's affectionate, fervent admonition stop 
here; but most emphatically further says; " so it" (the union between 
the States,) "has become the sacred pledge of the emancipation of 
the world." Here is the express recognition of the federative prin- 
ciple; and so far from Fayette's wishing it to be annihilated, or de- 
bilitated in its smallest atom, he exhibits it as " the pledge of the 
emancipation of the world." Could it be possible to pay a greater 
compliment to the federative principle; than to hail it, as " the pledge 
of the emancipation of the world. ^" Does Fayette here express any 
fond hopes of any anticipated blessings from consolidation.' From 
the fashionable notion of "one national government."'" From the 
usurpation of all State rights.'' From the costly glittering toys of 
governmental splendor.'' But these are not all of his parental, pa- 
triotic admonitions. He calls President Adams's best attention to 
Washington's farewell address. He seems to be impelled by the 
strongest conviction; that it is high time to recur to fundamental 
principles to correct the aberrations of the present day; and for that 
purpose, he most judiciously interposes Washington's last inestima- 
ble legacy. In that inspired production, these great fundamental 
principles will be seen portrayed in colours most impressive and en- 
chanting: That the federative principle is indispensably necessary, 
in the distribution of the governmental powers of the American peo- 
ple: That in the distribution, each government and each department 
should act within its own designated sphere. If it should be found 
upon experiment, that any power had been misplaced in making the 
distribution, the error should be corrected in the constitutional mode, 
by amendment, never by usurpation, never by forensic subtleties of 
construction, however specious the pretext: That principle should 
always be preferred to expediency, whatever may be the seeming 
temptations to the violations of principle: That geographical par- 
ties should especially be avoided: — that the North, should not be 
put hi opposition to the South, nor the East, to the West: that sec- 
tion, should not be put against section, but that justice should be 
general and equal to all. How different in principle and eflect from 
the partial measures of the political fashionables? Let President 
Adams turn his eyes then, to Mr. Jeflerson's whole administration. 
He will there observe subslanlially the same respect to the preserva- 
tion of all the distributions of powers within their proper spheres ; 
frowning down, every disposition in the one, to encroach upon an- 
other department. He will observe Mr. Jefferson's whole admirable 
system of political philosophy to consist in preferring right, to 
wrong; justice, to injustice; general equality^ to local inequality, 
yielding, rather than usurping power; and above all, preferring the 
arts of peace, to the arts of war; doing good, and avoiding evil, to 
mankind; and thus, upon the republican principle of "the plain 
rights of man," to diffuse indiviflual happiness; regardless of gov- 



2s: 

ernmental splendor. President Adams might find another illustri- 
ous model in Mr. Canning. Fettered with the inthralments of long 
established principles, and institutions, originating in bigotry, in 
barbarism, and ignorance; supported too, by ancient prejudices, and 
settled habits, by governmental fears, and individual interests, his 
great embellished mind burst asunder those strong and obdurate li- 
gaments, and, as far as was possible, in his perplexed dilemma, re- 
stored to his country the great principles of social and private rights^ 
of social and private justice, substantially founded upon " the plain 
rights of man." Would it not be as wonderful, as deplorable, if 
when the great American developements founded upon " the plam 
rights of man" are liberating the minds of the rest of the world, 
and introducing their practical blessings amongst the human race, 
the practical American government, with President Adams at its 
head, seduced by the counsels of an electioneering, grovelling, ava- 
ricious spirit, should throw itself back upon the blessings, now be- 
coming ditfused amongst mankind, throuiiih the influence of Ameri- 
can discoveries, and thus, retard the anticipated happiness of the 
whole human family? 

The writer has now performed his painful obligatory task. He 
has attempted to present to the view of the whole American people, 
for their consideration, the despotic, dangerous political principles 
now afloat amongst them; rendered infinitely more alarming, by the 
countenance, and sanction, which he thinks are awarded them, by 
the practical government. He has also presented these same things 
to President Adams; and called his consideration to the perilous des- 
tinies which await him, in his highly responsible ofiicial station. — 
Without one word more, these things are submitted to his own so- 
lemn contemplation. It will be left to himself to determine, whether 
he will further pursue the dangerous suggestions of weak interested 
incompetent minds in accumulating power by the subtlety of con- 
struction, in drawing into his administration, all the jarring elements 
of every discordant political atom, and in their dread explosion, to 
blow up at once his own fame, and all his country's boasts and bles- 
sings, or, whether, he will nobly break through the entanglements of 
first false impressions, and restore the violated Constitution to its 
original objects and principles. • 

Whether, like the detestable Caesars, he will avail himself of all 
the subtleties of construction, " to raise his own greatness upon his 
country's ruin," and the ruin of the whole human race; and share 
their just and awful destinies; or whether, preferring the great mo- 
dels set before him, of the beloved benefactors of mankind, he will 
present himself to the observant world, as another great example of 
sublime virtue, of disinterested patriotism, and of exalted magnani- 
mity; and share with tliem the honors and the plaudits of a grateful 
admiring world!!! 

The author cannot yet take leave of this subject, without inquir- 
ing; what would it become the iiidlspensable duty of " we the peo- 
ple" to do in the supposed dilemma.'' What would it become the 
first duty of " we the people" to do; whilst these upstart would-be 



24 

despbts are whetting their forensic weapons, to ascertain whether or 
not "we the people" in the formation of our Constitution had been 
" so ineffably stupid" as to grant the unlimited power of judging of 
the means of bettering our own condition; after "we the people" 
had judged of the means ourselves; and solemnly "ordained and 
established" these means, as obligatory rules for their government, 
limiting their rights of judging to definite prescribed boundaries; or 
in other words, whether or not " we tlie people" have been " so in- 
effably stupid," in performing our work, when, being then their so- 
vereign masters, as to make ourselves their voluntary slaves? or to 
make it even doubtful, whether " we the sovereign people" be their 
masters, or their slaves ? for. that is the essential question involved 
in the inquiry. Whether or not, the term " general welfare," does 
invest these upstart puzzlers, vvith the power of exercising their own 
unlimited will, over the rights, and liberties of " we the sovereign 
people." In such a dilemma, "we the people" being sovereign, 
have but one plain, sovereign duty to perform; that is, by one sove- 
reign act, indignantly to hurl from their unmerited offices, these two 
years, four years, or six years upstart, would-be despots, if such in- 
deed there be, who dare, even to make a question ; whether *' we the 
sovereign people" be their masters, or their slaves. This our sove- 
reign act, would effectually settle the true meaning of the term "gen- 
eral welfare." It would never admit another quibble, and would in- 
contestibly prove, that the Constitution is a good work, requiring no 
amendment in that jioint. It would solve the puzzle, and lay the 
wicked spirit which raised it so effectually, that it would never dare 
again, to raise its head, and insult the majesty of " we the sovereign 
people." It would .demonstrate to them, and to the world, where 
the sovereignty of the American nation was placed by the fundamen- 
tal laws. — Surely no question can ever arise, which could more loud- 
ly call for the interposition of this efficacious act of sovereignty. 
This act, would gratify the would-be despots, in the only sovereign- 
ty to which they ought ever to aspire. It would elevate them once 
more to the condition of the rest of the sovereign people. But it 
would never wash away the stain of their foul ambition!!! They 
must ever after remain unworthy members of the original sovereign- 
ty. If " we the people" should be found incapable of performing 
this indispensable act ofspvereignty ; then, the writer most reluctant- 
ly, but most solemnly and confidently pronounces his opinion of our 
deprecated doom — that the rights and liberties of "we the American 
people," are gone forever. 
October 25, 1825. 



i5 



NOTE. 

* Fayette's farewell reply, to President Adams's farewell address 
-^^^ plain rights of man." It will be obvious to every reflecting, 
intelligent man in the community, who will attentively consider, 
Fayette's farewell reply, that he intended it, as a codicil to Washing- 
ton's farewell address : — That Fayette had given the most profound 
attention, to the difiering doctrines of the old and the new school : 
That whilst he professed himself enraptured with the doctrines of the 
old school, he seems to have found no bewitching charms in the doc- 
trines of the new one — on the other hand, he seems to have evinced 
the most serious alarms; and to have introduced the adjunct "plain" 
to the common term, *' rights of man" as an antidote, against the 
apprehended dangers of the glittering fooleries of the political fash- 
ionables. It cannot escape observation, that no notice is taken of 
President Adams's splendid inaugural address; whilst Washington's 
legacy is pressed upon President Adams's consideration with enthu- 
siastic devotion. If it be said that Fayette was restrained from re- 
curring to President Adams's inaugural address, from a sense of the 
indelicacy of complimenting President Adams to his face, it is re- 
plied — That during the Jubilee year of Fayette's visit, compliments 
to faces, have been the common order of the day: That all election- 
eering dinners, are contrived for the express purpose of dashing ful- 
some compliments, directly into the faces of the idolized guests. In 
each case the compliment is seized on by the feasted idol, and forms 
the text of an electioneering speech. By this contrivance the guest 
is afforded an opportunity of recommending himself to the people, 
by proclaiming some new egotistic capacity, or by forswearing or dis- 
guising some former political sin — and thus lie whitewashes himself 
for the next electioneering enterprise. President Adams's recent 
modest visit to his venerable father augurs well. It is certainly a 
damper to electioneering dinner parties, and the spirit of idolatry. 
It is, at least, a negative reproach upon the splendid tours of his 
" eminent predecessor." 

^^Aut Ccesar^ aut nullus.''* — This term, ^'nullus,^^ is used hereafter 
in reference to Washington, or Bolivar — held up in the foregoing 
number, as an alternative model for Mr. Adams's imitation. Mr. 
Adams in his first message to Congress, rejected the model of both, 
in preference for the Caesars. Hence the introduction of the term 
"nuUus^^ — Nobody. 



RETROSPECTS— NO. VIII. 

COMPILATIONS— REVIEWS— AND REFLECTIONS. 

Messrs. Daniel Jlaijmond — John Qiiincy Mams, and Hen- 
ry Clay. — All affiliated Triumvirate in the Elemeuis of 
Political EcollOlll3^ 

CONSOLIDATION. -^©^- ULTRA-DESPOTISM. 

[RAYMOND'S ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY.] 

Extract from Political Disquisitions, August 1835. — " From the cir- 
cumstances attending- the publication of it," (this book,) " it may fairly 
be presumed to have been written, at the request and under the influ- 
ence of the manufacturing interest. The first edition was dedicated to 
the late " Honorable Robert Goodloe Harper, L. L. D.," on the 20th 
of November 1820. It soon ran through one edition, and the preface 
to the second edition, bears date December 4, 1823. From these 
and other circumstances it would appear evident, that the principles 
avowed in this work, foriii the basis of the right to pass the Tariff 
bill, and have been received as orthodox, by the supporters of that 
act, and by the disciples of the new political school — the present 
political fashionables." 

Again — "Raymond's book, considered as a fair and candid de- 
velopment of the political principles of the practical administration, 
calls loudly for the most profound attention of every American citi- 
zen. Tills observation will be abundantly justified by the follo'.ving 
considerations: — 1st. This work is exhibited as the text book of the 
new political school; and is believed to be pressed upon the public 
attention, by the political fashionables, with anxious avidity and ex- 
travagant applause. 2d. It has been announced in a Baltimore 
newspaper as the chosen political text book for the Virginia Univer- 
sity. Upon first seeing ti)is annunciation, the writer determined to 
possess himself of this book, for the sole purpose of ascertaining-, as 
far as he could, what manner of book it was, which had been thus 
honored with this high and influential destiny. The writer has done 
so. * He has devoted the best energies of his mind to this interesting 
investigation. The inquiry has conducted the writer to the follow- 
ing conclusions: — 1st. That the elementary principles of this work, 
are in strict analogy with the elementary principles avowed by the 
practical administrators. 2d. That, at this enlightened period of 
the world, these elementary principles are more despotic, than would 
be avowed by the most despotic Government in Europe." 

After the writer had published his review of this Elementary Ta- 
fift' Book; at least so far as to develope and expose, ihe most hete- 
rodox of its elementary doctrines, Mr. Raymond in disguise, ap- 
peared before the public in their defence. It is now proposed to ex- 
amine that defence, to expose its follies and absurdities, and shew a 
strict affiliation between its heterodox doctrines, and those of Messrs. 
Adams and Clay: 
A 



BY RAYMOND, IN DISGUISE 

[communicated.] 
For the Enquirer, December G, 1825. 
"POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS." 

Under the above title, a writer in the Richmond Enquirer has, for 
several months past, professedly been writing commentaries or criti- 
cisms upon Raymond's Elements of Political Economy. The num- 
bers have been characterised with no small share of asperity and vi- 
tuperation; but as the principal doctrines attacked, are not to be 
found in Mr. Raymond's work, the writer has wrought himself into 
a fury and spent his strength for naught. 

The following is a quotation from the 8th No., published Oft the 
9th September, 1825: 

"The following are laid down by the author (Mr. Raymond,) as 
fundamental laws, without which no right would exist in the General 
Government to pass laws for protecting manufactures ; or in other 
words, to pass the Tariff law. 1st. That the nation is an unity — 
and the Legislature tlie head of the nation. 2d. That the legisla- 
tors are irresponsible. 3d. That they are unrestrained in the exer- 
cise of their legislative discretion, by any other influence than that 
which is derived from the laws by which God governs the world. 
4th. That the legislators possess the same rights over the people, 
which the General does over the soldiers of an army. 5th. That 
the people have no more rights than the law allows them, and this 
law is to be pronounced by God's vicegerents or irresponsible legis- 
lators. 6th, That whilst the right of life is a natural right, the 
right of property is conventional. 7th. That all property belongs 
to the nation of which the Legislature is the head ; and none to the 
people in their individual character. 8th. That the Government has 
the right to dispose of the proceeds of the labor of every individual 
in society ; and that the individual has no right whatever, to dispose of 
the proceeds of his own labor; and by consequence, that the Gov- 
ernment has a right to take from every individual any portion of the 
property of which the individual may be possessed, without compen- 
sation therefor. 9th. That every individual labors for the commu- 
nity, and not for himself." 

On reading the above quotation, every person who had not read 
Mr. Raymond's work, would conclude, that he had laid down each 
of these propositions in to tidem verbis, as a fundamental law : what 
then, will be the surprise of the reader when he is informed that so 
far is this from being true, that, save the first and the sixth propo- 
sitions, Mr. Raymond not only has not laid them down in terms, but 
he has not laid down any fundamental laws or principles, from which 
they can, with propriety, be inferred, or to which, they bear the 
slightest resemblance. 



3 



Mr. Raymond does indeed say, that a nation is a unify, or in other 
words, that a nation is one nation and not many nations, and that the 
Government or legislature possesses the supreme or legislative power ; 
and is, therefore, "the head of the nation." These propositions are 
so obvious and common place, that we presume Mr. Raymond does 
not claim the merit of originality for them, although this Virginia 
critic has attempted, [with such success as usually attends those who 
attempt to overthrow self-evident propositions,] to overthrow them ; 
Mr. Raymond also maintains, (hat our right to life is a natural right, 
or in other words, that we are indebted for our existence and life to 
our Creator, and not to the civil institutions of the country. If tiie 
critic doubts this, he must remain in doubt, for reasoning would not 
avail to remove his doubts. Mr. Raymond also holds, that in a so- 
cial community, our right to specific property, is a conventional 
right, and depends entirely on the laws of the country. 

Mr. Raymond's first criticism is, that the reader would suppose 
these results to be his own propositions in to tidem verbis. — This is 
not pretended by the writer. — They are stated as evident results 
from his propositions; but not the propositions themselves, in to ti- 
dem verbis. His second criticism is, that except the first, and sixth, 
Mr. Raymond "not only has not laid them down in terms, but he 
has not laid down any fundamental laws, or principles, from which 
they can, with propriety, be inferred, or to which, they bear the 
slightest resemblance." " Here Mr. Raymond and the writQj- are di- 
rectly at points. — This diflerence however, can easily be tested by 
reference to the fundamental laws or principles, which Mr. Raymond 
has laid down in "j'o (idem verbis.''^ 

Extract from Raymond's Elements of Political Economy — Page 35, 

Volume 1. 

" A nation is a unity and possesses all the properties of unity. It 
possesses a unity of rights, a unity of interests, and a unity of pos- 
sessions ; and he who professes to treat of the interests of this unity, 
but departs from them, and treats of the interests of some constitu- 
ent part of it, will just as certainly arrive at a wrong conclusion, as 
the arithmetician would, who, in performing an Algebraic computa- 
tion, should leave out one term of the equation." 

Again, page 43. — " It must be remembered, that a nation is as much 
a unity as an individual, and must always be considered so, when 
treating of national interests. It possesses all the properties of uni- 
13;^ — unity of rights, possessions, and interests." 

Again, page 44. — "A nation is one and indivisible; and every 
true system of political economy must be built upon this idea, as its 
fundamental principle." 

Again, page 45. — "When we apply to nations, the principles 
which govern individuals, we must consider nations as individuals, 
distinct in all their properties, and not as part natioil and part indi- 
vidual. The nation must be considered as one and indivisible; its 
rights, interests, and possessions, as one aiid indivisible." 



Again,— extract paije 224, vol. I . — " Legislation should always be 
national, and not individual ; instead of which it is more frequently 
individual than national. This is not to be wondered at, when we 
consider what a mass of stupidity and ignorance is ordinarily select- 
ed for the administration of public affairs. It seems almost to have 
grown into a maxim, that " when a man is fit for nothing else, he is 
fit for a legislator," — that neither talents, education, nor experience, 
are at all necessary to qualify a man to take charge of a nation's in- 
terests." 

Again, — "Legislators, however, are not permitted to take such li- 
mited, short-sighted views of things — they are placed on a more ele- 
vated station — they move in a higher spherc^ — they are traitors to 
their higli trust, if they do not look to the future as well as the pre- 
sent; they are in one sense, (though in a very humble one) the vice- 
gerents of God on earth; and, as he regulates and governs the 
world, by the laws of eternal justice and wisdom, in regard to the 
future, as well as the present; by the same laws, ought legislators to 
regulate and govern the nations of the earth, over whom they pre^ 
side." 

Again, — page 76, vol. 1. — "Almost every word in our language 
lias a literal and figurative meaning, and an indiscriminate use of 
words in their literal and figurative sense w hen treating of a science, 
cannot fail to produce ambiguity and confusion. This is a princi- 
pal reason why so little improvement has been made in the science of 
political^ economy. The most standard authors perpetually use 
words in their figurative, when they should be used in their literal 
sense. But the man who supposes political economy to be a suitable 
field for the flourishes of rhetoric, is greatly mistaken, and instead of 
throwing any light on the subject, will be sure to envelope it in thick- 
er darkness." 

Again — Extract from BaymoiuPs EJrvients of Political Economy, 
from page 201, to the bottom of page 205, inclusive, Vol. 2: 

"Upon all subjects relating to political economy, and especially, 
upon the subject of protecting duties, it is ever to be remembered, 
that the public interests are paramount to individual interests — that 
a private mischief", or inconvenience, must be endured for the public 
good; and that when apolitical economist has shown that public 
and private interests are opposed, he has made out a case in which 
the interposition of the Government is necessary — he cannot be re- 
quired to prove that private interests ought to give way — this is to 
be taken for granted. 

"In military tactics, it is a fundamental principle, that the army is 
one, and the general the head ; no soldier is permitted to have a right 
or an interest, opposed to the general good of the army. So, in poli- 
tical economy, it should be a fundamental principle, that the nation 
is one, and the Legislature the head; no citizen should be permitted 
to. have a right, or an interest, opposed to the general good of the 



nation," 



Again, "It may, with as much propriety be maintained, that the 
power and capacity of an army, would be augmented, by permitting 



every soldier to exercise and employ his military skill and prowess 
in what manner Ik* pleases, as that the power and capacity of a na- 
tion will be augmented, by permitting ev^ry citizen to employ his 
skill, Industry and capital, in what manner he pleases. 

" The richts and duties of a General and his soldiers, are totally 
distinct and frequently opposite. The rights and duties of a Legis- 
lature and its citizens are as distinct and scarcely less frequently op- 
posite. Tiie soldier should have as much liberty as is consistent 
with the good of the arm}^ It would be oppression to deprive him 
of ihis. The ciiizen should have as much liberty as is consistent 
with the good of the nation. To deprive him of tliis would be ty- 
ranny. Alore thnn this he ought not to claim. The General is the 
Judge, in the case of the soldier. The Legislature is the Judge, in 
the case of the citizen." 

Again, " We oiten hear people talk about individual rights in a 
strain ihat would lead one to suppose, that national interests and in- 
disidual rights were, in their opinion, often at variance. Tliey seem 
to suppose that the right of property is absolute in the individual, 
an<i that every one has a right to sell to whom he pleases, and to bay 
of whom he pleases; and that any interference by the Government, 
in restraining the exercise of this right, is arbitrary and tyrannical. 
They will teil us, that Government has no right to control them in 
the disposition of their property, merely with a view that other citi- 
zens n^ay derive a benefit from it. 

"This is a manifest error. Individual right to property is never 
absolute, but always relative and conditional. There is no such 
thing as perfect, absolute right, but in those things which are the 
gift of nature; such as life, liberty, strength, talents, personal beau- 
ty, &;c. The right to property is merely conventional or condition- 
al, subject to such regulation as may be made respecting it, with a 
view to the general interests of the whole nation. No man has, or 
can have, a perfect exclusive right to property of any description. 
Every man in the community has a qualified right to it, and under cer^ 
tain circumstances, has a right to a living out of it. The public right 
to every piece of property in a nation, is superior to the private right 
of the individual owner. Hence, the right of the public to take any 
man'' s property from him, whenever it becomes necessary for the public 
o-ood. If this were not so, the social compact would not be sustain- 
ed; Government could not be supported. 

"If individual right to property was absolute. Government would 
have no right to take an individual's property from him, for any 
purpose wiiatever." 

Again, "Upon the same principle that God has a right to deprive 
a man of health and life. Government has a right to deprive him of 
his property. The former is the bounty of God, and held subject to 
his will. The latter is the bounty of Government, and held subject to 
its tvill. But for the social compact no man could have an exclusive 
I'ight to any spot of this earth. The right of property, is therefore, 
a conventional right, and the public grants no title to property, in 
derogation of the public weal. An individual may have a title to 



o 

property, superior to the title of any other individual, or to any 
number of individuals, less than the whole, but it cannot be superi- 
or to the title of the whole, because the whole includes the title of 
the individual himself, as well as the title of every body else. Hence, 
the right of the public to take a man's property for the purpose of 
malcing public roads, or erecting fortifications, or for any other pur- 
pose which the public good may require. Hence, the right of the Go- 
vernment to levy and collect taxes in any manner the public interests 
may require. Hence, the right to prohibit a man from selling his 
property to foreigners, or to buy from them those things he may 
want. Hence, the riglit to protect manufactures. Hence, the right 
to pass the tarift' acts." 

Again,- — page 232, vol. 2 — "But if the general good of the coun- 
try require, that the farmer should be compelled, either to do with- 
out these articles, or to buy them of his fellow-citizens, he has no right 
to complain of being compelled to do this ; for he holds his land upon 
which he raised his corn upon condition, that he should use it in such a 
manner as shall be most for the public good—^hh right of property 
is not absolute, for the whole community has an interest in it, and 
the nation has a right to make such regulations respecting it as the 
public good shall require." 

Again, '* It is the duty and interest of the planter to find employment 
for all his hands; and if this cannot be done in one branch of business, 
to seek out another; so it is the duty of the legislator, to find em- 
ployment for ail the people, and if he cannot find them employment 
in agriculture and commerce, he must set them to manufacturing.^^ 

The writer, without making the application, will submit it to every 
candid, intelligent reader, to comnjare the heretical doctrines laid 
down by Raymond in to tidem verbis, with the foregoing results de- 
duced from them ; and to determine for himself, whether, they do 
not amply justify these results.'' and whether in fact, the results do 
not contain the literal meaning of the doctrines in an abbreviated 
form? The writer will now proceed to show, the afliliated elemen- 
tary doctrines of the Political Triumviratej— Messrs. Raymond, 
Adams, and CIa\': 

Extract from Mr. Adams's reply to the Committee of Steubenville, 

Ohio, March 14, 1829. 

" The progress of Internal Improvement, and the protection of do- 
mestic manufactures, are especially necessary to the Western section 
of the Union, but the West does not exclusively shew the benefit of 
legislation adapted to those ends. — It is sometimes urged that the 
Congress of the Union have not the power to burden with taxation 
one of its great component interests for the benefit of another. — This 
argument, plausible in appearance, and addressed to the selfish feel- 
ings of our nature, is contradictory to the first principles of civil so- 
ciety. It is the basis of the social compact, that the faculties and the 
fortunes of every individual, shall be made subservient to the well be- 
ing of his neighbors and associates in the end. The contrary prin- 
ciple is the rule of savage life, and is applicable only to the solitude 
of the desert. — All taxation is a contribution levied upon the property 



? 

of one man, for the henefit of another — and the compensation to such 
individual for the enaction upon himself is found in the levying a simi^ 
lar, though not the same contribution, upon the wealth, or personal 
labor of another, the immediate advantage of which^ may be enjoyed 
only by him. The equalization of the burden, and of ihe benefit, 
is among the duties of the Legislature, and will surely best be ef- 
fected, by a supreme authority, extending over the whole, and in 
which the interest and the will of every part has an equal Constitu- 
tional weight." 

Mr. Adams's claim to all powers for the General Govern- 
ment, which vvoald enable it to better the condition of the peo- 
ple — his derivation of all powers from sources beyond the written 
Constitution; — from the Author of our existence ;— or of the /urc 
divino — from the inherent rights and properties of Governments 
as political corporations, and from unlimited Governments, as be- 
ing better enabled to improve the condition of man, than limit- 
ed ones: has been so often exhibited to the public in his own words, 
that the writer will now only recall the public attention to them; in 
the hope that they will be reviewed, and deeply considered ; and the 
writer now most earnestly implores the profound attention of the 
public, to a new mode of developing these most daring and despotic 
heresies recently resorted to by Mr. Adams; and actually introduced 
into his practical administration, and at this moment form the most 
essential part of it. 

It will be here observed, that Mr. Adams seeks an occasion to 
come forth in a renovated spirit in support of his former heretical 
doctrines; and in bold defiance, as well of those who charged him 
with these heresies, as of those, who, admitting the heresies of the 
doctrines imputed to him, defended him by denying the justice of 
the imputation, — and loudly proclaims "that all taxation, is a con- 
tribution levied upon the property of one man, for the benefit of ano- 
ther — and contends, by negation, that the Congress of the Union 
have the power to burden one of its component interests, (sections) 
for the benefit of another," — The first proposition is laid down in 
the broadest terms, to avoid the just limitation of conferring the be- 
nefits for which taxes are imposed, to those in office, and who re- 
ceive these benefits in consideration of equivalent services, and to 
extend them to all, in private, as well as oflicial stations. — hi this 
broad sense, the dogma is false both as to fact and principle, accord- 
ing to the provisions of all written American fundamental laws — 
and goes directly to the positive assertion of a claim to all power — 
To ultra despotism — To Raymond's doctrines — "The public right 
to every piece of property in the nation, is superior to the private 
right of the individual owner." 

It is wonderful to observe the obstinate perseverance of Mr- 
Adams, in calling the Constitution of the United States, "a Social 
compact ;" instead of a Federal compact. — Is there any other man 
in the United States, of a commonly organized mind, who ever call- 
ed the Federal Constitution, "a Social compact?" Is it so in fact? 
If it be, then the Governmpnt formed by it must be a consolidated 



6 

one. — It li curious to observe the various terms invented, and 
brought into use, durlni; the administration of Mr. Adams, and his 
obedient predecessor, tending to designate a consolidated Govern- 
ment: — The American System — The National G'wernment — Na- 
tional Industry — Ilouje Market — The proceeds of the whole Nationf 
belongs to the National Government, &,c. Sic. 

These notions, have been reduced to practice, and have become 
so interwoven into the practical administration, that it is scarcely 
possible completely to eradicate them, — a due understanding of them 
and their consequences, is therefore all important to the rigiits and 
liberties of the American people, and perhaps of al} mankind: Some 
more appropriate occasion will hereafter be taken by the writer, for 
a further development of this deeply interesting subject, and to shew 
that these heresies, tend directly to Consolidation, and Ultra-Des- 
potism. 

Again, — Now review some of Raymond's analogous notions: — 
"No man has, nor can have, a perfect exclusive rlgiit lo property 
of any description. Every man in the community has a qualified 
right to it, an.d under certain circumstances, has a right to a living out 
of it. The public right to every piece of property in a nation, is 
superior to the private right of the individual owner. Hence, the 
right of the public to take any man's property from him, whenever 
it becomes necessary for the public good. If this were not so, the 
social compact would not be sustained; Government could not be 
supported." What has become of the individual right to property, 
secured bv written Constitutions ? 

Again, "Upon the same principle that God lias a right to de- 
prive a man of health and life. Government has a right to deprive 
him of Ids jnoperty. The former is the bounty of God, and held 
subject to his will. The latter is the bounty of Government, and held 
subject to its ivill. But for the social compact, no man could have 
an exclusive right to any spot of this earth. The right of property 
Is, therefore, a conventional right, and the public grants no title to 
property, in derogation of the public weal. An individual may 
have a title to property, superior to the title of any other individual, 
or lo any number of individuals, less than the whole, but it cannot 
be superior to the title of the whole, because the whole includes the 
title of the individual himself, as well as the title of every body else. 
Hence, the right of the public to take a man's property for the pur- 
pose of making public roads, or erecting fortifications, or for any 
other purpose ivhich the public good may require. Hence, the right 
of the Government to levy and collect taxes in any manner the pub- 
lic interest may require. Hence, the right to prohibit a man from 
selling his property to foreigners, or to buy from them those things 
he may want." Where is the writ of ad quod damnum'? 

Again, — page 232, vol. 2 — " But if the general good of the coun- 
try' require, that the farmer should be compelled, either to do with- 
out these articles, or to buy them of his fellow-citizens, he has no 
right to complain of being compelled to do this ; for fie holds his land, 
upon ivhich he raised his com. upon condition, that he should use it in. 



such a manner as shall he most for the public good — his right of pro- 
perty is not absoliue, for tTie whole community has an interest iu it, 
and the nation has a right to make such regulations respecting it as 
the public good shall require." A fine new fangled condition ot* 
tenure to lands — especially as applicable to allodial lands. — Land- 
holders, how do you like the new fangled condition? 

Now hear Mr. Clay's affiliated heretical doctrines. — Extract from 
his Tariff Speech : — ^' The great desideratum in political economy, is 
the same as in private pursuits— that is, what is the best application 
of the aggregate industry of a nation, that can be made honestly to 
produce the largest sum of national wealth'? Labour is the source of 
wealth — but it is not natural labour only." — The Government alone 
can make this application — individuals cannot. — Here, then, the Ta- 
ble-Orator c/aims /or the Government the right to all the labour of the 
ichole nation, natural and artificial, to be distributed at the will of 
the Go'vernment, so as to produce the largest sum of national ivealth^ — 
Labour is power — is all power. 

Mr. Clay seems to have completely recanted his heretical doctrines. 
It is presumed under the severe lash of some cutting, convincing ar- 
guments from the sovereign people. Whilst Mr. Adams seems to 
remain incorrigible; and in his own true native spirit, most obsti- 
nately to persevere in the re-assertion of his heresies. 

Extract from his Lexington Dinner Oration. — " Government is a 
trust, and the officers of Government are trustees. And both the 
trust and the trustees are created for the benefit of the people. Of- 
ficial incumbents are bound, therefore, to administer the trust, not 
for their own private or individual benefit, but so as to promote the 
prosperity of the people. This is the vital principle of a Republic, 
if a different principle prevail, and a Government be so administer- 
ed as to gratify the passions or to promote the interests of a particu- 
lar individual, the forms of free institutions may remain, but that Gov- 
ernment is essentially a monarchy. The great difference between the iivo 
forms of Government is, that, in a Republic, all power and authority, 
and all public offices and honors, emanate from the people, and are exer- 
cised and held for their benefit. Li a monarciiy, all power and au- 
thority, all offices and honors, proceed from the monarch. His inter- 
ests, his caprices, and his passions, influence and control the destinies 
of the kingdom. In a Republic, the people are every thing and a par- 
ticular individual nothing. In a monarchy, the monarch is every 
thing and the people nothing. And the true character of the Govern- 
ment is stampt, not by the forms of the appointment to office alone, but 
by its practical operation.^^ 

Every intelligent observer must see that these two great funda- 
mental positions are in direct antipodes to each other. — The last the 
great fundamental principle of human liberty — American. — The 
other the great fundamental principle of ultra despotism — Exotic. — 
The true foundation of the Tarift* acts. *p." 

Mr. Raymond in disguise, admits he did say — " that a nation is a 
unity." It would have sounded better to the writer's ear, if Mr. Ray- 
mond had softened the vowel " u" in the word "unity," by adfling an 
B 



1-U 



n to tlie letter " a" preceding it — so as to read an unity instead of" a 

unity" many times repeated. But he g;oes on to explain the sense, in 

which he did use it— He says, that a nation is one nation, and not 
many nations. — In this Mr. Raymond in disguise, is uncandid.— 
He himself explained the sense, in which he did use the term — in his 
book. — In his new sense of it, so far as it is applied to his object, it 
would be nonsense — because no result, or consequence is deducible 
from the assertion — that one nation is not many nations. 

But the writer has explained the bearings of the term in the sense 
in which it was used and intended to be used in Raymond's book. 
Extract from Political Disquisitions. 

"If then, by the term 'nation,' the author merely meant that a 
nation consisted of a certain extent of country within prescribed 
limits for the purpose of Government, and the inhabitants of that 
country amalgamated in one conception, it is admitted, in that sense; 
that 'a nation is an unity,' 'E Pluribus Unum' — but then this amal- 
gamation must be made up of its diirercnt integral units composing 
the whole, with all tiie properties rightfully belonging to each, whe- 
ther these units consist of States, Governments, or individuals. In 
this sense, the author's great fundamental principle would not answer 
his purpose. He, therefore, proceeds to explain the sense in which 
he uses the term, and in which sense alone, can it be made to answer 
his purpose. Thus — ' It' (a nation) ' possesses a unity of rights, a 
unity of interest;, and a unity of possessions." This also may be 
true, if it be confined to the lawful rights, interests and possessions 
of a nation in its national character, as, for instance, the rights, in- 
terests and possessions of the unsold lands belonging to the nation 
of the United States, as contradistinguished from the rights of the 
individual members thereof; whether sovereign States, State Govern- 
ments, or individuals: but if in this unity, is intended to be compre- 
hended all the rights, Uc. of the integral units composing this nation, 
whether States, Governments, or individuals, then it is not (rue. It 
then becomes a principle involving the most unfounded, despotic, 
and preposterous results. Yet it is in this sense only, in which the 
unity of a nation can be made to answer the author's object: in de- 
veloping his frightful elementary principles of political economy- 
What can the author mean, by an unity of rights, &c. belonging to 
a nation, unless it be all rights natural and derivative? He makes 
no distinction; and must, therefore, be understood to include the 
whole." 

Again, *' The right to labor ; the right to make bread ; and the right 
lo eat it, it is presumed, will be admitted to be natural rights. Man 
is absolute sovereign over these rights, in his individual native cha- 
racter, and in that character, he exercises them at his pleasure. Sup- 
pose in this amalgamation of rights, he could and would give theai 
up to the nation ibr the purpose of forming its quality of unity; how 
could it be exercised by a nation in this quality of unity .^ Could 
this unity eat bread for an individual, and digest it after eating it ? 
The notion is absurd and preposterous. The right of marriage is 
a natural right. Could a nation in its quality of unity execute this 



11 

right? If so, the writer calls upon the author for the modus operandi 
in either case. When a man becomes a member of a nation, he does 
not abandon these rights, but he retains them with him to be execu- 
ted in his individual original character, in his associated state. These 
are simple, but important rights." 

But, says IMr. Raymond — " the Government, or Legislature posses- 
ses the supreme, or legislative power; and is, therefore, the head of the 
nation."^ — " These propositions are so obvious and common place, that 
we (Mr. Raymond in disguise,) presume, Mr. Raymond does not claim 
the merit of originality for them." So far from these propositions 
being self evident, the writer denies their truth and correctness in 
every tittle; — and although Mr. Raymond has admonished all writers 
upon political economy, against the use of all figurative terms, and 
of the necessity of strict definitions, yet the terms in which these pro- 
positions arc expressed, violate both his protest, and injunction. — 
"Government, or Legislature" — Here these themes are used as sy- 
nonimous- — Whereas, no terms are more distinct and separate in 
their meanings. — Legislature is only one part of a Government — 
The part cannot mean the whole. 

Again — They both possess "supreme, or legislative" power.— 
Here, again, "supreme" and "legislative" are used as synonimous 
terms; when the legislative power is not supreme, but subordinate. 
It is subordinate to the fundamental laws. — Both Government and 
Legislature are asserted to possess supreme power, whereas, both 
of them united, do not possess thesupreme power. Supreme power 
is sovereignty. The people are sovereign. 

Again — Raymond asserts, both the Government and Legislature 
are "the head of the nation." It is denied, that both, or either of 
them, are "the head of the nation." — A nation consists of land with- 
in certain defined limits; and the people upon it, including both the 
Governors and governed. The people are therefore the " head" of the 
nation, the Government the big tail, and the Legislature the little 
tail of the nation, according to Mr. Raymond's figurative term used 
in violation of his own rule. According to this hypothesis, being 
the true one, the people are every thing, the Government and Legis- 
lature very little. Upon the opposite hypothesis, the Government 
and Lcgiplature would be every thing, and the people nothing. 

Again — Mr. Raymond holds, "that in a social community, our 
right to specified property is a conventional right, and depends en- 
tirely on the laws of the country." The writer denies both propo- 
sitions; and asserts, that the right of property is a natural, and not 
a conventional right. So says every American Constitution. That 
is in fact, the great American political creed. Man derives his right 
of property, and the property itself, from the gift of his God — not from 
the gift of his Government. Governments have no property to give to 
individual man. Governments are themselves founded upon a por- 
tion, and if rightly understood, a very small portion, of the right 
and property of individual man, given up to Governments for the 
protection by them, of that larger retained portion. If Governments 
do in fact, give property to individual man, from what source did Go» 



12 

verimients derive such properly? Not fvoin God — He has nothing to 
do with Governments in their corporate cliaractcr, nor wiih the Gov- 
ernors, in their ofticial character. God made man — man made Gov- 
ernments. God gave property to man — man gave a small part of it 
to Governments — and Governments availed themselves of the power 
derived from that portion thus given them, by force or fraud, to pos- 
sess themselves of all the residue, instead of protCQting the individu- 
al in the exclusive enjoyment of tliat, which he retained for his own 
purposes. — Mr. Raymond seems to have fallen into this great and fa- 
tal error by overlooking the obvious distinctions between tiie origi- 
nal right of property and the mere formal evidence of that right. — 
For, says Mr. Raymond, disguised, in his defence — "That mankind 
have a natural undefined right to undefined property, is no doubl 
true, but iu the social state, our right to specific property, depends 
exclusively upon the laws of the countr}'. Were this V^irginia critic 
required to show his right to his plantation, he would, in defiance oi" 
his own Political Disquisitions, as readily as any one else, produce 
his title deeds, and the laws of the State which secured it to him.'" 
This admission in the first three lines of this quotation, is all that 
was ever asserted by the writer in regard to the natural right of pro- 
perty; and is all that is necessary, to shew how this original right is 
used in the distribution of all rights, between the governed and 
Governors. It clearly serves to prove the delusions of Mr. Raj- 
mond in disguise, arising from confounding the original right of pro- 
perty with the mere formal evidence of that right. The "title deeds" 
are the mere formal evidence of the right of property. The right 
of property is acquired originally by occupanc}- — Then by labor — 
or by purchase or by descent, after entering into a state of society, 
and government. — The right of property in every case precedes the 
title papers — They are the necessary formalities required by tiie mu- 
nicipal laws to prove ihe pre-existing right to property however ac- 
quired ; and are never given until alter the acquisition of the right 
to any particular subject of propert}'. Hence the fatal errof of Mr. 
Raymond in disguise. — Mr. Raymond's work upon the Elements of 
Political Economy, and the critique upon it, as far as was intended, 
ure now both fairly before the public, and await its verdict. 



[The following- i5 the correspoiuleiicc between Mr. Giles, and Mr. 
Jefferson, wliich was called forth by Mr. Adams' Message of the 
3fd of December J 825; and whicji was expected by Mr. Giles to 
disclose the grounds of Mr. Adams' pretended political conversion, 
as avowed by Mr. Adams himself, at the time of his notorious 
change of parties:] 

FllOHr THF. KNQUIRER, OCTOBER 23, 1828. 

CORRESPONDENCE 

BETWEE.^ 

JVM. n. GILES AND THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Wigioam^ December I5(h, 1825. 
Mif Dear Sir: 

Witiioiit licarlnG: directly from you, in relation to the present crisis 
in our political affairs, I take it for granted, that you view it, with 
the same regrets and alnrms that I do. — Such have be£n the im- 
pressions upon my mind, produced by the rapidly progressive usur- 
pations of the General Government; that I have deemed it a duty to 
make them known to the public, under the caption of Political Dis- 
quisitions. — Since seeing the President's Message, I have determined 
to extend the disquisitions into an examination of some of the most 
prominent principles avowed in it. In the performance of this task, 
1 think, material aid might be derived from looking back to the pe- 
riod of Mr. Adams' political conversion, reviewing the inducements 
then suggested by him for his conversion; and tracing the outlines 
of the policy pursued by him, from that time to tlie present. But, I 
could not permit myself to place that transaction, before the public, 
without consulting yon, Sir, upon the propriety of the measure. — 
First, as to the suggested inducements themsel'ves. — Second, as to 
the propriety of giving them publicity. 1 presume you will well re- 
collect. Sir, that Mr. Adams first intimated to you, his intended 
change of politics, through me. The inducements suggested for this 
change, I think, substantially the following — That propositions had. 
been made by .certain British agents, to many leading Federalists in 
the Eastern States, in the event of war between the United States, 
and Great Britain, to separate New-England from the rest of the 
States, and to enter into an oftensive, and defensive alliance with 
Great Britain. — That the proposition was approved by many of them. 
That he had been consulted upon its feasibility; and urged to unite 
with the approving Federalists, in givi^ig it the sancilion of the whole 
party.— That his love of Country, became shocked at the proposi- 
tion, and he had resolved to abandon a party, who could be induced 
to countenance the treasonable project. After urging Mr. Adams to 
make his communication in person, and his refusal, at his request, 
and upon his auihorit}^ I gave 3'ou the information, in substance, as 
above stated, according to the best of my recollection. As an in- 
ducement to Mr. Adam*, to call on you in person upon the occasion, 

A 



1 took the liberty of expressing a coufulcnt opinion to biin, that lie 
would be received by you with due respect and attention. I appris- 
ed you of this intimation to Mr. Adorns; wlien you requested me to 
re-assure him upon the same point, which I accordingly did, and I 
understood that afterwards he had several personal interviews with 
you upon the subject, I also informed you, at the same time, that Mr. 
Adams accompanied his communication with the strongest assurances 
of his entire disinterestedness; and that he actually disclaimed all 
views of oificial preferment, and personal aggrandizement in any 
form. As to the point of publicity, 1 have to observe, that 1 have no 
intention of publishing this statement of facts without your consent, 
probably not witiiout the consent of Mr. Adams; but, in the event 
of your yielding to its publication, he will be strongly pressed to do 
so on his part. I propose, however, to refer to so much of that trans- 
action, as is already before the public — This will be seen in a Speech 
delivered by myself in the Senate of the United States on the 2d of 
December 1808; a copy of which, accompanies this note for your 
information. This particular subject was introduced for the purpose 
of defending Mr. Adams against charges brought against him by Mr. 
Pickering, and will be fonnd in pages 7-8-9. You will also find, 
Sir, that one object of that Speech was to repel charges msde by the 
same gentleman against yourself and Mr. Madison, as well as Mr. 
Adams. The statement of that transaction at that time, as far as it 
went, having been introduced in vindication of Mr. Adams, was quite 
acceptable to him, as I understood shortly afterwards. It is through 
his admission on that occasion, he will now be pressed for a full de- 
velopment of the whole of that transaction, which has subsequently 
turned out, to be the most eventful of his whole life. It will occur 
to you, Sir, that if this transaction should be placed before the pub- 
lic, "in extenso," your reply to this note will form part of the publi- 
cation. 

Be pleased. Sir, to accept assurances of my best and most afiec- 
tionate regard, 

WM. B. GILES. 
Mr. Jeffeksok. 



MontkeUo, December 25, 1825. 

Mr. Gii^ES, 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 15th was received four days ago. 
It found me engaged in what 1 could not lay aside until this day. 

Far advanced in my 83d year, worn down with infirmities which 
have confined me almost cntu^ly to the house for seven or eight 
months past, it afflicts me much to receive appeals to my memory for 
transactions so far back as that which is the subject of your letter. 
My memory is indeed become almost a blank, of which no better 
proof can probably be given you than by my solemn protestation that 
I have not the least recollection of your intervention between Mr. J. 
Q. Adams and myself In what passed on the subject of the Embargo. 



Not the slightest trace of it remains in my miud. Yet I have na doubt 
of tlie exactitude of the statement in your letter. And the less, as I 
recollect the interview with Mr. Adams, to which the previous com- 
nuinications wliich had passed between him and yourself were pro- 
bably and iiaturall>' the preliminar}'. That interview T remember 
well; not indeed in the very words which passed between us, but in 
substance, which was of a character too awful, too deeply engraved 
on my miud, and influencing too materially the course 1 had to pur- 
sue ever to be forgotten. Mr. Adams called on me pending the Em- 
bargo, and while endeavors were making to obtain its repeal. He 
niade some apologies for the call, on the ground of our not being 
then in the habit of confidential communications, but that which he 
Jiad then to make involved too seriously the interests of our Country 
not to overrule all other considerations with him, and make it his 
duty to reveal it to myself particularly. I assured him there was no 
occasion for any apology for his visit, that on the contrary his com- 
munications would be thankfully received, and would add a confir- 
mation the more to my entire confidence in the rectitude and patri- 
otism of his conduct and principles. He spoke then of the dissatis- 
faction of the Eastern portion of our Confederacy with the restraints 
of tlie Embargo then existing, and their restlessness under it. That 
there was nothing which might not be attempted, to rid themselves 
of it. That he had information of the most unquestionable certainty, 
that certain Citizens of the Eastern States (I think he named Massa- 
chusetts particularly) were in negotiation with agents of the British 
Government, the object of which was an agreement that the New- 
England States sl'.ould take no further part in the War then going 
on; that, without formally declaring their separation from the Union 
of the States, they should withdraw from all aid and obedience to 
them; that their navigation and commerce should be free from re- 
straint or interruption by the Britisli; that they should be consider- 
ed, and treated by them as neutrals,, and as such might conduct them- 
selves towards both parties; and, at the close of the War, be at liber- 
ty to rejoin the Confederac}'. He assured me that there was immi- 
nent danger that the Convention would take place ; that the tempta- 
tions were such as might debauch many from their fidelity to thp 
Union, and that to enable its friends to make head against it, the re- 
peal of the Embargo was absolutely necessary. I expressed a just 
sense of the merits of the information, and of the importance of the 
disclosure to the safet}' and even salvation of our Country : and, how- 
ever reluctant I was to abandon the measure, (a measure whicii, per-^ 
severed in a little longer, we had subsequent and satisfactory assure 
ance would have effected its object completely,) from that moment, 
and influenced by that information, I saw the necessity of abandon- 
ing it, and instead of eftecting our purpose by this peaceful weapon, 
we must fight it out, or break the Union. I then recommended to 
my friends to yield to the necessity of a repeal of the Embargo, and 
to endeavour to supply its place by the best substitute in v/hich they 
could procure a general cQucurrcnce. 

I cannot too often repeat that thi;; statement is not pretended to he 



in the very words wliicli passed; tiiat it only gives laithfully the im- 
pression remaining on my mind. The very words of a conversation 
are too transient and iugitive to be so long retained in remembrance. 
But the substance was too important tv be forgotten, not only from 
the revolution of measures it obliged me to adopt, but ako from the 
renewals of it in my memory on tlie frequent occasions I have had 
of doing justice to JMr. x\dams, by repeating tliis proof of his fidelity 
to his Country, and of his superiority over all ordinary considerati- 
ons when the safety of that was brought into question. 

With this best exertion of a waning memory whicii I can command, 
accept assurances of my constant and afieclionate friendship and re- 
spect, . THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



Moniicdlo, December 26, 1825, 
To Wm. B. Giles, Esq. 

EXTRACT. 
Dear Sir, — "I see as you do and with the deepest affliction, the 
rapid strides with whicli the Federal branch of our Governnlent, is 
advancing towards the usurpation of all the rights reserved to the 
States, and the consolidation in itself, of all powers foreign and do- 
mestic, and that too, by constructions whicii if legitimate, leave no 
limits to their power. Take together the decisions of the I'ederal 
Court, the doctrines of the President and the misconstructions of the 
Constitutional compact acted on by the Legislature of the Federal 
branch; and it is but too evident that the three ruling branches of 
that department, are in combination, to strip their colleagues, the 
State authorities, of the powers reserved by them, and to exercise 
themselves, all functions foreign and domestic. Under the power to 
regulate commerce, they assume indefinitely, that also over agricul- 
ture and manufactures; and call it regulation too, to take the earn- 
ings of one of these branches of industry, and that too, the most de- 
pressed, and put them into the pockets of the other, the most flourish- 
ing of all. Under the authority to establish post roads, (hey claim 
that of cutting down mountains, tor the construction of roads, of dig- 
ging canals; and aided by a little sophistry on the words "general 
welfare," a right to do, not only the acts, to efi'oct that, whicii are 
specifically enumerated and permitted; but whatsoever they shall 
think, or pretend, will be for the general welfare. A.nd what is our 
resource for the preservation of the Constitution.^ Reason and Argu- 
ment? You niigitt as well reason and argue with the marble columns 
encircling them, — the Representatives chosen by ourselves .^ — They 
are joined in the combination, some from incorrect views of Govern- 
ment, some from corrupt ones, sufficient voting together to out-num- 
ber the sound parts, and with majorities of only 1, 2 or 3, bold enougis 
to go forward in defiance. ./2re ive then to stand to our armsV^ 
[A fevv words are here omitted, relating merely to an individual.^ 
"No! that must be the last resource, not to be thought of until 
much longer, and greater sufferings. If every infraction of a com- 



pact of so many parties, is to be resisted at once as a dissolution of 
it, none can ever be formed which would last one year. We must have 
patience and long endurance then, with our brethren, while under de- 
lusion. Give tiiem time for refleclion and experience of consequences ; 
keep ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter of accidents — 
and separate from our companions, only when the sole alternatives 
left, are the dissolution of our Union with them, or submission to u 
Government without limitation of powers. Between these two evils, 
when we must make a choice, there can be no hesitation ; but in the 
meanwliile, the States should be watchful to note every material 
usurpation on their rights— to denounce them as they occur in the 
most peremptory terms, to protest against them, as wrongs to which 
our present submission shall be considered, not as acknowledgments 
or precedents of right, but as a temporary yielding to the lesser evil — 
until their accumulation shall overweigh that of separation. I would 
go still further, and give to the Federal member, b}' regular anjend- 
ment of the Constitution, a right to make roads and canals of inter- 
communication between the States — providing sufficiently against 
corrupt practices in Congress (log rolling, fee.) by declaring that 
the Federal pro^iortion of each State of the monies so employed, shall 
be in works witliin the State, or elsewhere with its consent, and with 
a due salvo of jurisdiction. This is the course, which I think, safest 
and best as yet. 

"You ask my opinion of tiie propriety of giving publicity to 
what is stated in your letter, as having past between Mr. John Q. 
Adams and yourself. Of this, no one can judge but yourself. It 
is one of those questions which belong to the Forum of feeling. This 
alone, can decide on the degree of confidence implied in the dis- 
closure. Whether, under no circumstances, it was to be commu- 
nicable to otiiers. It does not seem to be of that character, or, at 
all to bear that aspect. They arc historical facts, which belong to 
the present, as well as future time. I doubt, whether a single fact, 
known to the World, will carry as clear a conviction to it, of the 
correctness of our knowledge of the treasonable views of the Fede- 
ral party of that day — as that disclosed by this most nefarious and 
daring attempt, to dissever the Union of which the Hartford Con- 
vention was a subsequent chapter, and both of these having failed, 
consolidation becomes the first book of their history. — But this 
opens with a vast accession of strenglli, from their 3^ounger recruits, 
who having nothing in them of the feelings or principles of '76, now 
look to a single and splendid Government of an Aristocracj', found- 
ed on banking institutions, and monied incorporations, under the 
guise and cloak of their favored brandies of manufactures, commerct- 
and navigation, riding and ruling over the plundered ploughman, 
and beggared yeomanry. This will be to them a next best blessing 
to the Monarchy of their first aim — and perhaps the surest stepping 
stone to it. 

[The foregoing includes the whole of the political part of tlie let- 
ter. Then follows some information and remarks, purely private, 
'and it tluis concludes :1 



6 

' Our University has been most fortunate in tiie live Professors 
procured from England, a finer selection could not have been maue, 
besides their being of a grade of science which has left little superior 
behind; the correctness of tlieir moral character, their accommodat- 
ing disposition and zeal for the prosperity of the institution leave us 
nothing more to wish. I verily believe, that as high a degree of edu- 
cation can now be obtained here, as in the Country they left — nod a 
finer set of youths, I never saw assembled for instructions; they com- 
mitted some irregularities at first, until they learnt the lawful length 
of their letter, since which, it has never been transgressed in tiie 
smallest degree. A great proportion of them are severely devoted 
to study, and 1 fear not to say, that within twelve or fifteen years 
from this time, a majority of the rulers of our State, will have been 
educated here. They shall carry hence the correct principles of our 
day, and we rnay count assuredly that they will exhibit their Coun- 
try in a degree of sound respectability it has never known, either in 
our days, or those of our forefathers. I cannot live to see it— my 
joy must only be that of anticipation, but that you may see it in full 
fruition, is the probable consequences of the twenty jears I am ahead 
of you in time, and 1$ the sincere prayer, of your afleciionate and 
constant friend, 

THOMAS JEFFERSON." 

The foregoing extract, containing the whole of the political part 
of the letter, is a true copy from Mr. Jefferson's original letter to u)e, 
written in his own hand writing. 

W. B. GILES. 



'([j^ The above note was annexed to the publication of Mr. Jefler- 
Son's letter, on September 7, 1827. Mr. G. stated at that time, that 
"this letter was not originally intended for publication," but "I Jiotr 
feel myself compelled to give it publicity, fron) the following conside- 
rations among others," (here Mr. G. enumerates them, as they are 
stated in the preceding article.) In the course of that explanation, 
he says: - . - 

"They have at length gone so far, as to put expressions into Mr. 
JetTerson's mouth, under marks of quotation, with intimations that 
they can be proved by competent evidence, (nothing doubting,) 
whilst they are not only altogether surreptitious, but in direct hosti- 
lity with the undeviating tenor, and spirit of Mr. Jeflerson's whole 
political life, and with his declarations, both verbally, and in writing, 
often frankly, and openly made to his friends, as I am well informed, 
'till within a short period before his lamented death. Under these 
circumstances, it appears to me to have become the duty of every 
friend of Mr. Jefi'erson, and of his Country, who may be in posses- 
sion of any written declarations from him, serving to demonstrate his- 
real opinions respecting the perilous crisis of the Country, to lay 
them before the public, and thus, at once, to put down the surrepti- 
tious ones. This course alone can serve to rescue Mr. Jeflerson's 



vmsuUled republican fame from the false, and unmerited aspersions 
brought against it, under the guise of afiected plaudits, the most de- 
lusive, and deceptive. Besides, I conceive under these gross attempts 
at deception, the public has a right to demand a disclosure, of all 
Mr. Jefferson's real opinions, in whosesoever hands they may be, as 
a protection against the mischievous influence ^f the spurious opin- 
ions, falsely ascribed to him; and that, too, as I believe, by his now 
most unnatural, loving friends: not long since, his most deadly foes. 
Two papers of this description, which have particularly 3,ttracted my 
altontion, will be introduced here," &ic. 

The friends of the Administration are mistaken, when they expect to 
profit by the above publication of Mr. Jefferson's letter of December 
25 — because, the whole tone of his letter of the next day (the 26th) 
taken in context with Mr. Giles' letter; the sentiments of which it 
distinctly re-echoes — and also in connexion with Governor Ran- 
dolph's developments of Mr. Jefferson's opinions, show conclusively 
how awfully he was impressed by the heresies in Mr. Adams' Mes- 
sage of 1825 — and how fatal he considered such doctrines to be to the 
Constitution of liis Country. 



FROM THE ENQUIRER, JANUARY 5, 1820. 

NEW SERIES.— NO. I. 

[By the Author of Political Disquisitions.] 

The Golden Casi^et — or. The Presidents Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this U« 



nion." 



"All that glisters is not gold. 

" Often have you heard that told ; 

" Many a man his lite hath sold, 

" But my outside to behold ; 

" GiUted tombs do worms infold, ■_ 

" Had you been as ivise as bold, 

" Young in limbs, in judgment old, 

"Your answer had not been unscroll'd; 

" Fare you well ; your suit is cold." — iShakapeare. 

PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 

Before the writer proceeds to unfold the door, and exhibit to view the 
genuine contents of this glittering Casket, stripped of their ornamental 
abstractions, and ingenious metaphysical deductions, he proposes to 
make some preliminary remarks, which he thinks, will tend to eluci- 
date the subject, and enable the mind to judge more correctly of its 
real bearings and effects : Whilst the writer is not desirous, that the 
following disquisitions should be considered anonymous, he will con- 
tinue this form of making his communications r 1st. Because it i? 



probable that these disquisitions may hereafter appear in a c1iflere<U 
ibrni of publication, in which case, he would prefer an uniformity 
throughout the whole. And, secondly, because it is more agreeable to 
speak of himself, in the third, than in the first person singular.— 
He will speak of Mr. Adams in relation to his Presidential acts, un- 
der the appellation of "the President;" in relation to his otlier acts, 
whether oiiicial, or individual, under the appellation of *' Mr. Adams." 
The writer had most sincerely hoped, but more in fear, than in hope, 
that the President in his Message, would have observed the path of 
wisdom, "the middle path;" of which he was reminded in No. 3. — 
and that upon its apj^carauce, the writer would be relieved from 
the task of further demonstrating, that the practical Government of 
" this Union" was far ahead of (he fundamental laws of " this Union" 
-—but his little remnant of hope, has been more than disappointed, 
whilst his great anticipated fears have been more than realized. Yes, 
the President's Message, according to the writer's understanding of 
it, has far exceeded his most fearful anticipations. It contains, as the 
writer thinks, the most awful declaration of a great civil revolution 
in the Governments of "this Union;" and can only be viewed as 
a solemn official proclamation of that heretofore deprecated fact. It 
substantially proclaims, as the writer thinks, a revolution, not only ia 
the federative principle, of the Governments of "this Union," by its 
effectual obliteration, but in the new substituted consolidated form of 
Government, by the utter annihilation of all Constitutional limitations 
npon its powers. All American Governments were heretofore thought 
to be Governments of limited powers. The State Governments are 
now, in effect, obliterated, and the consolidated Government of "this 
Union" in efi'ect, as the writer thinks, proclaimed to be unlimited 
in its powers. It is true, there is some abstraction in the terms used, 
and a studied ingenuity of metaphysical deductions emplo3'ed in mak- 
ing this proclamation; but, in the opinion of the writer, the facts pro- 
claimed, of only one efficient Government, and that one of unlimited 
powers, are the necessary results of the plainest tenor and application 
of these terms. The term "liberty is power," is all abstraction. Its 
direct application is not attempted. It will be introduced into these 
preliminary remarks at this time, merely for illustration. Let then, 
the inquiry be now made. Whose liberty? and what liberty? Whose 
power? and what power ! Whose liberty? and what liberty? is whose 
power? and what power? The real and practical meaning of that 
term, as used in the Message, is, tiiat the liberty of the Government 
is the power of the Government. It cannot be presumed to have been 
used in any other sense, in reference to the power of the Government ; 
because in any other sense, it would not be true. The liberty of the 
people is not (he power of the Government; so far from it, that it 
consists in limitations upon the powers of the Goverinnent. The li- 
berty of the people when amalgamated, may in one sense be consi- 
dered the power of tlie nation, but not the power of the practical 
Government which is not a tythc of the nation— a nation of freemen 
has more power than a nation of slaves, and that surplus power may 
JNstly be said, to consist of the liberty of the people.— -But a vast pro- 



9 

portion of that liberty which constitutes the power of the nation, is 
not granted to the practical Government. It is retained to the peo- 
ple, to be exercised by them in their individual capacities. This por- 
tion of tiie power of the nation, constitutes the retained rights of the 
people, consisting of the '^ plain righta of man" derived from nature, 
and from nature's God ; and it is this portion of power, as the writer 
thinks, which is now proclaimed to have been usurped by the practi- 
cal Government. The aphorism of the ISlessage then, ought to have 
been, the liberty of the Government is the slavery of the people. — 
The liberty of the people is the power of the nation. The liberty of 
the Government, so far from being the power of the nation, is 
the degradation and debility of the nation, and the slavery of the 
people. What Government has more liberty than Egypt ? What 
nation more degraded and debilitated than Egypt.'' What peo- 
ple more enslaved and oppressed.^ What Government has more li- 
berty than that of Spain ^ What nation more degraded and debili- 
tated than Spain? What people more oppressed and enslaved? 

The Pacha of Egypt has recently carried into eflect, Raymond's 
political doctrine that the Government has a right to every piece of 
property in the nation, and can dispose of it at pleasure for the pub- 
lic good. The Pacha exerted the liberty of his Government in first 
setting his people to making cotton, shipped and sold it on his private 
Account, doubtlessly, as he would tell you, for the public good, for 
bettering the condition of his people. He now thinks his people can 
make him more money by making indigo for the public good; and 
has accordingly exerted the liberty of his Government in setting his 
people to making indigo for the public good, and for bettering the 
condition of his people. So Mr. Clay thought he would exert the 
newly acquired liberty of tl)e practical Government of "this Union," 
in converting farmers into manufacturers for the " general wellfare," 
and for bettering the condition of the people. The only diflerence 
in the two cases consists iu this — the Pacha exerted the liberty of his 
Government through a positive command. Mr. Clay exerted the li- 
berty of the Government of "this Union" through a worse medium — 
the oppression of the class of farmers, througli favoritism to the class 
of manufacturers. So the President would exert the newly proclaim- 
ed liberty of his Government over the* minds and bodies and things 
of his people, for the purpose of bettering their condition; and this 
goodness, on his part, he cannot think, the people could be so "inefl- 
ably stupid" as to resist, forgetting (a) that the liberty that can better, 
can also worst, and will worst the condition of the people fof its own 
gratifications. But, it may be said, where is Congress, whilst the 
President is exerting the liberty of his Government, which is pro- 
claimed to be the power of his Government over the minds, bodies 
and things of his people; all equally the objects of his power ac- 
cording to the genuine meaning of his Message, as the writer e;ipects 
hereafter to demonstrate. Will not Congress form a competent check 
to the President's Governmental liberty, if not well exerted ? It is 
answered, no. It will not. No. It does not. It forms a combi- 
nation with, not a check against executive liberty. Here the British 
B 



JO 

and French Goveniments are presented for model?. Bolli Govern- 
ment's founded upon the principle of omni potency ^ instead of the dis- 
carded American principle of the retained rights of the people, and 
limitations upon the poivers of the Government. These are to be the 
substituted models for the principle of " the plain rights of man,'^ 
forming the only real efficient check upon Governmental liberty, which 
is Governmental power. Does the British Parliament form a check 
upon the liberty of the British King? Do the French Chambers 
form a check upon the liberty of the French King? No, in both 
cases they form the strongest combinations with the Sovereign, to 
enable him to exert his liberty over his subjects. So much is this 
case tiie case in Great Britain, tliat it has become a practical part of 
the lex parliamentaria ; that when the British Minister is not expert 
enough in handling the King's liberty, power and perfection, to secure 
a majority in Parliament to combitie with, not to check the King, he 
is turned out of his place and one expert enough to eftect that object^ 
is substituted for him. But the British Minister finds very little dif- 
ficulty in efiecting his object. This is easily done, by means of ex- 
ecutive pati'onage and consequent corruption. The same routine is 
observed in France. The same thing as the writer thinks and means 
to prove, is now in practical operation in Congress, and always will 
be the practical efiect of every omnipotent power. The only prac- 
tical check that has ever been devised is the original American check 
■ — limitations upon the power of the Government, grounded upon 
^^ the plain rights of man,'''' and enforced by the people themselves in 
their original native character. Is not Congress at this moment en- 
gaged in the actual exercise of powers not seen in the Constitution? 
and in the same moment, asking to be invested with the very powers 
it has already usurped? For example— The power to regulate 
commerce is seen in the Constitution. The power to regulate man- 
ufactures is not seen in the Constitution. Yet there are committees 
of manufactures as well as of commerce. The one as distinct and 
substantive a power as the other. The jurisdiction over one subject 
is given in the Constitution. The jurisdiction over the other, as the 
writer thinks, is usurped by Congress. The power to regulate ag- 
riculture, is not seen in the Constitution. Yet there are committees 
of agriculture as well as of commerce. The power over agriculture is 
not only a substantive, but a primary power, and susceptible of the 
easiest and plainest definition. There is a power seen in the Con 
stitution "to establish post offices and post roads." There is a com- 
mittee of post offices and post roads. There is no power seen in 
the Constitution in relation to any other roads, and the word 'canal' 
is not seen in the Constitution at all. Yet there are committees upon 
roads and canals. Even under this usurpation, as far as it has yet 
gone, the usurped power is incomplete. The jurisdiction over these 
roads and canals, when completed, is not yet usurped, and if it were» 
woidd be impracticable, widiout a civil revolution. After these usur- 
pations, what security is there against the usurpation of jurisdiction 
over persons as to tlieir condition of bond or free? How long will 
it be, before there will be seen committers upon the principle of labor, 



11 

wiiliiig or coerced f' What was the use of inserting one power in the 
Constitution and excluding another, if Congress can legitimately ex- 
ercise jurisdiction equally over botli ? The one included in, the other 
excluded from the Constitution. Nay more, infinitely more, powers 
not only exclnded, but also absolutely refused to be granted, nor ought 
they to be granted. (See the Journals of the Convention upon this 
point.) If Congress can include within the powers of the practical 
Government, what is excluded by the Constitution ; nay more, what 
was most wisely refused at the time of its formation, what would pre- 
vent it from usurping the powers absolutely prohibited ? especially if 
the omnipotent ?'n/iMeMce of the "general wellfare" or bettering the cor^' 
dition of the people, which is synonimons, is enlisted into the service 
of these usurpations — an influence which corrodes and dissolves all 
limitations and restraints upon power in every form whatever. Is if 
not more wonderful to behold these standing committees at this day, 
upon these excluded and refused powers, than it will be five years 
hence, to see standing committees upon the prohibited powers — the 
power over religion, and over the press, for examples ? And would 
k be more extraordinary to see these things then, after being usurped, 
asked to be granted ; than it now is, to see former usurpations asked 
(o be granted, at this time? Is it not, then, most evidently seen 
that Congress is as ready to combine with the sovereign in usurpa- 
tions of power, as now are, and ever have been and ever will be, the; 
British Parliament and the French Chambers to combine with their 
respective sovereigns in their respective usurpations, all resulting from 
the same cause (b) — the preponderance of the executive over the other 
departments, arising from patronage and consequent corruption.-— 
Congress does not now, and never will form a competent protection 
against executive usurpation, so long as the executive preponderance 
shall exist. This general view of the subject is here introduced 
merely for illustration. It is a most momentous subject, and at the 
present crisis when the future destinies of all limited Governments 
are put at hazard, calls for the most prompt and accurate investigation. 
But it probably will be said, as it heretofore has been said, in re- 
lation to the writer — This is bold language — It is harsh, and uncour- 
teous to the powers that be. It is wanting in the fawning, fiishion- 
able adulation, to the great official dignitaries of the Government; 
and in the absence of the spirit of idolatry, to which the peo- 
ple's ears have become accustomed, will excite resentful prejudices 
against the writer, and these will lessen, if not destroy the influ- 
ence, his plain truths would otherwise, necessarily producs?. The 
writer would respectfully ask the sensitive critic; why this should be? 
The language is that of plain truth, opposed to delusive error ; and 
ihe reader should recollect, that truth is the decided enemy of error 
— and that the real sting complained of, is not in the verbage; but 
in the plain truths, the verbage discloses. Nor is the writer un- 
aware, that he has been charged with writing under the malignant- 
influence of political disappointment^, and vindictive personal feel- 
ings. Need the deluded reader be reminded, that these suggestions 
§;re the common decoys of error, to divert the mind from the coti,^ 



I ^^ 

t^mplalion of truth; wliich, but to behold, is to error, inevitable 
^eath ; and that the molives of the writer, good, or bad, can never 
enter into the demonstrations of truth. With the writer's motive, 
therefore, the reader has no concern. But if the sensitive reader, 
will accompany the writer in a plain short course of reilection, he 
will at once see, how delusive, and impossible these suggestions are. 
The writer conceives the political acts of these high official digni- 
taries, compared with their individual, official or private standing in 
societ}', are of such infinitely more importance to the rights, and li- 
berties of the whole human race, than the mere names and stations 
of the individual actors in the scenes, that these bccon.e " dissolved 
into thin air," and dwindle into nothing. They are, therefore, en- 
tirely excluded from the writer's contemplations, and when he speaks 
of Mr. Adams, Mr. Barbour and Mr. Clay, in relation to the efiects 
of their poUtical acts upon the rights and liberties of mankind, and 
the political institutions of their country, ll)e only safe and compe- 
tent guarantee of both, he speaks of them, with as much '» sang 
froid," as he would of the A B C, of the alphabet, when 
used to demonstrate the truth of a mathematical proposition. In 
justification of this divestiture of feeling, in regard to these high 
dignitaries, it should be recollected; that when these gentlemen, as 
well as all other official gentlemen, undertook to discharge the du-^ 
ties of their respective offices, it was done with the understanding, 
that their official acts should be freely, and fairly canvassed ; and 
that they should not be sheltered from the consequences of such ex- 
aminations, by their own high names, nor by the dignity, and splen- 
dour of their official stations. In these disquisitions, the writer goes 
all, for principle — Nothing, for men — All, for truth— Nothing, for 
compliment. Another order of reading critics has discovered, that 
the style of composition is dry. The periods not well turned. The 
expressions not attuned to the sweet courtesies of life, and a variety 
of other similar little conceits; but as yet none have ventured to 
deny the truths of the great principles asserted, as far as the writer is 
informed. This order of critics, reminds the writer, of an ignora- 
mus, who affects to be a scientific amateur of the architectural art, 
and, who, when called upon, to observe and examine a great doric 
edifice, built upon the true principles of the order, instead of being 
struck and enchanted, with the fiuiess, and beauty of the proportions 
of the whole structure™its strength— its stability— its utility— its 
durability — or if not+)uilt according to the true rules of the order, 
to discover and point out the errors in the scientific principles of the 
work, employs himself with microscopic eyes, in peeping about its 
walls, to discover, and criticise, some little jlcnva: effects of the acci- 
dental slips of the Journeyman's trowel. Ti)is class of critics is abun- 
dantly entitled to Apollo's reward. (c) But the writer will hot venture 
to express the opinion, that the world will never be much benefitted, 
by the utility, nor much enlightened, by tlie brilliancy, of the lucru- 
brations of this order of microscopic censors. It has been falsely 
charged, that the writer never would support any administration, and 
even imputed to him as a crime, that he never was employed by one ; 



13 

and hence, it has been uncharitably inferred, that "there was something 
rotten in the State of Denmark." Would it not have been more just to 
have supposed, either tliat no administration thought the writer qua- 
lified for its service, or if lie were thought so. that he might have 
some menial scruples of his own, which might prevent such em- 
ployment. Without the most distant intimation, as to the opinions, 
or views of any administration upon this point, it ought to have been 
known to these uncharitable reasoners in search of facts, that the 
writer never would accept an executive office, whilst he held a repre- 
sentative one; and that lie had gone so far, as to make a public 
avowal of this determination, under circumstances too, which would 
attest its sincerity; because, if he had not been sii.cere, the public 
avowal itself, would have made him the dupe of his own insiuceiit3', 
with a full knowledge of the efl'ect. As evidence of this fact, the 
writer here quoies, an extract, from his letter to the General Assem- 
bly upon the subject of instructions, about which so much has been 
said, and, as/cr as the writer can comprehend, so little has been either 
read, thought, or understood. 

•'I wish the General Assembly to be informed, that I have been 
acting in the representative character for more than twenty years; 
that during that whole time, I have taken peculiar delight in the 
character of the representative of the people; that I not only have 
never made an attempt to change it for the executive one, but have 
invariabl}- repelled every temptation to such a change ; of course, a 
very small portion of the loaves and fishes have fallen to my lot: 
whilst my individual pecuniary sacrifices have not been inconsidera- 
ble. During this whole time, equally undeterred by apprehension? 
of popular resentments, and unseduced by allurements of personal 
aggrandisement, I have unremittingly devoted the best energies of 
my mind, and the honest dictates of my best judgment, to the public 
service. From this course of conduct I have derived consolation, 
support and happiness ; and it is fortunate for man, that whilst he is 
at all times subject to the assaults of others, he may be sole master 
of one great good, — an approving conscience. Of this one good i 
have heretofore taken, and shall hereafter take, the most precious 
care; and whilst I feel the most unbounded respect for the General 
Assembly, and should delight in the possession of its good opinion, 
and of that of my fellow citizens generally, I am not now prepared, 
and never can be prepared, to ofier up this one good, as a propitia- 
tion to any tribunal upon earth." 

Conscious of the rectitude, and disinterestedness of his own mo- 
tives — devoted to the great cause of the rights, and liberties of man- 
kind — despising despotism in every guise, and form it may assume — 
enamoured of the political institutions of his country — alarmed with 
apprehensions for their safety — inspired, and impelled by the vast 
magnitude of the crisis — confident in the truth and efficacy of the 
principles he advocates, and equally undeterred by the frowns of 
power, and of the giddy sycophants of power, the writer will con- 
tinue to proclaim them to the world, so long as the fearful crisis shall 
continue ; and his disquisitions shall attract the attention of the libe- 



i4 

ral, reflecting, and intelligent part of the communit}'. It is devout- 
ly to be wished by the writer, that these disquisitions should be rea^ 
in the entire absence of all passionate excitement; and their contents, 
viewed " in the calm light of mild philosophy." But, as from the 
annunciations in the newspapers, this cannot be expected ; the writer 
would rpsptctfully recommend the custom of the ancient Germans, 
as a model for the observance of the whole tribe of passionate read- 
ers. It was the custom of the generous, drinking ancient Germans, 
who were proud of the vast magnitude and enamoured of -the con- 
tents, of the Hcidelburg ton, to decide ixU grave matters of State, twice; 
in different conditions of their own feelings. Once drunk. Once sober. 
Drunk, that the'r decisions might not want energy. Sober, that they 
might not want discretion. So let the whole tribe of the '■'■ enrages^* 
read the disquisitions twice, under the influence of diflerent passions. 
Once, in a spirit of hate and prejudice against the writer, giving them- 
selves the trouble of a passing thought, as they read along, as to 
the particular acts of the writer, which ought to engender their own 
resentful passions. Once, in a spirit of love for themselves and their 
own posterity, love for their own rights, and their own liberties. Love, 
for the rights and liberties of ti>e whole American people. Love, for 
the rights and liberties of the whole human race. Love, for the 
fundamental laws of their own country : The great and blessed de- 
velopment of tiieir fathers; the only refuge and last hope of the 
"plain rights of man." Perhaps, by adroitly balancing these con- 
flicting passions, they may so far neutralize the mind, and produce 
such a state of equilibrium, as may fit it for the reception of unvar- 
nished truths; and thus afford themselves some chance of deciding 
right, without depriving themselves of the delicious pleasure of in- 
dulging their own causeless angr}' passions. 
December 22, 1825. 



NOTES. 

(a) "Forgetting that the liberty that can better, can also worst, and 
will worst the condition of the people for its own gratifications." 

Bonaparte's Imperial Government of France, was a Government of 
unbounded liberty; and how far tlie liberty of his Government bet- 
tered the condition of the French people, bleeding, impoverished, 
humiliated France can most feelingly tell. — But the object of the 
writer now is, to bring to the mind of the American people, the man- 
ner in which Bonaparte exerted the liberty of his In)perial Govern- 
ment in the execution of his Ranibouillet Decree. — He ordered the 
proceeds of the sales of American vessels and cargoes, the writer 
thinks, under that decree to be placed in his privy purse, for better- 
ing the condition of his people. If a war had ensued in consequence 
of this scandalous Imperial act of avarice, the French people would 
have had to fight themselves out of it. All this, Bonaparte would 
tell you, was done for the express purpose of bettering the condition 
of his loving subjects. Strange!! that mankind should be so long 
deluded by such fantastic professions of mad ambition!!! 

(h) '* Tbeprcponderancc of the executive, over the other departtuents, 



15 

arising from patronage and consequent corruption." The alarming 
influence of executive patronage seems to be admitted by all the 
members of the legislative body, who write or speak upon the subject, 
whilst no one seems to admit its application to himself. — At this mo- 
ment, amendments are proposed to be made to the Constitution, 
grounded upon the admission of undue executive influence, upon the 
legislative body. — The proposed amendments may, and probably 
would, palliate the evil: but will not cure it. The real evil will be 
found in the Constitutional organization of the executivve department. 
The only effectual remedy, is a new organization. The evil, is pa- 
tronage. Remove the patronage, and the evil is removed, Nothitig 
else will do. 

(c) Chaff-— for tlie hyper — ^critic. 



NEW SERlES.™No. IL 

[By the Author of Political Disquisitions ] 

The Golden Casket — or. The President's Meesage-^ov, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of *' this 

Union." 

« All that glisters is not gold, 

<• Often have you heard that told ; 

" Many a man his life hath sold, 

" But my outside to behold ; 

" Glided tombs do worms infold. 

" Had you been as wise as bold, 

" Young in limbs, in judgment old, 

'f Your answer had not been unscroll'd : 

"Fare you weli.; your suit is cold." — [Shahspeare, 

PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 

The writer is well acquainted with Mr. Adams, both personally 
and politically. He believes that Mr. Adams with brilliant natural 
mental endowments, has devoted a great portion of his life to read- 
ing, study, and reflection ; not only in relation to belles-lettres, but 
to the science of politics; and that he is quite an adept in all the oc- 
cult mysteries of the art. Mr. Adams, had the misfortune, however, 
to receive his first political impressions in a heterodox school, and 
from some peculiar organization of mind, his first impressions are 
indelible, and unconquerable, (a) They are permitted to ripen into 
habits, and they become to him obligatory and irrepealable laws. — 
They disdain to listen for a moment to all counter impressions, and 
always resist them with a zeal, and a fervor proportioned to the 
pressure of their just influence. Indeed, the most conspicuous trait 
in the organization of Mr. Adams's mind, is a native enthusiastic ar- 
dour, and even a poetic fire, which knows no bound?. They look 



16 

down with contempt upon all the admonitions and restraints of wis- 
dom, which will always be found in "the middle path," and delight 
to soar aloft, amidst imaginary splendid scenes; the delightful sug- 
gestions and enchantments of unfettered power. — There was a time, 
when, after often working together in the same vineyard, the writer 
had found favor in the eye of Mr. Adams, insomuch that Mr. Adams 
selected the writer as the depository of iiis avowed political conver- 
sion; and even the medium of the communication of this conversion 
to the then President, (Mr. Jcflerson.) — This act of Mr. Adams has 
turned out to be the most eventful to himself, of any act of his whole 
life ; and if the American people can be induced to follow Mr. 
Adams in his sublimated conceptions of bettering their condition by 
unfettering himself from all limitations upon his power, and by usurp- 
ing unlimited powers, unchecked by the ivill of constituents, may be- 
come the most poi'tentous to the rights and liberties not only of the 
American people, but of the whole human race. The writer thinks, 
therefore, that every circumstance attending this professed political 
conversion, ought to be unfolded by Mr. Adams, to the American 
people, and to the world ; the better to enable both to judge of the 
sincerity of this avowed conversion, aiid the real object of the 
checkered political career which has buoyed Mr. Adams up to his pre- 
sent high eminence; and infinitely more important to judge more 
certainly and correctly, of the ultra purposes Mr. Adams means to 
eflect through his official elevation, as disclosed by his sublimated 
message. The first earnest given by Mr. Adams, of the aflected 
sincerity of his conversion, was his vote in favor of the embargo 
law, with a full knowledge, as the writer believes, that it was direct- 
ly opposed to the opinions and wishes of the Massachusetts Legis- 
lature, and people, as well as to the opinions of his colleague (Mr. 
Pickering.) — Indeed, this vote produced an extreme state of irrita- 
tion between Mr. Adams and his colleague ; which was carried so 
far that each of them, as well as the writer recollects, made a writ- 
ten representation to the Legislature of Ids State, differing essen- 
tially in some material facts. ]Mr. Adams asserting that the British 
Orders in Council, "stood in front of the inducements to the em- 
bargo law." — Mr. Pickering asserting in substance, that the Orders 
in Council were not known at the time of the passage of that law, 
and of course, could not have afforded any inducement whatever to 
that measure. The Legislature intimated some displeasure at Mr. 
Adams's conduct, in consequence of which, it was then said, Mr. 
Adams resigned his seat in the Senate, and retired to private life; 
resolved from the delicacy of his situation), as the writer understood, 
not to accept of any political preferment, from the republican admin- 
istration. — This retirement, however, was quite unexpected to the 
writer, nor could he at the time, account for Mr. Adams's determi- 
nation in that-respect. At the following session of Congress, Mr. 
Pickering resolved to follow up his victory over his political adver- 
sary, anil in his absence, to crush his political fame and standing in- 
to atoms. Circumstanced as the writer was, in relation to Mr. 
Adams, he deemed it his imperious duty, to attempt his defence: and 



17 

in reply to two of the most vindictive and irascible speeches, deliv- 
ered by Mr. Pitkerinpf against Mr. Adams, and the administration. 
The writer made the following defence of Mr. Adams. This duty 
was to him an extremely reluctant one in relation to Mr. Pickering; 
but the writer thouglit the duty indispensably imposed upon him, and 
he was also pressed by nearly the whole republican party to its per- 
formance, with an urgency for such strength and severity of remark, 
as would tend to prodiue more caution and circumspection in all Mr. 
Pickering's future passionate effusions against the administration, as 
well as against Mr. Adams. The following is an extract from the 
writer's speech, delivered on that occasion in compliance with these 
urgent injunctions, and his own sense of duty: 

"The gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Pickering] has taken 
great pains to shew that the Orders of Council had no influence in 
producing the embargo laws. I think this circumstance of no sort 
of consequence to the community, but the gentleman seems to think 
it is of the last importance to himself individually. It probably is; 
I suppose he stands committed to the public upon that fact. — I was 
not present at the time of passing the first en)bargo law; but the 
gentleman*s labor has perfectly convinced me, that he is utterly mis- 
taken in the fact. Let me critically examine the gentleman's evi- 
dence. First, he says, that the orders are not mentioned in the Pre- 
sident's Message; and secondly, that the Secretary of State refers 
Mr. Pinkney to the President's Message for the causes of the em- 
bargo laws. I have examined the President's Message, and think it 
perfectly correct, the gentleman's angry invectives to the contrary 
notwithstanding. I do not believe the gentleman could now frame 
as good an one, after all the lights, which time and a farther disclosure 
of events have shed upon the subject. Permit me now, Mr. Presi- 
dent, to call your attention in a particular manner to the contents of 
this message. "The communications now made, shewing the great 
and increasing dangers, Vviih wliicli our vessels, our seamen, and 
merchandise, are threatened on the high seas and elsewhere from the 
hclUgercnt powers, of Europe, and it being of the greatest impor- 
tance to keep in safety these essential resources,^' 8ic. &tc. Now Sir, 
what were the communications accompanying this message.'* The 
correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and Sir. Champagny, shew- 
ing that the Berlin de.crec was in a state of execution, which had 
before been su^ended in its operation in relation to the United 
States. But, says the gentleman, no papers were communicated re- 
specting these orders of Council, and therefore the gentleman infers 
that no apprehension existed, which could influence this transaction. 
I draw a very diflercnt inference from the message itself. I presume 
the communication of this hostile act of France, so immediately af- 
ter it was known to the executive, and avoiding a direct reference to 
the apprehended hostility of Great Britain, could not be conceived 
to be an act of favoritism towards France. That some hostile act 
from Great Britain was in contemplation, is most evident from the 
message itself. From what quarter does the message say that great 
and increasing dangers arc threatened io our vessels, our seamen and 
c 



18 

merchandiser' From the belligerents of Europe- Here \i no except 
tion. The belligerents of Europe, mean uU the hcUigercnts. If the 
President conceived there were no dangers tlireatened Jiom any other 
than France, he would have used the term Francs; not the bellige- 
rents of Europe. — But why communicate the evidence of Ijis appre- 
hension from France, and not from Great Britain, if he entertained 
any? Why, Sir, for the most obvious reason imaginable, because 
the information from France was official. The inforaiation from 
Great Britain was not. It was contained in newspapers only, which 
were in the hands of every gentleman ; and their conlents every 
gentleman could appreciate, as well as the President. INow, Sir, 
under these circumstances, was not the message of the President 
perfectly correct.'' Let me ask the gentleman if he can now mend 
it.'' If, Sir, the President in his message, had conmiuiiicated tliis 
newspaper inforniation, respecting the apprehended hostility of the 
British Government, uhat a glorious theme of invective v/oukl have 
been afforded the gentleman, of favoritism to France and liostility 
against Great Britain? The omission, however, to do this, pould 
not screen ihe President from the same angry reproaciies. If the 
gentlenian will impartially review all these circumstances, and then 
turn his eyes towards his Ottn heart, he will find tlmt the errors he 
has so uncharitably ascribed to the President., will !)e found in his 
own unhappy, ungovernable passions, l^ut. Sir, this is not all. I 
will now refer the gentleman to some evidence to show t'ue incorrect- 
ness of the assertions he has made; evidence which he cannot deny, 
because it comes from his own words and wns attended with sucli 
circumstances in the face of this Senate, that it cannot be mistaken. 
In the gentleman's passionate zeal yesterday, he told us, that no time 
was allowed in the Senate for the discussion of the original embar 
go law: but that it was discussed in the House of Representatives; 
and the principal arguments urged there in favor of the measure 
were drawn from the iiostile acts of (ircat Britain. The gentlemasi 
said, that i^^ was urged in that House that the measure would starve 
Great Britain ; that it would bring her to our feet, &.c. he. Now, 
Sir, Mhy these arguments in that House, if there were no apprehen- 
ded acts of hostility from Great Britain? They would have been 
strange arguments, if tiie only hostile acts inducing the measure, 
were the imstilc acts of France, not of Great Britain. 

[Mr. Pickering rose to explain ; he said he mentioned tiiese cir- 
cumstances yesterday, to show the effects expected from the measure 
by tlie friends of it; in which they had been mistaken. He did no: 
speak of them, as inducements to the measure.] 

" I readily adniit that the gentleman, at the time of making th^^sc 
observations, was entirely insensible of their irresistible operation in 
establishing a fact, wlilch he thinks so important to l)iinself to dis 
prove; and in my judgment Sir, they do unquestionably prove that 
these British orders, or the apprehejjsions of ihem, stood in the front 
of the inducements to the original embargo law. Sir, were not these 
arguments in the House of Repjfesentatives immediate results from 
these inducements? And v.hai v/as iImj actual state of the facts? 



19 

Why, Sir, tijat although the orders were not received in such an of- 
ficial form as to Justily their communication by the President; the 
intention to issue them was announced in the newspapers with so 
many marjvs of probabilit)', as justly to excite apprehensions in the 
Government for the safety of our seamen and commerce, and tojus- 
tify that measure for the protection of both. It has been stated not 
only tliat this information was published in newspapers before the 
passage of the act in the Senate ; but the gentleman will recollect, 
that it did not p:iss the House of Representatives for two or three 
days after it had passed the Senate. It was ijot very natural, that 
the longer tliese apprehensions wore felt, the stronger would be the 
inducements to the measure deduced iVom them; and hence the cha* 
racter of the discussions in that House described by the gentleman. 
IJut the gentleman seems to think, that apprehensions are not correct 
grounds for legislation. In ordinary cases it is admitted^ but this 
was an extraordinarj' case. T!ie measure was prccautionarj'j and if 
liiese apprehensions had not been realised, it would at any time have 
been in the power of the Government to dispense with the precau- 
tion; whereas if Congress had v.aited for a Jbrmal autlienticaiion of 
the orders, their intended object would have beeii answered, and the 
precautionary measure rendered unnecessary. But, Sir, I think this 
explanation of very little consequence to the nation. It can be of 
little consequence to ascertain whether the adoption of the embargo 
was a lucky hit or a dictate of v.isdom ; and I should not have taken 
the trouble of this examination, if the gentleman from Massachusetts 
[Mr. Pickering] had not availed himself of this occasion, to assai! 
ilie reputation of his late colleaugc [Mr. Adamsl ; a gentleman who 
represented tiie State of jMassachu setts with so inuch honor to him- 
self, and advantage to the State, and the nation; upon a point too, 
in which the gesitleman here present, has put himself so clearly in 
tne wrong from his own showing. I had h.opcd, Mr. President, that 
the gentleman would have so far restrained his feelings, as to have 
permitted this gentleman's retirement to have shielded him from these 
unmerited reproaches; but V. now seems that no delicacy of situalioa 
can procure an exemption from the inveteracy of the gentleman's pas- 
sions. This cruel attack has imposed upon me an indispensable obliga- 
tion to defend this absent gentleman; and it has been principally this 
circumstance, whicii has driven me again most itluctantly into this 
debate. Sir, I can attest, and now do attest with great pleasure, the 
disinterestedness and piwity of the motives, which dictated that gen- 
tleman's [xMr. Adams] late political conduct. As to its wisdom, that 
is matter of opinion, and now in a course of experiment; but as 
to his exemption from all views of personal promotion, or aggran- 
dizement, i here assert that factj upon my own knowledge and upon 
my own responsibility, as far as can be *^ xvarranted hi/ the most ex- 
plicit and unequivocal assurances from the genileman himself; given 
too under circumstances, which render their sincerity unquestionable.'" 
It gives me great pleasure to defend this abseiit gentleman, not only 
on account of tiis innocence of those reproaches, but on account of 
J^is merits, his virtue^, and his talent, which, in my judgment, place 



t) 



20 

him on so liigli a grdund, as not (o induce a wish on his part, to 
shrink from any comparison with either of the five worthies of Mas- 
sachusetts of whom we have been informed by the gentleman" " (Mr. 
Pickering-)" 

In forming a just estimate of this act of avowed conversion on the 
part of Mr. Adams, which, from the unexpected and extraordinary 
turn of subseqnent events, may become extremely interesting to the 
whole human race, it cannot escape observation, that Mr. Adams had 
completely won the confidence of the writer, and tha.t this confidence 
was grounded upon " the most explicit and unequivocal assurunces" 
of Mr. Adams himself, attended with the most imposing circumstan- 
ces. For the writer's confidence in Mr. Adams's professions, must 
have been complete, to have justified him, in using this strong lan- 
guage in debate — " As to its wisdom (Mr. Adams's "late political 
conduct" alias his conversion) thai is matter of opinion; and now • 
in a course of experiment; but as to his exemption from all vietos of 
personal promotion, or aggrandizement, I here assert that fact vpon 
7ny knowledge and imj cum responsibility, as far as can be ivar- 
ranied by the most erpUcil and unequivocal assurances from the 
gentleman himself; given too under circumstances, ivhich render their 
sincerity vn questionable ^ The writer htiving thus made this pidjlic 
avowal to the world, of his perfect conlidence in ]Mr. Adams's pro- 
fessions of sincerity and di.-interestcdncss, in his avowed political 
conversion, now takes occasion most reluctantly, liut most sulemnl}', 
in the face of the whole world to revoke that avowal, and to declare, 
that from the most strict and steady observance of Mr. Adams's po- 
litical conduct, from that time till the appearance of his message, ilia 
writer is now perjectly convinced, that instead of Ivlr. Adams's "■ ex- 
emption from all vicivs of personal promotion or aggrandizement,'" 
asserted and enforced by himself, under suggested inducements rf the 
most imposing character, attended also loith the most solemn and. une- 
quivocal assurances, tluit the chief if not the sole object of liis afiVct- 
ted conversion, was "/«'s otvn personal promotion and aggrandize- 
ment," and the writer oflcrs up his most fervent tliankluhiess and 
gratitude to his God, for permitting his little rennianl of life to be 
spun out until this message appeared before the world; which, the 
writer thinks, has not only afforded a just occasion, but called uj)on 
him for this solemn disavowal of his former confidence; and the de- 
claration of his perfect conviction that Mr. Adams's chief object in 
this afiected act of sincerity, was his oivn ^'■personal promotion and 
aggrandizement.'" For nothing could be more abhorrent to the wri- 
ter, than to give his sanction in any forn) whatever, to the sincerity 
of Mr. Adams's political character, after he had become jierfectly 
Convinced that he was deluded and mistaken in his former convic- 
tion and avowal in that respect; and that Mr. Adams has availed him- 
self of that act, as well as many subsequent ones, not only for the 
purpose of elevating himself to his piesent high station; but also of 
availing himself of that elevation, to bring about a complete civil 
revolution in the fundamental principle of American Governments, 
nor could any occurrence whatever, be more lamented by the writer 



21 

iior afllicting to his feelings, than leaving this world with this public 
icstimonial of confidence in Mr. Adams's sincer'mj, unrevoked. For, 
be this testimonial of little or great account, it is, to its intent, thft 
writer's all — and he most nrdenliy wishes thoroughly to wash his 
hands of the sacrilegious efforts, w hich, he verily believes, are now 
making, in effect, if not intent, to imm(»1aie the rights and liberties 
of the American people, upon the unhallowed altar of unlimited 
power. The writer thinks, that the inducements suggested by Mr. 
Adnms for his political conversion, if known, would essentially tend 
to aid the public in forming a Just estimate of liis checkered politi- 
cal course, from that time, until the exhibition of his tpessage ; and 
also of the genuine character of the message itself. He now submits 
it i(! Mr. Adams, to make a disclosure of the suggested inducements 
himself If he should not do so, the writer will deliberate upon the 
course of conduct he ought to pursue, in the present imminent crisis, 
as he deems it, of political affairs. Declaring at the same time, a 
perfect consciousness and conviction, that there is scarcely any thing 
too sacred to be disclosed, which could tend to arrest a course of 
measures, that, if pursued to consummation, must necessarily demo- 
lish all the noble fabricks of American political institutions. The 
writer has not taken this course unadvisedly. He has kept an undc- 
viating eye upon Mr. Adams's checkered political conduct, from the 
time of his disclosure, to the exhibition of his message. He has at 
various times given publicity to his increasing doubts and distrusts; 
with a view not only to public consideration, but to Mr. Adams's 
special observance; and in No. 14 of his Political Disquisitions, he 
intcntionall}' places this portentous subject before IMr. Adams in the 
strongest terms, then at his command. He exhibited models, on both 
sides of his contemplated measures, for the choice of Mr. Adams, in 
the sincere hope that Mr. Adams would deliberate well before he de- 
cided. The writer considers his message an awful annunciation of 
his choice; and that soaring above the v\isdom, patriotism, and self- 
denial, of Washington, Jefferson, Fayette and Bolivar, he has made 
his choice of the Ctesars for his model, and like them, risked his pre- 
sent glory, and his future fame, upon bettering tli.e condition of the 
people, by the usurpation of unlimited power ; and thus, unchecked 
by the will of his constituents, of his own parental love and good 
will, to decorate them with all the costly trappings, and glittering 
imageries, of the most splendid despotism; nor does Mr. Adams 
seem to imagine, that the people, especially that great portion of 
them, who are struggling for common comforts for their families, or 
against the pressure of debts, could be so inefl'ably stupid, as not to 
over-look these little grovelling considerations, and take delight in yield- 
ing tip a portion of their hard earnings, most cruelly taken from the 
pinching wants of their families, for purchasing the sublimated hap- 
piness of beholding the magnificence and splendour of their beloved 
President absolute; and these fascinating glittering trappings and 
imageries of his sovereign despotism. 
December 2S, 1825, 



NOTE. 

(a) "Mr. Adams liad tlie misfortune, however, to receive liis first 
political impressions in a heterodox scboo!; and from some peculiar 
organization of mind, his first impressions are indelible and uncon- 
querable." 

The writer here alludes to the heterocfox school of his father. — 
The heretical doctrines of whicli, are extensively displayed in his de- 
fence of the American Constitution, against the attacks made upou 
them by Turgot. In the execution of this work, Mr. Adams defends 
and eulogises the British Constitution, and endeavours to assimilate 
the Anjcrican Constitutions to the British, as far as the analogy 
should be carried. But in relation to an hereditary Executive and 
nobilit3'5 when the analogy failed, Mr. Adams gives a decided pre- 
ference to the hereditary over the elective principle. The writer's 
ttsual organs have deceived hirn, if lje cannot discern the nrst rising 
dawn, of the same preference in the President's message. To the 
description of unl)elieving readers, who rather distrust their own vi~ 
s'ion, than to admit such a gentle hint possible, the writer would re- 
spectfully put the following questions: — Admitting the President's 
first impressions to be in favor of the hereditary principle; and that 
}ie had, heretofore, succeeded, in converting a Government of limited, 
into a Government of unlimited power, is it less probable, after his 
first success, that he should introduce his preference far the heredita- 
i*y principle, whilst he is himself in orlice ; than that he sliould, here- 
tofore, have made the bold effort of converting a limited, into an un- 
limited Govennnent, as the writer believes he has done? And are 
not the chances of his success noio in an attempt to introduce the he- 
reditary' principle over the elective one, umch greater than they were 
at the commencement of his "eminent predecessor's" administration, 
in the atfempt to convert a limited, into an uuiimiled Government? 
so far from tiie chances of sv.ccess in the hitter case, being less proba- 
ble than in t!ie former one, the wL'iler thinks that the heredilart/ jjrin- 
ciple, is the necessary consequence of introducing a Government of 
unlimited, in place of one of limited power. The President's fatlier 
thought the concealment from the people, of the preference of the 
hereditary principle, over the elective one, was a weakness if not a 
vice. The writer has no doubt, but that the son tliinks wil(j the fa- 
ther in this respect; and that he will ^ake dpe care, to exempt himself 
from all imputation of such weakness, and of such vice, after, if not 
before the next Presidential flection. Mr. Rush's political fairy tale, 
in the form of a Treasury report, tends greatly to confirm this im- 
pression upon the writer's mind. But, take the President's political 
preceptor's words upon this subject. They will be found in Taylor's 
inqiiirv, a book of gre;it merit; and at this moment, onght to be in 
the hands of every American citizen, who can think, as well as read. 
The first extracts will be found in Taylor's Inquiry, pages 100, 101. 
In Adam's defence, vol. 3, 3G0, 453, 39J. The second, in Taylor's 
Inquiry, pages 109, 110; in Adam's defence, vol. 3, page 3G7. The 
ihird, in Taylor's Inquiry, pages 147, 148 — Adam's defence. voL 3, 
pages 2S2, 283, 29G. 



23 

'' A science certainly comprehends all the principle^ in natui'(;' 
which belong to the subject. Tlie principles in nature vvhicli relate 
to Governtncnt cannot all be known, without a knowledc-e of the 
history of mankind. T/te English (jonstitution is the only one which 
has considered and provided for all cases, that are known to have gen- 
erally, indeed, to have always happened in the progress of every na- 
tion; it is therefore, the only Scientifcal Government.'^ 

" Whenever the people have had any share in the Executive, or 
more than one-third part of the Legislative, they have always abused 
it, and rendered pro{7erty insecure. 

" But a mixed Government produces, and necessitates constancy 
in all its parts; the king must be constant to preserve his prerogatives ; 
the Senate must be constant to preserve their share ; and the House 
theirs. 

"It is therefore the true policy of the common people io place the 
whole Executive power in one man, to make him a distinct order in the 
State, from whence arises cm inevitable jealousy beiivcen him and the 
gentlemen.''^ 

" Ati hereditary limited monarch is the representative of the whole 
nation, for the management of the Executive power, as much as an 
House of Representatives, as one branch of the Legislature, and as 
a guardian of the public purse; and the House of Lords too, or a 
standing Senate, represents t!ie nation for other purposes, viz: as a 
watch set upon both the Representatives and the Executive power. 
The people are the fountain and original of the power of Kings and 
Lords, Governors and Senates, as well as the House of Commons, 
or Assembi}' of Representatives: and if the people are sufficiently 
enlightened to see all the dangers that surround them, they will al- 
ways be represented by a distinct personage to manage the whole 
Executive power; a distinct Senate to be guardians of property 
against levellers for the purposes of plunder, to be a repository of 
the national tradition, of public maxims, customs and manners, and 
to be controllers in turn, both of Kings and their Ministers on one 
side, and the Representatives of the people on the other, when eitlier 
discover a disposition to do wrong: and a distinct House of Repre- 
sentatives,, to be the guardians of ihc public purse, and to protect 
die people in tiieir turn, against both Kings ar.d Nobles. 

" Nedham had said "that the people by Representatives succes- 
sively chosen, were the best guardiatis of their own liberties. And 
that the life of liberty, and the only remedy against self-interest, lies 
in succession of powers and persons." In answer to which, I\Jr. 
Adams observes: " If this is so, the United States of America, have 
taken the most effectual measures to secure that life, and that reme- 
dv, in establishing annual elections of their Governors, Senators anri 
Representatives. This will probably be allowed to be as per.M?ct an. 
establishment of a succession of powers and persons, as human laws 
can make: but in what manner annual elections of Governors and 
Senators will operate, remains to be ascertained. It siiould always 
be remembered, that this is not the first experiment that was ever 
made in the world of elections to great offif p<; of State : how they 



•2i 

have bpetated in every great natiort, and wliat has been their end, it 
very well known. Mankind l)ave universally discovered that chance 
was preferable to a corrupt choice, and have (rusted Providence, ra- 
ther than themselves. First Magistrates and Senators had better be 
made hereditary at once, than that the people should be universally 
debauched and bribed, go to loggerheads, and fly to arras regularly 
every year. Thank Heaven; Ainericans understand calling Con- 
ventions; and if the time should conje, as it is very possible it may, 
when hereditary descent shall become a less evil, than annual fraud 
and violence, such a Convention tnay still prevent the First Magis- 
trate from becoming absolute, as well as hereditary. 

Nedham had also said: "that it is but reason that the people 
should see that none be interested in the supreme authority but per- 
sons of their own election; and such as must in a short time rctm-n 
asrain into the same condition with themselves. In answer to which, 
Mr. Adams observes, "that the Americans have agreed with this 
writer in this sentiment. This hazardous experiment, they have tried, 
and if elections are soberly made, it may answer very well; but if 
parties, factions, drunkenness, bribes, armies and delirium, come in, 
as thev always have done, sooner or later, to embroil and decide 
every thing, the people must again have recourse to Conventions, 
and find a remedy. Neither p!iilojop})y nor policy has yet discover- 
ed anv other cure, than by prolonging the duration of the First Ma- 
gistrate, and Senators, the evil may be lessened and postponed, by 
elections tor longer periods of years, till they come for life; and if 
this is not found an adequate remed^^ there will remain no other, 
but to make them hereditary. The delicacy, or the dread of unpo- 
pularity, that should induce any man to conceal this important truth 
from the full view and contemplation of the people, would be a v.eak- 
Bess if not a vice." 



NEW SERIES— No. III. 

[!5y llie Autlior of Puliticul Disquisitions. J ' 

The Golden Casket — or. The President'' s Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the governments of "this 
Union." 

«' All that, g-listers is not p^old, 

" Ot'ien liHve you lieard Ihat told ; 

" Many a man his lil'e hath sold, 

♦' Hut iny outside to behold ; 

' Gilded t'imba do worms iiifuld. 

•• Had y(JU been os wise as bold, 

" Young- in liinbs, in iudgmc7ll old, 

'• Youratiswev liad not been unscioH'd ; 

" Fare )ou ivel/ ; your suit is cold." — Sliaki-peure. 

PRELIMINARY RExMARKS. 

In the last No. the writer, in substance, observed that he liad kept 
an undeviating e3'e, upon Mr. Adam's course of political conduct; 
from the time of his casting oil' the federal and putting on the Re 



25 

publican nianlle, and iVom tins strict observance, he was now perfect- 
ly convinced that this manoeuvre was a mere "rwse de guerre.'^ The 
writer will now give a brief sketch of some of Mr. Adams's most 
prominent acts, which produced this conviction. The first act after 
Mr. Adams had exchanged the ensigns of part}', which attracted the 
writer's attention, was the resignation of his seat in the Senate of the 
United States. Mr. Adams having avowed his determination to sup- 
port the republican administration; the writer expected that he would 
continue his station in the Senate, to enable him to render the pro- 
mised support; but his resignation deprived him of the power of do- 
ing so. The writer was of opinion at the time, that the displeasure 
of the Legislature of his State, under the peculiar circumstances of 
the case, was not a justification of that act; but the writer presuming 
Mr. Adams honestly thought otherwise, continued the confidence pre- 
viously inspired by Mr. Adams's solemn asseverations. The writer 
still believed that Mr. Adams's avowed conversion was sincere. He 
now views that act as the first move made by Mr. Adams, upon his 
checkered political chess-board ; and his resignation, the second. 
So far from the administration receiving his support, Mr. Adams's 
resignation imposed upon it an obligation, to support him. By that 
act, he assumed the attitude of a persecuted convert, and all new 
proselytes, especially when under the persecution of the deserted sect, 
call with an irresistible voice upon the High Priests of the adopted 
creed, for peculiar commiseration and distinguished support — St. 
Luke, chap. xv. verse 7. "1 say unto you, that likewise, joy shall 
be in heaven over one sinner that repenteth, more than over ninety and 
nine just persons, which need no repentance." Mr. Jefferson doubt- 
lessh', acted under the inlluence of strong impressions when he re- 
collected Mr. Adams, iji his chosen retirement, and nominated him 
to the Senate, as Minister Plenipotentiary to Russia. The nomina- 
tion of Mr. Adams to that office was one of the last acts of Mr. 
Jefierson's admiuistratlon; and took place about the beginning of 
March, 1809. The Senate, however, not concurring with Mr. Jef- 
fersGH in the policy of the mission at that time, without acting' upon 
the nomination, passed a resolution to the following eflect: That it 
is not expedient to send a minister to Russia at this time. The only 
effect of this proceeding upon Mr. Adams, was a short postpone- 
ment of the reward of gratitude, whicli awaited him from the Re- 
publican administration. Mr. Madison, after having succeeded Mr. 
Jefierson, both in office and policy at the next session of Congress, 
as well as the writer recollects, nominated Mr. Adams to the Senate 
for the same office. Tlie Senate, then yielding, advised the appoint- 
ment. Regardless of his former scruples, Mr. Adams accepted the 
mission, and has been from that lime regarded as one of the main 
pillars of the republican party. The acceptance of this mission, 
after Mr. Adams's solemn assurances, that in his change of politics, 
he was entirely " exempt from all views of personal promotion and 
aggrandizement," is the third and most important move upon his 
checkered political chess-board. It enabled bim, iVom his dexterity 
at the game of political chess, to cherk-m^itf^ she whole republican 
o 



20 



part}-. Under the inliucnce of that party, he has succeeded in 
placing liimself at tlie head of the go%-ernment; and availing him- 
self of success, he has boldly come forth, and in his first mes- 
sage, as the writer conceives, imir.olated the whole republican 
party, men and principles, upon the unholy shrine of his own in- 
satiable ambition. He has done more: He has, as the writer thinks, 
undauntingly struck at all the restraining provisions of the con- 
stitution, tin-own ofl' all the limitations upon the powers of the 
practical government, declared that "liberty is power," and insists 
upon being left perfectly free to better the condition of the people, 
imchcckcd by the will of constituents. He seems firmly resolved 
to stop at nothing short of the power of the Cfesars, and according- 
ly, seems himself to have stamped this characteristic motto upon his 
own message — "Ant Caesar — Aut Nullus." 

The war with Great Britain, having been commenced in 1812, 
ihc first development of Mr. Adams's mission, was seen in the Russiaii 
mediation. The writer was then under the impression, as he now is, 
that this mediation was obtained through the diplomatic skill of Mr. 
Adams, although he does not pretend that this impression was derived 
directly from official papers. The British Minister then at the Court 
of Russia, playing his diplomatic part with equal skill, probably con- 
trived to obtain information of this arrangement; and the writer believes, 
the British government, finally rejected the Russian mediation, in con- 
sequence of the representations of their Minister. Shortly after this 
transaction, Jonathan Russel was nominated to tl;e Senate as Minister 
Plenipotentiary to Sweden, under circiunstances of the most peculiar 
character. The Senate disapproving the policy of this mission, 
passed the following resolution, July 9, 1813. "Resolved, That it 
is inexpedient at this time to send a Minister Plenipotentiary to 
Sweden." 

Here are seen two cases, in which the Senate actually exercised its 
controlling power over the origination of foreign Blissions. The one in 
the person of Mr. Adams — The other believed to iiave arisen through 
his agency, or at least, must be presumed, to have come within his 
knowledge; yet in his Message he uses this sovereign language to 
tlie Senate and to the world — " Commissioners (to Panama) sfiallhe 
commissioned." Could any one of t!ie Csesars have used more 
sovereign language to his Senate? Could Louis tiie 14th have used 
more sovereign language to the registering Parliament of Paris? 
This subject, however, being now under the consideration of the Senate, 
will, for the present, be passed over witliout further comment. It is intro- 
duced here, merely to sliow Mr. Adams's diplomatic skill, and des- 
potic propensites and principle; . The writer will content himself, 
with mentioning only one more incident, occurring during Mr. 
a\dams's various European missions; the memorable difference re- 
specting the fishing and the Mississippi interest between himself and 
ins diplomatic associate, Mr. Clay, now his ciiosen bosom friend, 
and confidential Secretary. These tlien diplomatic pugilists, now 
loving confidential friends, converted this difference into a diploma- 
tic crow which they pledged themccives to pull, in open defiance of 



27 

each other, and in the face of the whole American people, and of the 
world. But with the characteristic pliancy of skilful negotiators, have 
postponed the exiiibition, upon a suitable occurrence, and in lieu of 
it, have entered into a most intimate political union; the endearing 
union of one bone and one flesh. For, (he confidential connexion 
between the President, and his Secretary of State, has heretofore 
been regarded equally sacred vvilh that which grows out of the mys- 
tical union of marriage in private life, and to insure a just confidence 
from the public, ought to be founded upon principles equally pure 
and platonic. Neither suspicion, nor distrust ought ever to be per- 
mitted to intrude themselves into this holy union. Whilst this diplo- 
matic pugilism, between the president and his Secretary, remains un- 
settled, it must be presumed that the President relies, for the unsus- 
pected fidelity of his Secretary, solelj^ upon his snow white fame, and 
renown, for the immaculate purity of his morals, both public and 
private; and that tliese stand so firmly fixed, that the President, dis- 
regarding all counteracting influences, reposes securely upon them 
with unsuspecting confidence. However justified this reciprocal 
confidence between the President and his Secretary, may be ground- 
ed upon the compromise of their reciprocal interests; upon what 
ground is it, that the people shall place their confidence in this coni- 
promitted union; when they are no parties to the inducements which 
produced it; and when their best interests must have formed the basis 
of the compromise ? The writer will remind the public of another 
incident which followed these diplomatic squabbles. That each of 
the diplomatists furnished Mr. Monroe a case for his decision, which 
formed a precedent in his favour in the settlement of his claims;* the 

* "The benefit of which, (his, Mr. Monroe's decisions in the cases 
of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay) in the body of his expose ; but disclaimed 
in a note appended thereto." — Extract from the body of the expose — 
page 8 — " To have a full view of the whole subject, it may be useful for 

you to recur to a decision which t made in , on a reference to me 

M)y the accounting officers of the Treasury', of the claims of Mr- Adams 
and Mr. Clay, in which I examined all the precedents, as to salaries 
and outfits, wliicli had been allowed to. our Ministers in Europe, 
from the commencement of our government until tiiat day." 

The note at large — 

It is believed that, in some instances, under particular circum- 
stances, our ministers have been permitted to receive their compen- 
sation, like other officers of the government, on return visists, during 
their absence, and while at home. Any decisions, w Inch I may have 
made since I came into the administration, under the admonition of 
my own experience, will not be considered as applicable to my claims. 
Reference will, of course, be had only to the decisions which were 
made by my predecessors. 

The amount of the respective claims allowed, will be seen in the 
Hccompanying documents. The decisions attended with great labor, 
and the aid to a certain extent, of the opinion-, of the Attorney Ge-= 
npral. All deservincc serious consideration. 



28 

benefit of which he claimed in the body of his expose; but disclaimed in 
a note appendant thereto. Mr. Adams, a claim of $9,000, beyond his 
allowances at the treasury. Mr. Clay, a claim of $4,500, beyond his al- 
lowances at the treasury. Both of them allowed by Mr. Monroe. With- 
out further remark upon Mr. Adams's diplomatic career, the writer will 
take a view of his political course in the office of Secretary of State, 
under President Monroe's Administration — an administration called 
republican, and commenced under republican auspices; but after va- 
rious mutations terminated, as the writer thinks, in disregard of eve- 
ry wholesome restraining principle of the constitution. The writer 
will here pause, before he attempts to recount the most prominent 
measures of this eventful administration ; w hich, as he thinks, mainly 
under the guidance of Mr. Adams, have produced the present crisis 
A crisis big with inscrutable destinies. A crisis which is to deter- 
mine whether the American Governments are to remain federal, or to 
become "one and indivisible." A crisis which is to determine whe- 
ther the people have retained jffiy rights to themselves; or have given 
UD the whole to the consolidated government, to be exercised for bet- 
tering their condition without the check of their own will!!! A crisis 
which is to solve the great political problem : Are the people compe- 
tent to their own government ? 



NEW SERIES— No. IV. 

[By the Author of Political Disquisitions ] 

The GoLiiEN Casket — or. The Pesuhnt's Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this 
Union." 

" All that glisters is not gold, 

•' Often have you heard that told • 

" iLiny a man his life hath sold, 

" But iTiy outside to behold : 

" Gilded tombs do ivo'ins infuld. 

" Had you been as 7uise as bold, 

«' Young in limbs, in judgment old, 

" Your answer had not been unscroli'd : 

" Fare you -veil .• your suit is cold," — [Shakspeare. 

PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 

In the last Number, tlic writer intimated his intention of taking a 
view of Mr. Adams' course of political conduct, whilst acting in the 
office of Secretary of State, under Mr. Monroe's Administration. In 
doing so, the writer was desirous of having reference directly to offi- 
cial papers, and has been delayed for some time from pursuing his 
remarks, by attempts to obtain them. He regrets that he has failed 
in these attempts, because he wished to have quoted the identical 
words of each actor in the scene, which he deemed to be most woi- 



29 

ihy of remark. He is now compelled to have recourse chiefly to his 
memory; and to give only a very general sketch of transactions 
which deserve much more particular consideration. 

Mr. Monroe's Administration commenced the 4th of March, 1817. 
The War with Great Britain having terminated in the Spring ol 
1815, and the European War having also terminated before that time, 
Mr. Monroe found the United States in profound peace, and it seem- 
ed to every reflecting man in the Community, that it was scarcely 
possible for diplomatic ingenuity itself, to interrupt the harmony of 
the United States with foreign powers. Mr. Monroe also found the 
Constitution of the United States in full vigor and energy — venerated 
by the American people, and confidently relied upon as the palladium 
of Slate rights, as well as of the rights and liberties of individual citi- 
zens. His predecessor, Mr. Madison, under its banners, had passed 
through a War with one of the strongest powers in the World; and 
with the exception of some slight unintentional scarifications, proceed- 
ing from the War, had left tlie Constitution, not only undefiled, but 
invigorated. By the wise and patriotic exercise of his Constitutional 
veto upon two bills, which had been unadvisedly passed by Congress, 
in disregard of Constitutional provisions, he asserted and enforced 
the sovereign dominion of the Constitution, over liCgislative usurpa- 
tions. The one, a bill for incorporating a Religious Society — the 
other, a bill for internal improvements. The veto on the one, gave 
additional security to Religious freedom : The veto on the other, for 
a time, gave additional security to both State and individual rights. 
For the virtuous and independent exercise of his Constitutional power 
in these two most important respects, the writer takes this occasion 
to ofler to Mr. Madison individually, his most grateful and fervent 
thanks ; and thinks him justly entitled to the thanks of the present, 
and of all future generations. If ever the United States were blessed 
with the complete and undisturbed enjoyment of Halcyon days, it 
was at the period of Mr. Monroe's installation into the Presidential 
Office. Nor has any incident occurred, from that moment to this, 
that ought for one instant, to have interrupted the full fruition of the 
political calm and felicity, which seemed to have been awarded them, 
as if by a special interposition of Providence. So far from it, that 
two great events have since occurred, which seemed also to have 
been Providentially interposed, for extending the moral influence of 
the fundamental laws of the United States, throughout the whole 
Civilized World. The successful revolutions of the South American 
and Mexican States, and the adoption of American Institutions as 
models for the formation of their own Governments, and Fayette's 
visit to the United States. This visit, although that of a single indi- 
vidual, was attended with such circumstances as gave it an eclat. 
throughout the Civilized World. It was perfectly unique. Such a 
spectacle never before was, and perhaps never will again be exhibit 
ed to an admiring World, It was a visit of a devotee to Liberty, 
forty years after his philanthropic efforts had contributed to her tri- 
umph, over the most galling despotism. He found her still seated 
in her beniffnant throne> surrounded with all the variegated blessing? 



30 

which hei" tiomiiiiun over despotism had spread over a wide cxionded 
Country. He was received by her millions of enamoured votaries, 
with one spontaneous and unanimous burst of affection and gratitude. 
h was the magnificent and glorious exhibition of a great Nation, 
pouring forth the best feelings of the heart to a single individual for 
tlic blessings it enjoyed at his hands, in connexion willj compatriots; 
now no more seen. It served to set a new value upon Liberty in the 
eyes of all beholding and admiring Nations, and could not fail to 
give additional force to the moral inlluence of American Institutions. 
How, then, in this sublime and felicitous state of tilings, does it hap- 
pen, that the sound of a portentous crisis is heard.'* That Liberty 
herself is in danger of being dethroned, and Despotism enthroned, in 
her place.'' That the liberty of the people is attempted to be convert- 
ed into the liberty of the Government, which is power absolute, and 
unlimited; palsied in nothing by the will of constituents.'' The alarm- 
ing tale is plain, and easily told ; but the danger lies in not reading 
and considering it well, and in not justly applying its eventful moral. 
According to the fasiiionable oriental style of thinking, of writing 
and of speaking — extending itself even into the gravest State papers 
— it was universally said, at the time of Mr. Monroe's installation, 
there was not a speck discernable upon the political horizon. It was 
splendidly transparent, under the blessed influence of the genial Ame- 
rican sun, which our fathers had ushered forth from the West, to iiiu- 
ininate and to bless, not only the Western, but the whole Eastern 
hemisphere. It was to give to the East, the greater blessing of poli- 
tical light, in exchange i'or ornamental scientific light. At length, bv 
n)icroscopic diplomacy, a little speck was discovered upon this trani;- 
plendent political horizon; but it was considered as a mere flitting 
transient cloud, that would pass away in a moment, without any ob- 
scuration worth the politician's regard. It was discovered that cer- 
tain freebooters were interrupting the revenue at the port of St. Ma- 
ry's, and that it was necessary to put an end to this interruption. 
The only competent means to eflect this end, which could be devised 
by the ingenuity of the Administration, consisted in the forcible seiz- 
ure, and military occupation of the Spanish Amelia Island — Spain 
uwn being in a state of peace with the United States. This deter- 
miualion was immediately carried into eflect, without the sanction of 
any law whatever, as the writer believes, and in direct violation, as 
he thitdvs, of the plainest principles of international law. This iiitk- 
speck, this transient cloud, did not dissipate quite so quietly and un- 
ceremonioush', as was at first expected. After holding this portion 
of territory, belonging to a Nation at peace with the United States, 
under military govcrmnent for some months, the House of Represen- 
tatives called for information, as to the kind of government which had 
been established over Amelia Island, then belonging to Spain. The 
President replied in substance, that it ivas a Military Government, 

entrusted to Colonel Bank head and Conimodore , for its 

execution. This reply appeared perfectly to have satisfied, what 
turned out to be either the idle curiosity or unmeaning call of the 
House of Representatives. That House did not even pretend to in- 



ijuhe, whence the President had derived the authority to seize the 
territory belonging to a Nation at peace with the United States, and 
to hold it under a Military Government, but from a silence upon thi? 
receipt of this information, seemed to admit, if it be a mere Military 
Government, it is all very well; but seemed to think, if you, Mr. 
President, had dared to establish any other Government, than a Mili- 
tary one, this House would have been upon the very marrow-bones 
of your usurpation, in an instant, with its whole dread force of the 
terrific power of impeachment. Instead of this speck of a cloud tran- 
siently escaping from the resplendent political hori/on, sharp sighted 
diplomacy discovered another little speck. The Scminoles had be- 
come quite pugnacious. A bandit of not more than three or four 
hundred skulking vvarrrors, as the writer believes, was magnified into 
a formidable Nation, and it became necessary to convince them also 
of the military prowess of the United States — a conviction wliich pre- 
viously existed in full force, and of course no new conviction could 
have become necessary: But to produce the new conviction, a consi- 
derable military force was put under the command of General Gaines. 
A treaty was demanded with hard conditions towards the poor de- 
fenceless Seminoles. They, acting under the full conviction and 
horrible dread of the known military prowess of the United States, 
submitted to these hard conditions, one town only refusing. But tins 
town finding the dreaded military force then moving upon it, sent in 
its submission and adhesion. This was forwarded to the Governor 
of Georgia, Mr. Rabun, and by hira forwarded by express to Gene- 
ral Gaines, and reached him, as the writer believes, before he reach- 
ed the oflending and repenting villago.. General Gaines, without 
acknowledging the receipt of Governor Rabun's despatci), proceeded 
to the village, and slaugiucred some of its inhabitants, plundered and 
destroyed the village. General Jackson was at length invested with 
the command of the crusading army, and set out from Himtsville to 
take command of it in person. He raised, with or wiihout authoritj', 
fifteen hundred Indians as a vanguard for his army, consisting, as 
the writer believes, of several thousand men ; coramissioned o.^icer? 
at pleasure, eitlicr with or without authority; and it was said these 
illegitimate, non-descript officers were put upon Courts Martial, for 
the trial of oflences, perhaps some involving capita! punishments. 
The writer feels no disposition to exaggerate the scenes wiiich took 
place under this crusading army. He greatly regrets such as a re- 
gard to truth compels him to recount, and could most sincerely wish 
to cast the mantle of oblivion over the whole. Suilice it tlien to sa^-, 
that General Jackson moved rapidly upon, and took forcible posses- 
sion of Pensacola, as President Monroe had previously done of Ame- 
lia Island — Spain still remaining at peace with the United States. 
Whether or not this outrage upon the plainest principles of ii^terna- 
tional law, was committed with or without authorised instructions, 
remains unknown to the writer; and probably to tiie American peo- 
ple, but with instructions, as the writer firmly believes. This out- 
rage, however, was so flagrant, that the President did not hesitate in 
disavow it in his Message to the Congress, v.hich met shortly aftci- 



nards, although in all probability done under the imposing sanc- 
tion of instructions. Thus declaring in the most solemn manner to 
the American people, and to the World, that this act of General Jack- 
son's was wholly unauthorised. It must be presumed, that if Mr. 
Adams were not the chief instigator of these measures, he was cer- 
tainly privy to them, and concurred in advising them. Notwith- 
standing this solemn disavowal, after it was discovered, that the peo- 
ple were deluded into a toleration of these most profligate measures, 
as the writer thinks them; Mr. Adams, in a letter of instructions ad- 
dressed to the American Minister in Spain, but contrary to all diplo- 
matic usage, published in the American Newspapers, for the infor- 
mation of the American people, most eagerly and ardently entered 
into a full defence, both of the Government and General Jackson in 
relation to the whole proceedings respecting the forcible occupation 
of Pensacola, the real object of the formidable armament, as the wri- 
ter believes. — The Seminole War having been abandoned, and almost 
forgotten. 

This celebrated defence of Mr. Adams, was more in the spirit and 
style of an epic poem, than a diplomatic paper; and seemed evidently 
intended to disguise the profligacy of the whole transaction, by the 
false glare of poetic fiction, and oriental imagery. Here tlien are 
seen, acts of the first impression, involving violations of the funda- 
mental laws of the United States, and of international laws, at one 
time disowned, and at another attempted to be defended and justified, 
by the same Administration. The President's disavowal, as well as 
the writer recollects, was accompanied with a pledge, that the then 
plundered territory should be restored to Spain upon certain condi- 
lions. — At the same moment, forcibly holding upon Amelia Island. 
Here then, was seen the Government forcibly holding two extreme 
points of the Florida territory, evidently occupied with the same view, 
and pledging itself to give up one point, and hold on the other.- — 
Both forcibly acquired, and believed to be held with the view to the 
occupation of the whole Floridas. With what sincerity, this solenm 
governmental pledge to Spain was made, subsequent events have suf- 
Hclently proved. The Senate of the United States has recently ma- 
nifested a laudable disposition to unfold its doors for the information 
of the people upon several interesting occasions. If it will follow up 
those examples by exhibiting to view the proceedings in relation to 
the proposition for the forcible seizure of St. Augustine in 1813; the 
American people will then see, as the writer believes, the real views 
vtf the Goverinnent in relation to the profligate crusade against the 
defenceless Seminoles.(rt) The people will then see, that in the midst 
of the British War, a military- force was actually ordered by the Ad- 
ministration, to be prepared for the purpose of seizing upon St. Au- 
gustine by "cow^y de inain,^^ and forcibly to occupy it with reference 
to the tjltimate occupation of the whole Florida territory, as the wri- 
ter believes. They will also see, that this unprincipled movement 
was grounded mainly upon the profligate suggestion, that Spain had 
become so far reduced by the events of the War in Europe, as to be 
imable to preserve the accustomed relations amongst Nations, and 



33 

upon that ground, the United States would be justified in forcibly 
seizing- her territory, bordering upon their own. There was no in- 
tervention of Seminoles at that time, as well as the writer recollects, 
as a medium of assault upon the Spanish territory. But as the wri- 
ter understood the proposition then, it was to the following effect — 
Spain is now weak ; the United States are relatively strong. They 
want her territory, and they shall have it. Not upon any principle 
of moral, constitutional, or international law; but as the writer thinks, 
upon the lawless will of power. At that time, the President deter- 
mined to pass through the ceremony of asking Congress for its con- 
sent to this profligate act of War against Spain ; which consent was 
then refused by the Senate. The last Administration thought this 
ceremony unnecessary, and forcibly seized the Floridas without it. 
If the Senate will also unfold its doors upon tht* proceedings of the 
Government in 1812, in relation both to the Canadas and Floridas, 
still further lessons of instruction will be afforded to the people of the 
United States in relation to the ambitious projects of their Goverti- 
ment, and will tend to show the absohite necessity of their own vigi- 
lant interposition. The writer verily believes, that by a just, honor- 
able and liberal policy towards Spain, the Floridas could have been 
acquired earlier, and upon belter terms, than they have been acquir- 
ed by this machiavelian policy; but if even he should be mistaken in 
the opinion, every reflecting man in the Nation must know, that the 
possession of the Floridas at some time, must necessarily have been 
effected by the mere pressure of American population, and by the im- 
possibility of Spain's exerting an efficient jurisdiction over the Coun- 
try, of which Spain herself had become perfectly sensible. Under this 
*view, the Congress had passed a law, putting at the disposal of the 
President, the whole pliysical force of the United States, to prevent 
the occupation of Florida by any other nation, than Spain, its right- 
ful owner. Bat the acquisition of Florida, is the great boast of the 
last administration, and strange to tell, the people overlooking the 
means, have been deluded into an approbation of the end which has 
been effected. It is true, the Floridas have been acquired. They 
have been acquired by a military triumph; but the same triumph 
which conquered the Floridas, was a military triumph over the Con- 
stitution; over the public morals, and over the sanctity of interna- 
tional law. The United States have become owners of the Flori- 
das ; but they have been purchased as the writer thinks, in exchange 
for their fundamental laws and public morals!!! Did ever any people 
make a worse bargain!! Upon the meeting of Congress, after the 
forcible seizure and occupation of Pensacola, the House of Represen- 
tatives, seeming to be shocked at the flagrant outrage upon the Con- 
stitution, in a laudable spirit for its preservation, commenced an in- 
quiry into the conduct of General Jackson upon that occasion. But 
this laudable spirit mistook its real object. The House of Repre- 
sentatives had nothing to do with General Jackson; and it was a 
condescension on its part to notice his proceedings, unless in refer- 
ence to the President's Constitutional responsibility. The President 
wns the true object for its animadversion- He formed a co-ordinate 



department with Congrtss, and was, by tlie Conslitatioii, made speci- 
ally responsible to the House of Representatives, under its power c( 
impeachment. If, fortunately for the Conslitntlon and the American 
people, the House of Representatives liad given their inquiry its pro- 
per direction, and had impeached the President for these flagrant 
niilitury usurpations, as the writer thinks tijem; and the Senate had 
performed its duty in reirwving him from oflice, it would have had 
the happy efleci of saving the Constitution from military pollution. 
If that had been done, it would probably have deterred the daring 
eflbrts of Executive power and patronage, from attempting anotlier 
military violation of the Constitution, lor half a century. The failure 
to adopt this course by giving a new impulse to this power, and this 
patronage, the writer conceives to be one of the chief causes of the 
present crisis. 

January 19th, 1826. 



NOTE. 

* "The people v/ill then see, that in the midst of the Britisli War, 
a military force was actually ordered, by the Administration, to be 
prepard for the purpose of seizing upon St. Augustine by '^ coup de 
main.^' The writer would respectfully rci'er those readers who feel 
tremblingly alive for the sanctity and safety of Governmental secrets, 
to an able and eloquent speech delivered in the Senate of the United 
States, upon the proposition forcibly to seize. St, Augustine, by Mr, 
Hunter of Rhode-Island. This speech, although delivered in the 
Senate with closed doors, was afterwards published; and the writer 
believes, contains a fair and candid statement of the objects of the 
Administration in making the proposition. In the present crisis, that* 
speech is highly worthy of a second edition. 



NEW SERIES.— NO. V. 

[Dy the Autlior of Foliticu! Di.squis)tio;is.] 

The Golden Casket — or. The PrcsUhnfs Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this U- 
nion." 

"All that g-lisfers is not goli!. 

" Often have jovi heard thiu tolJ ; 

" Many u inaii his life iiatli sukl, 

" But my outside to behold ; 

" Giltlcd tombs do -ivorma irtfu/d, 

" Had you hcen as wise as bo!d, 

" Young- in limbs, in judgment ohi, 

"Your answer had not been unscrollM; 

"Fare you well; your suit is Cold." — [Shakspeart. 

PRELLMINARY REMARKS. 

In the last No. the writer endeavoured to present to the public 
view, the progressive steps by which a military triumph had been 
achieved over the constitution, and the public morals ; he will now 
attempt to show the progressive steps by which a civil triumph over 



35 

holh, has iik,ewise been arliievp<1. The election of Mr. Monroe to tire 
Presidency, the writer conceives to have been one of the most extraordi- 
nary, and one of (he most unfortunate events, that ever occnrred in the 
United States. It can only l»e ascribed to the nnrivalled influes^ce 
of his two immedinte predecessors, an(J the ill-judged partialities 
they had long indulged for him, not without some partial interrup- 
tions. It can never be ascribed to his own intrinsic merits, nor to 
his own intrinsic talents. It cannot be ascribed to his success in any 
one of Jjis many former offices ; for the writer believes, he had never 
been successful in any. He complete!}' failed in all his foreign em- 
bassies, except when associated with Mr. Livingston in the treaty for 
the acquisition of Louisiana. He failed in France, and was recalled 
with Washington's strong disapprobation, in 1796. He failed in 
Spain, in IS05. He failed in Great Britain, in 1807. In his diplo- 
matic intercourse with Mr. Fox, 1806, (see his letters Ma^' 17, 20, 
1806) he subjected himself and his country to the most humiliating 
condescensions. His conduct in Great Britain in 1806, to the best 
-of the writer's recollection, was such, as induced the Senate, by an 
unanimous vote, to request the President to send another Minister to 
London. lie had, about the same time, the permission of the Pre- 
sident to return home; Miiich he- refused to do. He, with his asso- 
ciate, jMr. Pinkney, made a treaty whicli was not thought worthy to 
be laid before the Senate for their advice, and consent to its ratifica- 
tion. He was afterwards again informed, as the writer thinks, of 
{lis permission to return home. He refused to do so for some months, 
insisting upon having the eclat of adjusting the affair of the Chesa- 
peake. He nailed in his attempts at its adjustment. After his return 
liome, he attempted to organize a new party in the L'niled States 
which he aftcrward*s abandoned ; and once more sheltered himself 
under the old republican party. He was again received into favour; 
and was bandied about from one office to another, and as the writer 
ti'.inks, dishonored all. In his office of State, he was swindled by 
Henry, as the writer believes, out of $'50,000 from the fund for se-^ 
cret service mone\% and the expense of an armed vessel to take Hen- 
ry to France. H-e became the dupe, as the writer also believes, of a 
black leg from London, one of Henry's associates, under the assum- 
ed title of " Count Crillon," to whom it was said he gave more mo- 
ney, perhaps $20,000 from the same fund, for the part he played in 
Henry's deception. He was at the same time said to be the dupe of 
another bankr-upt associate, of the name of Melville, who was after- 
wards nominated to the Senate, as deputy Commissary General, and 
rejected; Melville was nevertheless afterwards very improperly pro- 
vided for, as tlie writer was informed- The writer officially saw 
Henry's original papers, which were purchased with this sacrifice of 
character and money, and did not think them worth picking up, if 
found in the streets. Bir. Monroe's conduct in the War Office was 
attended v/iih no better success. As an initiation to this office, it was 
said, he had the command of the army given him for the defence of 
Washington, against an inferior British army; and ucder this com- 
inand the battle became converted into the celebrated Bladensburg 



MC6s; whilst Wasliinglon was disgracefully deserted by the Ameri- 
can army, and was sacked and burnt by the inferior British army. 
His War report to the Military committee in 1814, was unani- 
mously rejected, in every line and letter, by the Senate's committee, 
and a project of its own substituted in its stead. The bjll reported 
to the Senate, which afterwards scn-reptitiously obtained the appella- 
tion of " Monroe's bill" — did not contain one suggestion of Mr. 
Monroe's: but it was then understood, that he was opposed to it, and 
used all his eflbrts in his way, to defeat it. Without any counterbal- 
ancing good for all these and many other evils on the part of Mr. 
Monroe; he afterwards became President of the United States. — 
Most fatal choice!!! — This could only have been the unfortunate ef- 
fect of some blind fatality. When placed in the high office of Pre- 
sident, he was compelled to act in matters of great concern; but his 
mind seemed to be incapable of native original conceptions; and it 
therefore became indispensable for him to adopt the conceptions of 
others; hence, the writer has always considered the measures of 
his administration, the results, not of his own, but of his cabinet 
conceptions. Various opinions have been expressed as to the master 
spirit in his cabinet. The writer never doubted, but that Mr. Adams 
was that master spirit. Mr. Monroe was originally an anti-federalist. 
He became a republican of the old school. He professed to con- 
strue the constitution in its most restricted and limited sense. Inso- 
much so, that he had obtained the appellation amongst many plain 
people like himself, of the plain honest republican, James Monroe. 

This appellation seems to have been one of his chief passports to 
the many offices he attempted to fill. But the plain honest republi- 
can James Monroe, is thought to have returned from the glittering 
scenes of European courts, with a Tflind very ditlerent from that 
which he carried thither. It became tinged with their prismatic glit- 
ter, without brightening its original republican obscuration. 

It was a liu,ht "shining in darkness; but the darkness compre- 
hended it not." — This shining influence imparted to it no usefulness, 
nor improvement for the administration of republican government. 
Yet ]Mr. Monroe ascended the presidential chair as an avowed repub- 
lican. He could not do otherwise. He was placed therein by the 
republican party. It is true, he seemed under his first impression, to 
indulge a wish for an ama-lgamation of parties; but lie soon found 
the attempt an abortive one. There were too man}' vociferous hun- 
gry expectants of his professed party, to admit of any exotic par- 
ticipations in the loaves and fishes, which his patronage distributed. 
His first message, however, in general chimed in with the republican 
chorus. He went so far in his restricted interpretation of the consti- 
tution, that he warned Congress against sending him any bill assert- 
ing the right in the General Government to make Internal Improve- 
ments at the peril of his constitutional veto. He asserted that his 
own opinions were fixed upon that point, and were also backed by the 
opinions of his predecessor; the celebrated orthodox republican ex- 
positor of the constitution. Mr. Monroe wrote a treatise in favour 
of this unalterable exposition — yet before he left his office, he chang- 



37 

ed this fixed decree. Like most new converts, he ran headlong into 
an opposite extreme. In the broad interpretation of the constitution, 
he asserted the opinion in substance, that any measure was constitu- 
tional that would admit the application of money for its effectuation. 
It will be observed, that this opinion is not confined to the mere 
question of internal improvements. It sweeps off every limitation in 
the constitution. At the time of this change of his political creed, 
Mr. Monroe is believed to have been above sixty j^ears of age. His 
opinions formed at an early period of his life, and persevered in till 
aljove three score years of age, must be conceived to have ripened 
into habits. Particularly so, as the subject during most of that 
time, must have been quite familiar to his constant cogitations. 
Some considerations of more than ordinary influence, must have 
operated to have produced this change in despite of fixed inveterate 
habits. What could have been this extraordinary influence? Must 
it not have been composed of the conceptions of others? could it 
have been produced by any views of his own contemplations, or did 
it originate in part from his own peculiar interests? The new princi- 
ple assumed, fitted precisely the case of his own extraordinary claims 
upon the government, and the precedent he introduced for its future 
movements. Whatever may have been the inducements to this fatal 
change, it is certain, that a complete change in this great principle 
of the interpretation of the constitution was fatally acted upon by 
Mr. Monroe. It is certain, he descended from the Presidential Chair 
with avowed principles for the interpretation of the constitution, di- 
rectly opposed to those which he avowed upon ascending it. Had 
Mr. Monroe's old republican mantle become so threadbare from long 
use, that he found himself obliged in obedience to the conceptions of 
others, and the fashions of the times, to turn it inside out, and thus 
exhibit himself a spectacle to his country, and to the world, as a turn- 
coal from his old republican creed, after more than three score years 
had passed over his hoary head. Ought not Mr. Monroe to have 
looked well at himself in his new attitude, and to have considered 
well the figure he would make, and the impressions, such figure 
would produce upon all beholders, after he had turned his old man- 
tle of Republican true blue, into a new one of artificial despotic 
black!!! Not one of the old federal black, but a new one of the deep- 
est despotic dye!!! and who would be so likely to urge Idm to cover 
himself over with this sable mantle, and to exhibit himself thus 
shrouded in the despotic black to his country and to the world, as 
one, who had himself, put off his original black, and for a time put 
on an artificial republican blue, still longing for an occasion to re> 
turn again with rapturous delight to his first love? From whatever 
causes this fatal change in the presidential interpretation of the con- 
stitution, was brought about, it is chiefly to that change that the pre- 
sent civil triumph over the constitution, over individual liberty, and 
over the public morals, is to be attributed. Its adoption not only 
gave a power to the practical Government over Internal Improve- 
ments, but also swept away with a destructive stroke of the pen, 
every constitutional limitation upon the power of practical Govern- 



33 

iiieiit. Mr. Adams being- perhaps more tlie instrumcni ol" producing 
this fatal change than any other, seems more than any otlier, to be 
sensible of its effects, and more tlian any otlier to profit by, and en- 
joy its destructive triumph over the constitution — over individual li- 
berty—and over the public morals. His Ohio letter seems to have 
been written in a transport of delight, at the accomplishment of the 
triumph. In this letter he seems to exult in the conception, that the 
people in forming their common social compact, could not have been 
so ineffably stupid as to den}' themselves the means of bettering their 
own condition; and in his late message has carried up this concep- 
tfon of governmental power in denouncing the notion of being pal- 
sied in its efforts bv the will of constituents ; an abstraction callinj? 
7JWfi loudly for explanation and application. In his Ohio letter too, 
lie speaks of only one common social compact, and likens the Federal 
Government without a power to make in)provements, to a lieartless 
man; *'a human being without a heart." Although the Federal 
Government not only had lived above five and thirty 3'ears without 
this m;>in spring of life, but had enjoyed full health, vigour and acti- 
vity, and had diffused more blessings amongst the American people, 
during that time, than will fall to their lot during centuries, after [he 
Govcrmneut shall become artificially invested with this original attri- 
bute of life, and all its consequential attributes. President Adams seems 
to have become still more sublimated with delight after having reached 
the acme of his long hopes, and toilsome troubles, when in his inau- 
gural address, after a fallacious and flattering review of the measures 
of the former administration, he introduces th.e following f^ritftsiical 
conceptions: " In this brief outline of the promise and performance 
of my immediate predecessor, the line of duty for his successor is 
dearly delineated. To pursue to their consummation, those pur- 
poses of improvement in our common condition, instituted or recom- 
mended by him, will embrace the whole sphere of my ohligati6ns. 
To the topic of Internal Improvement, empiiatically urged by him at 
his inaguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from 
which i atii convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, who 
are in future ages, to people this continent, will derive their njost fer- 
vent gratitude to the foumlers of the Union; that, in which the bene- 
ficci>t action of its Governmetit will be most deeply felt ;uid acknow- 
ledged. The magnificence and splendour of their public works are 
among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. Tlie roads 
and aqueducts of Rome have been the admiration of ail after ages, 
and have survived thousands of years a/ter all her conquests have 
been swallowed up in despotism, or become the spoil of barbarians." 
The ol)}ect of presenting those imaginary glittering scenes to tiie 
fascinated contemplations of the American people, seems to have 
been to divert the mind from the useful and instructive contempla- 
tions of the fundamental laws, and to keep it in the state of fascination 
produced by the events which had previously caused the military tri- 
umph over them. From the military seizure and occupation of Ame- 
lia Island, the public mind seems to have been completely engrossed 
by faspinations of governmental power, of grandeur, of splendour, 



39 

and of plunder. During tliis period of nearly ten years, a new or- 
der of politicians has grown up under the influence of these delight- 
ful imaginary reveries, and seems to have forgotten or despised llje 
fundamental laivs discovered and ordained by their fathers for the 
protection of their rights and liberties. The mind, once intoxicated 
with in)aginary fascinations, turns back with reluctance to liie con- 
templation of the plain unvarnished scenes of real life, and hence the 
giddy course now pursuing of adapting practical measures to an 
ideal, instead of an actual state of things. The administration, 
buoyed up by former successes, seems to have transported itself into 
fairy lands, and to be amusing their inhabitant with fairy tales. 

In this delusive state of tilings, it seems that nothing is necessary 
to tear up the most ponderous rocks, to level Alpine mountains, to 
divert the greatest waters from their accustomed course, but the as 
pirations o( the General Government ; whilst the same magic virtues 
are denied to tlie aspirations of the State Governments. Several 
competitors for laurels in these fantastical eflbrts of the imagination, 
have recently appeared; amongst whom, Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay 
have triumphantly borne off the first decorations; but Mr. Secretary 
Rush has far eclipsed both, antJ torn their fading laurels from their 
brows. Hear him in i)is own words — " The territorial size and fer- 
tility of a country, depend upon nature or uj)on accident. Botii 
the one and the other may exist upon the largest scale, but in vain, 
if a provident government do not second these gifts; whilst nations 
destitute of them, and struggling against positive obstacles of nature, 
are seen to arrive, through the wisdom of their policy, at the heights 
of prosperity and renown. To give perfection to the industry of a 
country rich in the gifts of nature, and blessed in the beneficence of 
its government, to draw out its obvious resources and seek constantly 
for new ones, ever ready to unfold themselves to diligent inquiry, 
urged on by adequate motives; to augment the number and variety 
of occupations for its inhabitants; to hold out to every degree of la- 
bour, and to every modification of skill its appropriate object and 
inducement; these rank amongst the highest ends of legislation. 
To organize the whole labour of a country; to entice into the widest 
ranges its meciianica! and intellectual capabilities, instead of sufic-r- 
ing them to slumber; to call forth, wherever hidden, latent ingenuity, 
giving to effort a^vity, and to emulation ardour; to create employ- 
ment for the greatest amount of numbers, by adapting it to tlse di- 
versified faculties, propensities, and situations of men, so that every 
particle of ability, every shade of genius, may come into requi- 
sition, — is, in other words, to lift up the condition of a country; to 
increase its fiscal eoergy; to multiply the means and sources of its 
opulence; to imbue itwitli the elements of general, as well as lasting 
strength and prosperity." Has ever such a sketch of despotism 
been before exhibited to a thinking world, as is contained in this quo 
taiion? Was ever any despot yet bold enough to avow such princi 
pies to his enslaved and degraded subjects? How then does Mr. Se 
cretary Rush become emboldened to recommend them to the adoption 
of the American people, amidst the boast of their liberties, and fmidu 



40 

menial laws? Surely "Sh: Rush could never have thought of the 
means necessary to effect these ends. Indeed, in these days, it would 
seem, that the great object of the lashionable politician is to amuse 
the itnaginatiou wit!, promises of felicitous ends without spending a 
thought about the means of efieciing them. Mr. Clay probably 
never thought of the machinery that would become necessary to 
convert five hundred thousand farmers into mechanics; the po- 
litechnic schools and meclianic teachers to effect that end — nor 
time, nor e.\pense. So Mr. Secretary Rush certainly never could 
have spent a thought about the Governmental machinery which 
would become necessary " to augment the number and vari- 
ety of occupations for its inhabitants; to hold out to every degree 
and to every modificaiion of skill its appropriate object and induce- 
ment:" and " to create employmenl for the greatest amount of num- 
bers, by adapting it to the diversified faculties, propensities, and situ- 
ations of men, so that every particle of ability, every shade of ge- 
nius, may come into requisition-" The writer frankly acknowledges 
his utter incapacity to point out the Governmental machinery which 
would become necessary to effect all these objects. No Governmen- 
tal machinery ever yet entered the mind of man, that could " aug- 
ment the number and variety of occupations" for the inhabitants of 
any country, nor " to create employment for the greatest amount of its 
numbers" he. Nor will the Avriter pretend to point out all the ma- 
chinery that would be necessary, " for adapting it (employment) to 
the diversified faculties, propensities and situations of men, so that 
every particle of ability, every shade of genius, may come into requi- 
sition." But he will suggest two contrivances, which would become 
indispensably necessary " to adapt employment to the diversified fa- 
cullies, propensities, and situations of men, so that every particle of 
ability, every shade of genius, may come into requisition." The 
first would be a number of national supervisors, proportioned to the 
whole population, whose duty it should be, to inspect every Indivi- 
dual operator in the nation, and assign to him his appropriate occu- 
pation ; according to their views of the fitness of his pljysical and 
mental capacities; and second — a number of national whippers up. 
with the cat o'nine tails, whose duty it should be, to lash up ever} 
operator to the utn)ost stretch of his power, so that " every particle 
of ability, every shade of genius" when put into qj^uisition, may ex- 
ert the utmust of its functions, so as to arrive "at the heights o( 
prosperliv and renown." Without this operation should be perform- 
ed, some' particle of ability, some shade of genius, might be "s?/- 
fered to dumber,''' and thus fail in the performance of its appropri- 
ate function. The writer conceives, that with very little reflection, 
the shadow of a shade of genius, niight discover that this picture 
exhibits a refinement in despotism which the world never before saw. 
To effect its objects it must keep every operator perpetually upon the 
stretch under the national lasli ; without allowing him time either to 
nray or play. More especially if these operators are told, whilst 
under the " national". lash, that the proceeds of their labor belong to 
the " National Government," and are to be disposed of for bettering 



41 

xhe condition of the p.eopio, at the will of tlie Government, without 
being palsied by the will of constituents. For under this principle, 
what "inducement" could be held out to the operator, to exert every 
particle of abilit}', and every shade of genius, but the national lash 
of the cat o' nine -tails? If, instead of tliese fantastical follies and 
mischiefs, with their kindred accompanymenls, Mr. Secretary Rush 
could have contented himself with looking at the fundamental laws 
of his countr3', and the true practical principles of political economy, 
he would have found it a much plainer and easier taskl If he could 
have descended from the wings of fancy, and contented himself with 
practical inquiries, he would liave found these two questions, all tiiat 
it would have been necessary to have considered 5 and the answers 
would have been easy and certain. Has any government the iegili- 
mate power to take the proceeds of the labour of one man, and give 
then) to anotlier? Does not the tariiT take the proceeds of the labor 
of all other occupations and give them to tiie manufacturer.'' If it 
were possible for him to be deluded into the opinion, that every go- 
vernment grounded upon the principle of omnipotence, did possess 
such po^yer, then to put this further question, — Has the Federal 
Government of limited powers the right to take one man's pro- 
perty and give it to anolhev ? The property of A. the agri- 
culturalist, to M. tlie manufacturer? Would not the following quo- 
tations completely solve that question ? "Nor" (shall any person,) 
be depri\?ed of life, liberty oy property, without due process of law; 
nor slmW private propert}/ be talcen for public use ivithout just compen- 
sation.''' "The powers not delegated to the United Slates by the 
constitution, nor prohibited by it to tlic States, are reserved to the 
Stales respectively, or to the people." But it is in vain to recur to 
the fundamental laws, whilst the people remain intoxicated with these 
fantastical, imaginary notions of Governmental power. Governmental 
perfection, and Governmental splendour. The veriest sciolist in po- 
litical economy, however, may see that this Governmental machinery 
converts individual man from a natural, providential being, endowed 
with rights— the gifts of his God, into an artificial being, stripped of 
all rights, and plundered of all the gifts of his God, 

It is also strange to see Omnipotent Governments awarding to indi- 
vidttal man some rights by fixed established laws, which the federal 
limited Governraejit heretofore denominated free; and, grounded 
upon individual rights and written grants, asserts the power of put- 
ting into acquisition, every particle of ability, and .every shade 
of genius for the general welfare. Nor is Mr. Secretary Rush's 
middle manufacturing pillar," corresponding with Mr. Adams's iieart- 
• css man, less fanciful in its conceptions. He assigns to it the of- 
fice of dispensing blessings around it, to other occupations, back- 
wards and forwards, right side and left ; whilst other occupations 
are made its foot stools, and being raised upon them, by the 
productions of their industry, capt wiih.ir.juslice, extravagance, 
idleness and fraud; and whilst it is the only pillar, ever before erect- 
ed, that could exert any intluence, but at its bottom, and its top! 
The vvriier has sketched these remarks hero upon thi;S delusive, gjim*- 
F 



42 

men'ng rush light, because he conceives this ignis fatuus to be a 
light of the Presidents' adoption; and, because, it appears to have 
been ushered fortli as the after piece to the grand drama, exhibited 
in the President's message, intended to produce an effect by its as- 
tonishment. If the reader will take into consideration this report, 
in connexion with tlie President's message, and review the progres- 
sive steps by which both a military, and civil triumph has been 
achieved over the constitution, and public morals, together with Mr. 
Adam's previous checkered course of political conduct, he will then 
be prepared to judge of the real meaning and objects of the Presi- 
dent's message. 

January 22, 1826. 



NOTES. 

(rt)"When placed in the high office of President, he (Mr. Mon- 
roe) was compelled to act in matters of great concern, but his mind 
seemed to be incapa4Dle of native, original conceptions." The wri- 
ter gives this outline sketch of Mr. Monroe's official acts with reluc- 
tance and regret, but he deemed it essential ta the full development 
of important truths and principles. In the many thousand lines 
written by Mr. Monroe, the writer does not recollect to have. seen 
one valuable native, original conception. His mind was not fitted, 
as the writer thinks, for the high office of President of the United 
States. The writer is apprised, that there is a feeling of commise- 
ration attempted to be excited in favour of Mr. Monroe, be it so. 
The writer is in search of truth, and cannot yield to the influence of 
these excitements. He will perform his duty and leave it to all other?, 
to perform theirs. If the people of the United States are resolved 
to shut their ears against truth and principle from misplaced feelings 
of commiseration, they certainly are at liberty to do so. But, the 
writer thinks, the last who ought to call out for pity and compassion, 
are those who push themselves into public offices witliout the capacities 
to discharge the duties of ihem. 

(6) "To augment tlie number and variety of occupations for its 
inhabitants," he. "rank amongst the highest ends of legislation." 
In these days of Governmental pcrfectibilil3', it is wonderful to be- 
hold the gross absurdities ushered forth in the ascription of attributes 
and powers to Governments, which they never did, nor ever can pos- 
sess. This seems to be the great error of the pseudo-political eco- 
nomists of the day. No Government ever did, nor ever can " aug- 
ment the number and variety of occupations" for the inhabitants of 
the country over which it presides. If Governments ])ossessed such 
power, they have never yet become sensible of it. If the British 
Government believed it possessed such power, would it not have 
deemed it a duty, to "augment the number and variety of occupa- 
tions," for fifteen hundred thousand inhabitants of their poor house?, 
and five hundred thousa»id sturdy beggars in Ireland? If Mr. Rush 
had really discovered this hidden Governmental power, was it not ex- 
tremely cruel in him, to leave Londo.n, without making the disclo- 
sure to the British Governme!it r" Governments have the power to 



-43 



create unproductive, but not productive labour. They may augment 
the army, the navy, the civil list, Stc. but they cannot augment the 
number of occupations for subsistence, nor wealth. So Mr. Rush 
might, for the purpose of calling into requisition " every particle of 
ability and every shade of genius," add the occupation of manufac- 
turing bastinadoes, or cat o' nine tails; but such occupation would 
not in itself, augment, neither the subsistence, nor wealth of the na- 
tion. Its beneficial effects must be consequential, by affording the 
means to whippers up, to lash up the operators in productive em- 
ployments — " so that every particle of ability, every shade of ge- 
nius may come into requisition." 



NEW SERlES.~NO. VL 

[By the Author of Political Disquisitions.] 

The Golden Casket— or. The President's Message — or, a procla= 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of " this 

Union." 

" All that glisters is not g-old, 

" Oflen have you heard that told, 

" Many a man his life hath sold, 

" Hut my outside 4o behold, 

*' Gilded tombs do worms infold ,- 

" Had you been as luise as bold, 

" Younff ill iimbs, in judgment old, 

•' Your answer had not been unscroU'd ; 

" Fare you well, your suit is cold " — [Shakspeare. 

Ant C(ssar. — Aut JVullus. 

The President's message to Congress is made in obedience to the 
follov»ing injunctions of the Constitution: " He (the President) shall 
from lime to time, give to the Congress Information of the state of 
the Union, and recommend to their consideration, such measures as 
he shall judge necessary and expedient." 

In the performance of these duties on the present occasion, so far 
as the President has confined himself within the prescribed limits ot 
the Constitution, his message is not only unexceptionable, but is pe- 
culiarly suited, in all respects, to its contemplated objects. Most 
unfortunately, however, the President seems to be impatient of all 
constitutional restraints, and resolved to unfetter himself altogether 
from all its galling ligaments. — It is proposed to examine the con- 
tents of the message, in relation to this object only ; and in the Pre- 
sident's efforts to effect it, as the writer thinks, will be found, the real 
existence, and true character of the present portentous crisis in pub- 
lic affairs. After the public mind had become debauched by the mi- 
litary triumph over the Constitution,^ and the public morals, and par- 
ticularly by the means resorted to for effecting that unfortunate re- 
sult, the writer conceives, that the civil triumph over both, originated 
in the most extraordinary change in the interpretation of the Consti- 
tution by President Momoe in relation to the power of the General 
Government over the subject of Internal Improvements. 



44 

The writer conceives that this change must n^ce'ssarily eventuate 
in more important and deprecated consequences, than have ever yet 
flowed from the adoption ol" any measure, during the wliole adminis- 
tration of the General Government. 

It was exclusively from this consideration, that he was induced in 
the last No. to introduce the chief causes, which must have produced 
that lamentable change — a change, which under the broad principle 
laid down for the interpretation of the Constitution, has converted 
the General Government, as the writer thinks, from a Government of 
limited, to one of unlimited power. 

Without this fatal change, the President would have found him- 
self without the means of seizing upon the fanatical passion, for In- 
ternal Imjjrovements, in substitution for the passion for Military 
power, splendour, and plunder, to break down all the constitutional 
limitations upon the power of the practical Government. 

By this fatal measure, the more fatal passion for governmental 
splendour and power, is kept up in full activity, to this day. The 
duty imposed by this consideiation, was an extremely reluctant and 
unpleasant one; but tlje writer believed it indispensable to give a just 
view of the subject, and that yielding to these feelings, would be a 
dereliction of duty rendered absolutely inadmissible by the magni- 
tude of the subject. 

At the time this eventful change wa« brought about, Mr. Adams 
was Secretary of State, the first adviser in the Cabinet, and accord- 
ing to his present Secretary's notions, and calculations, heir apparent 
to the Presidency. My. Adams seems not only to have comprehend- 
ed, but to have exulted in the eventful consequences of this change. 

The first evidence of his views and feelings upon this subject, will 
be seen in his Ohio letter; and they may be traced, attended with 
cumulative delights and hopeful anticipations, to the exhibition of 
his present message. 

By looking back to the course pursued by all former usurpers, 
the similarity and uniformity of the means pursued by each, to effect 
the object of his usurpation, would afford the most instructive lessont 
to tlie contemplative mind — and the writer conceives, tliat no occa- 
sion ever called more loudly for such reviews, and conlemplationSj^ 
than is afforded by the present crisis in public affairs. 

The writer will here present to the solemn consideration of the 
American people, a ^icw of the means resorted to Ijy some of the 
most celebrated usurpejs, to effect their usurpation over the rights 
and liberties of the people, and uho have unfortunately succeeded 
in raising "their own greatness upon their country's ruin;" and the 
writer thinks, the redecting reader will be astonished, not only at the 
similarity of the means heretofore used by each, but at the similari- 
ty of the whole with the measures heretofore pursued, and now pur- 
suing by the President of the United States. — The art consists, in 
coaxing tiie people to coax the usurper to accept unlimited power 
over them, whilst the usurper affects a dissembled modesty, and I'e- 
Iftctance, in doing so, until he is entirely overpowered by the loving 
caresses, and unyielding urgencies of the people, when he submits t(5 



45 

his hard fate, with Platonic disinterestedness in relation to himseli, 
and with a heart overflowing with love and gratitude towards his en- 
amored people. 

Thus Julius, the first, and most subtle of the Roman tyrants, mix- 
ed his affected tears of compassion with the earnest tears of the suf 
fering and hungry poor; and thrice refosed the kingly crown on the 
Lupercal. But when the people could not be prevailed upon to 
yield to his modest entreaties and refusals, he finally determined to 
yield to their loving importunities, and accept the Imperial purple, 
for the purpose of bettering their condition, without one seeming 
passing thought about himself. 

The writer will here insert a few passages from the history of iiis 
successor, the most accomplished Augustus, and the most refined ty- 
rant. 

These will shew the artifices and dissimulations practised by him 
upon a deluded people and Senate, for the purpose of preserving th'^ 
Imperial purple usurped by his predecessor. 



Kxtraci from Goldsmith's abriJgmeni of the Roman History, pagc^ 

181, 182, 183. 

•'Thus having given peace and happiness to the empire, and being- 
convinced of the attachment of all the orders of the Slate to his per- 
son, he (Augustus Ca?sar) resolved upon impressing the people with 
an idea of his magnanimity also. This was nothing less than making 
a show of resigning his authority; wherefore, having previously in- 
structed his creatures in the Senate how to act, he addressed them in 
a studied speech, importing the difficulty of governing so extensive 
an empire; a task which he said none but the immortal Gods were 
equal to. He modestly urged his own inability, though impelled by eve- 
ry motive to undertake it: and then, with a degree of seeming gene- 
rosity, freely gave up all that power which, as he observed, his arms 
had gained, and the Senate had confirmed. This power lie repeat- 
edly offered to restore, giving them to understand, that the true 
spirit of the Roman was not lost in him. This speech operated up- 
on the Senate variously as they were more or less in the secret; man% 
believed the sincerity of his profession, and therefore regarded his 
conduct, as an act of unequalled heroism, be3'ond any thing that had 
hitherto appeared in Rome — others, equally ignorant of his motives, 
distrusted his designs. Some there were, who, having greatly suffer- 
ed during the late popular commotions were fearful of having them 
renewed; but the majority, who were entirely devoted to his in- 
terests; and instructed by his ministers, frequently attempted to in 
terrupt him while speaking, and received his proposal with pretended 
indignation- These unanimously besought him not to resign the ad- 
ministration, but upon his continuing to decline their request, they, 
in a manner, compelled him to comply. Again, this show of a re- 
signation only served to confirm him in the empire and the heart* 
of the people. New honors were heaped noon him. He was t\w\'. 



40 

li(5t called Augustus, a name I have hitherto used, as that by which 
he is best known in history. A laurel was ordered to be planted at 
his gates. Mis house was called the Palace, to distinguish it from 
that of ordinary citizens. He was confirmed in the title of father of 
hisi country, and his person declared sacred and inviolable." 

Now hear the speech of the bloody Tiberius, the third Caesar: — 
Translation from Tacilus's Annals, liber I, chap. J I, 12. 

"When the will of Augustus had been read in the Senate; and the 
mode of honoring l)is remains had been agreed upon; Messala pro- 
posed that Tiberius shouid be recognised as Emperor, and that the 
oath of allegiance should be yearly administered in his name. Ti- 
berius seemed distressed, lest the proposition of Messala should ap- 
pear to be the result of combination. But he was soon relieved by 
the declaration of that Senator, that '^/ic only consulted the public 
good,^' by proposing to recognise as Emperor, the man who had 
long been the chief counsellor of Augustus. 

" When dccloi'ed Enjperor by the Senate, he modestly replied, ^'that 
he felt hnpi-esscd ivith the magnihide of the task before him; that 
the tvisdoni of his predecessor alone was adequate to the performance 
of the duties imposed by that ^eminent charge,^ that in the vicissitudes 
of a life devoted to the service of his country, and particularly since 
he had been called to a participation in the cares of his illustrious pre- 
decessor, he had learned hoto arduous and how important a trust that 
was which he was about to undertake: 

"Wherefore, he could not but regret, that among so many citizens. 
all enjoying in eminent degrees the confidence of their country, he shotdd 
have been selected, to bear alone the lohole burden of the Empire. He 
ivas desirous at least, of having the labours of his high trust divided. 
if the Senate woidd not consent to his declining it altogether.''^ 

" Upon which, Assinus Gallus had the boldness to ask, what portion 
of the public afiairs it was his pleasure to administer.'^ Tiberius struck 
with so unexpected an interrogation, was at first silent; then turning 
to Gallus, with a countenance that to a certainty presaged the ap- 
proaching ruin of the Senator, he replied with his wonted afi'ectation 
Ki( modesty, "that it did not become him to choose, or to reject, any 
i3or(ion of that burden from bearing Avhich, he vi'ould willingly bo 

«ixcused." 

These will suffice for the modelsof the ancient usurpers — Now , 
take a view of some of the modern cast. Oliver Cromwell, is the 
most remarkable in modern history; and although as great a hypo- 
crite as any tyrant of ancient or modern times, had differed somc- 
>vhat from the rest in the "modus operandi." 

He effected his despotic objects through religious fanaticism, for 
the love of the Lord, and the good of the nation; or in other words 
for '^bettering the condition of the people." 

He employed a fanatical army for his elevation to unlimited pov/er, 
and made rather shorter work with his Parliament, than the Koaian 
t^ffisar did with the Roman Senate. Hear the account of his last 
act of usurpation, taken from the history of Modern Europe, vol. ", 
.pag^e 423, 



4 



f^ 



"Enraged at such obstinac}^ Cromwell hastened to the House 
with three hundred soldiers, some of whom he placed at the door, 
some in the lobby, and some on the stairs. He first addressed himself 
to his friend, St. John, telling him, "he had come with a purpose ol" 
doing what pierced him to the ver}' soul, and what he had earne?t- 
Jy besought the Lord not to impose upon him; but there was a ne- 
cessity, he added, for the glory of God, ami the good of the nation." 

He sat down for some time, and heard the debates. 

Afterwards, starting up suddenly, as if under the influence of in- 
spiration, or insanity, lie loaded the Parliament with the keenest re- 
proaches, for its " tyranny, oppression, and robbing the public." 

Then stamping with his loot, which was a signal for the soldiers 
to enter: "For shame!" said he to the members, "Get you gone; 
and give place to honest men; to those who will more faithful!}' dis- 
charge their trust. You are no longer a Parliament! I tell yon, yon 
are no longer a Parliament! The Lord hath done with you; he ha;^ 
chosen other instruments for carrying on his works." 

Sir Henry Vane, remonstrating against this outrage, Cromwell ex- 
clamed with a loud voice, "O! Sir Henry Vane! Sir Eienry Vane! 
the Lord deliver me from Sir Henry Vane;" words by which it should 
seem, that he wished some of the soldiers to dispatch him. Taking- 
hold of Martin by the cloak, "Thou art a whore-master," said he; 
to another, "thou art an adulterer;" to a third, "thou art a drunk- 
ard and a glutton," and to the fourth, "thou art an extortioner." 

He commanded a soldier to seize the mace, saying, "What siiall 
we do with this bauble.'' Here," added he, "take it away; it is you," 
subjoined he, addressing himself to the members, "t!iat have made 
nie to proceed thus. 1 have sougiit the Lord night and day, t!iat He 
would rather slay me than put me upon this work!" And having 
previously commanded the soldiers to clear the House, he ordered 
the door to be locked, put the key in his pocket and retired to his 
lodgings in Whitehall!" 

Here Oliver, whilst in the act of turning his Parliament out of 
doors by means of a fanatical armed band, declared it was their own 
work, and the work of the Lord; and that he had sought the Ijord, 
day and night, that He would rather slay him, than put him upon 
this work. So Bonaparte, in the progressive steps of his usurpa- 
tions, declared they were nothing for himself, but all for bettering the 
condition of the French people; and after possessing himself of" the 
power, and patronage of tiie nation, placing himself at the licad of 
the army and navy, he most disinterestedly, and patriotically, threw 
himself upon the election of the people, for his hereditary, Imperial 
diadem, and founded his title to the Imperial throne upon the peo- 
ple's election. 

So, more recently, Iturbide coaxed the Mexicans to coax him to 
be their Emperor, solely for the purpose of bettering their oivn con- 
dition, and carried his modest refusal so far, as to remind the people 
of the duplicity of the Caesars, and declared, that he could not be 
prevailed upon to follow their example. But when the people yield- 
ed to his reasoning and his refusals, being at the head of the army, 



4b 

he determined to coax himself to become tlie Mexican Emperor, and 
was so declared. Now liear the President's reply to the committee 
of the House of Representatives, appointed to notify him of his elec- 
tion to his eminent charge. 

''Gentlemen, — In receiving this testimonial from the Representa- 
tives of the people, and States of this Union, I am deeply sensible 
to the circumstances under which it has been given. All my prede- 
cessoi-s in the high station to which the favor of the House now calls 
me, have been honored with majorities of the electoral voices in their 
primary Colleges. It has been my fortune to be placed, by the occa- 
sion, in competition friendly and honorable, with three of my felloic- 
citizens, all justly enjoying y in eminent degrees, the public favor ; 
and of whose worth, talents, and services, no one entertains a high- 
er and more respcctfd sense than myself The names of two of thenr 
were, in the fulfilment of t^io provisions of the Constitution, presented 
to the selection of the House, in connexion with my own ; names 
closely associated with the glory of the nation, and one of them 
further recommended by a larger majority of tlie primary electoral 
suiirages than mine. In this slate of things, coxdd my refusal to ac- 
cept the trust delegated to a^e, gice an immediate opportiaiiiy to the 
people to form and to express with a nearer approach to unanimity, the 
?.uhject of their preference, I should not hesitate to decline the accep- 
tance oj' " this eminent charge,^^ and to submit the decision of this 
momentoxis question again to their determination. But the Constitu- 
tion itself has not so disposed of the contingency which would arise 
m the event of my refusal. I shall, therefore, repair to the post as- 
signed me by the call of my country, signified through her constir 
tutional organs; oppressed, with the magnitude of the task before me, 
hut cheered ivifh the hope of that generous support from my fellow-citir- 
zens, ichich, in the vicissitudes of a life devoted to their service, has 
never failed to sustain me — confident in the trust that the ivisdom of 
the Legislative Councils will guide and direct me in the path of my 
official duty, and relying, above all, upon the superintending Provi- 
dence of that ^^ Being in whose hand our breath is, and lohose arc all 
our ways.^^ Gentlemen, — i pray you to make acceptable to the House 
tife assurance of my profound gratitude for their confidence, and 
accept for yourselves my thanks for the friendly terms in which you 
have communicated to me their decision. 

JOHN qUINCY ADAMS. 

Washington, lOth February, 1825." 

The writer now calls upon every candid and intelligent reader to 
consider well, and to determine, whether more candour and sincerity 
are to be found in this dccJarntion, than in any one of Cue usurpers 
before quoted r Especially wiien lie reviews the means resorted to 
and the anxieties manifested by Mr. Adams during the Presiden- 
fia! canvass, and more especially of the understanding said to have 
been concerted, either directly or indirectly, between himself and 
Mr. Clay, whicli placed him with a minority of votes into the Pre- 



4.9 

sidential office; and still more especially — when Mr. Adams' change 
of political conduct is recollected, as well as his checkered conduct 
of policy from that time to the present. 

The writer here takes occasion again to remind Mr. Adams of the 
propriety of giving publicity to the suggested inducements to that 
change; and to inform him tlial the writer is in possession of the sub- 
stance of those inducements, — take notice, the substance of those in- 
ducements, from the highest and most authentic source, superadded 
to his own recollections. 

The President asserts : " In this state of things, could my refusal to 
accept the trust thus delegated to me, give an immediate opportuni- 
ty to the people to express with nearer approach to unanimity, the 
object of their preference, I should not hesitate to decline the accept- 
ance of the eminent charge, and to submit the decision of this mo- 
mentous question again to their determination." 
Hear what Mark Anthony says of the first Caesar: 
"He was my friend, faithful and just to me! 

But Brutus says, he was ambitious; 

And Brutus is an honorable man. 

He hath brought many captives home to Rome, 

Whose ransoms did the general coflers fill — 

Did this in Caesar seem ambitious? 

When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept: 

Ambition should be made of sterner stufl'. 

Yet Brutus says, he was ambitious: 

And Brutus is an honorable man. 

You all did see, that on the Luperca), i 

I thrice presented him a kingly crown. 

Which he did thrice refuse. Was this ambition: 

Yet Brutus sa3's, he was ambitious: 

And sure, he is an honorable man. 

I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke; 

But, here I am, to speak what I do know. 

You all did love him once, not without cause; 

What cause withholds you then to mourn for himr' 

O judgment! Thou art fled to brutish beasts; 

And men have lost their reason." 
Look now at the solemn assertions of the accomplished Augustus; 
and could a more striking analogy be found to tlie President's con- 
tingent refusal of his "eminent charge.^" Yes! a still more striking 
analogy will be found in the speech and policy of Tiberius Csesar. 
Substituting Mr. Speaker Clay, for the Senator Messala, and the 
analogy would be so complete, that every observant reader would be 
forced to the conclusion, that President Adams and Mr. Speaker 
Clay must have consulted Tacitus, and taken the incidents occurring 
in the Roman Senate, upon investing Tiberius with the Imperial dig- 
nit}', as the models for their observances in the elevation of Mr. 
Adams to the Presidency, and Mr. Clay to the office of Secretary of 
State, the birth place of Presidents. — All ^^for bettering the condition 
of the people, tinpalsied by their ivilL^^ 
o 



60 

Connect those Incidents with tlie following declarations of the Pre- 
sident in his Inaugural Address, and the mind would be almost com^- 
pelled to conclude, that the President had n)ade a translation from 
the speech of Tiberius, and taken it for ins own, under similar cir- 
cumstances. In several of its most important parts it would seem 
that the translation was an exact one; and the deficient parts of the 
President's letter will substantially appear to have been made up in 
his Inaugural Address. 

'^Passing from (his general review of the purposes and injunctions 
pf the Federal Constitution, and their results as indicating first traces 
of the path of duty in the discharge of my public trusty 

'^^ J turn to the administration of my predecessor^'''' &:c.-— Again, 
^^ under the pledge of their promises made by that eminent citizen, at 
the time of his first induction to this office, in his career of eight years^ 
The writer will here pause, although this part of the subject is far 
from being exhausted, to give time for review, for comparison, and 
for reflection. 

If the reader should still doubt that the effects of the President's 
measures will be, to convert a limited Government into an unlimited 
one, with or without the formality of a Congress, the writer thinks, 
that all his doubts will be completely dissipated, by accompanying 
the writer with an impartial mind, intent only upon the discovery of 
truth in the further examiiiaiion of the President's Message; that the 
President himself is acting under the impression that he has already 
boldly passed that Rubicon, and that no alternatives are now left him 
but ''Aut Ccesar, Aut KullusllV 

February 1, 182G. 



NEW SERIES.— No. VII. 

[By the Author of l*olitical Disquisitions ] 

The Golden Casket — or, The President's Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of " this 
Union." 

" AH that glisters is not pold, 

" Often liave you heard that told ; 

" Many a man liis life halh sold, 

" But my outside to behold ; 

"■ Gilded tombs do -worms infold. 

<' Had you been as -u-ise as bold, 

" Youi)}^ in limbs, in jiid^mern old, 

" Your answer had not been unscroll'd : 

" Fare you wkll; your suit is cold."' — [Shakspeare. 

Aut Ccesar — aut Julius. 

In the last Number, the writer endeavoured to present to the view 
and contemplation of the American people, the arts and dissimula- 
tions practised by certain ancient and modern usurpers, to effect their 
respective objects, and to point out the similitude between them, and 



51 

those now in a course of practical operation by the Presidc^it bf the 
United States; the effect of which will be, whatever be the intent, as 
the writer believes, to pave his way to unlimited power; either with, 
or without the formality of a Congress. The writer then paused, t6 
give the intelligent reader an opportunity of reviewing, comparing, 
and reflecting well, upon these developments; but the writer would 
not be surprised, if in the review, whilst the American people would 
laugh at the Roman people, and Senate, for becoming the dupes of 
the arts, and dissimulations of the Roman usurpers; of the British 
people and Parliament, for becoming the dupes of those of Crom- 
well; of the people and Conservative Senate of France, for becoming 
the dupes of those of Bonaparte; of the people and Government of 
Mexico, for becoming the dupes of those of the short-lived Iturbide, 
they should think themselves perfectly secure, under precisely similar 
circumstances, and at the very moment, they are theurselves becom- 
ing the dupes of precisely similar arts and dissimulations, as the wri- 
ter verily believes, tliem to be. — Thus, whilst the American people 
hug themselves in confident security, that their rights and their liber- 
ties, are too sacred, too well established, ever to be assailed by the 
most daring usurper, they may hereafter find and lament, that they 
are are not favored with this delusive exemption, and that their own 
egotistic confidence, is the real source of the present danger to both 
their rights, and their liberties. — It is this very confidence which 
causes them heedlessly to indulge a passion that Is excited, and em-' 
ployed as the instrument of the impending usurpation ; and if such 
should be the unfortunate result, and any should still remain confi- 
dent in their security, and obstinately reject the lessons of experience, 
the writer bogs the impartial attention of all such unbelievers, to a 
further extension of the similitude. In the early part of the Piesi* 
dent's Inaugural Address, it would seem that his great object was, to 
pronounce the highest wrought eulogy upon the peculiar organization 
of American institutions, and most particularly upon the value and 
importance of the federative principle, as an indispensable ingredient 
in their composition; but towards the close of this same address, he 
seems to ascribe every beneficent action over Internal Improvements, 
to the Government of this Union, leaving nothing for the State 
Governments practically to perform, and of course, stripping them 
of all claims to such beneficent action. — Hear him in his own words: 
"In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall 
be governed, in the fulfilment of those duties, my resort will be to 
that Constitution, which I shall swear, to the best of my ability to 
preserve, protect and defend. That revered instrument enumerates 
the powers, and prescribes the duties, of the Executive Magistrate; 
and, in its first words, declares the purposes to which these, and the 
whole action of the Government, instituted by it, should be invari- 
ably and sacredly devoted ; — to form a more perfect union, establish 
justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, 
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to 
the people of this Union, in their successive generations. Since the 
adoption of this iocial compact, one of these generations has passed 



52 

away. It is the work of our torefalljeiK. Adminislered by some of 
the most eminent men who contributed to its formation, through a 
most eventful period in the annals of tfie world, and through all the 
vicissitudes of peace and war, incidental to the condition of associ- 
ated man, it has not disappointed the hopes and aspirations of those 
illustrious benefactors of their age and nation. It has promoted the 
lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all; it has, to an extent, 
far beyond the ordinary lot of humanity, secured the freedom and 
happiness of this people. We now receive it as a precious inherit- 
ance from those to whom we are indebted for its establishment, 
doubly bound by the examples which they have left us, and by the 
blessings which we have enjoyed, as the frnits of their labors, to trans- 
mit the same, unijupaired, to the succeeding generation. 

"In the compass of thirty-six years since this great national cove- 
nant was instituted, a body of laws, enacted under its authority, and 
in conformity with its provisions, has unfolded its powers, and carri- 
ed into practical operation its effective energies. Subordinate de- 
partments have distributed liie executive functions in their various re- 
lations to foreign aflairs, to the revenue and expenditures, and to the 
military Ibrce of the Union, by land and sea. A co-ordinate depart- 
ment of the Judiciary has expounded the Constitution and the laws; 
settling, in harmonious coincidence with the Legislative will, numer- 
ous weighty questions of construction, which the imperfection of hu- 
man language had rendered unavoidable. The year of Jubilee, since 
the first formation of our Union, has just elapsed ; that of the decla- 
ration of our Independence is at hand. The consummation of both 
was effected by this Constitution. 

'* Since that period, a population of four millions has multiplied to 
twelve; a territory bounded by the iMississippi, has been extended 
from sea to sea; new States'have been admitted to the Union, in num- 
bers nearly equal to those of the tirst Confederation ; treaties of peace, 
amity and commerce, have been concluded with the principal domin- 
ions of the earth; the people of other nations, inhabitants of regions 
acquired, not by conquest, but by compact, have been united with us 
in the participation of our rights and duties, of our burdens and bles- 
sings ; the forest has fallen by the axe of our woodsmen; the soil has 
been made to teem by the tillage of our farmers; our commerce has 
whitened every ocean ; the dominion of man over physical nature ha? 
been extended by tlie invention of our artists; liberty and law have 
marched hand in iiand; all the purposes of human association have 
been accomplished as effectively, as under any other Government on 
the globe; and at a cost little exceeding, in a whole generation, the 
expenditure of other nations in a single year." 

Fellow-citizens, behold and exaniine this just and well drawn pic- 
ture of the political blessings which you have heretofore enjoyed un- 
der your wise and beautilul federal forms of Government, and ask 
5'ourselves; if all these felicitous blessings could have been dispersed 
throughout all the various ramifications of society, by Governiuents 
without a "heart;" without the power over Internal Improvements, 
or if such should be the blessings of Governments without a heart — ; 



6l3 

better are they without a heart, than with one. Do you vainly hope 
to increase these blessings by changing the forms and essential pow- 
er of the federative system ; and by investing the Federal Govern- 
ment alone, instead of the State Goverments, with Mr. Adams' sug- 
gested " heart" for his neio fashioned splendid consolidated Govern 
ment? and how is this strange metamorphosis to be accomplished? 
By the most cruel and unnatural operation of tearing the hearts out 
of twenty^four State Governments, amalgamating them into one, and 
forcibly incorporating it into the body of one "national," — one con- 
solidated "national" Government. Do you not think that under the 
guise of this goodly compound heart, there may be great danger of 
introducing some lurking evil spirit, into your federative system, 
which ma^r strip you of all the blessings heretofore realized and en- 
joyed, under the practical operation of that system, before the intro- 
duction of the theroretical metamorphosis now proposed? Are you 
so sure, that this cannot, and will not be the case, as to justify you 
in risking all these experienced blessings so beautifully described by 
the President himself, in search of the glittering glories of the world, 
which are placed in perspective before your fascinated eye.'' provided 
you will fall down and worship him ; provided you will grant to him 
all the means of bettering your condition, Avithout any concern or 
control of your own. Ought you not to be doubly sure of your 
mark, before you hazard all these realized inestimable blessings upon 
untried schemes, merely because they are made to glitter upon the eye, 
whilst they fade away, when held up to the faithful mirror of sound 
unbiassed judgment? 

''Have you not been often told^ 
All that glisters is not goldT^ 

Does not holy writ most emphatically so admonish you ? and are 
you still resolved to proceed, for fear you may be overtaken in your 
enchanted delusions? for fear you ma}' be awakened from your fairy 
dreams of splendor, into the dull realities of life? Are you now to 
be told, that, as heretofore, so now, and at all limes to come, the 
splendor of Government, is the slavery of man? You surely have 
much to hazard, and one more step may precipitate you down a pre- 
cipice, from which you never can return. Let the writer then, in the 
fullness of his heart, entreat you, to pause a single year, before you 
take the last fatal step. Take caution from the anxious speed which 
urges you to instant, irretrievable ruin. "O most wicked speed! ! ! ! ! to 
tear the hearts from the State Governments, ere that the sounds which 
gave due praise to the federative principle, had ceased to vibrate on the 
tongue." From these solemn warnings and admonitions, let the wri- 
ter proceed to show you, what the President emphatically says of the 
inestimable value of the federative principle in the organization of 
our complex, beautiful Governmental institutions. Here the Presi- 
dent tells you : — 

"The collisions of party spirit, which originate in speculailve 
opinions, or in different views of administrative policy, are, in their 
nature, transitory. — -Those which are founded on geographical divi- 
sions, adverse interests of soil, climate, and modes of domestic life, 



64 

«re more |iertnaAerit, and therefore, perhaps more dangerous. It is 
this which gives inestimable value to the character of our Govern- 
ment, at once federal and national. It holds out to us a perpetual 
admonition to preserve alike and with equal anxiety, the rights of 
each individual State in its own Government, and the rights of the 
whole nation in that of the Union. Whatsoever is of domestic con- 
cernment, unconnected with the other members of the Union, or with 
foreign lands, belongs exclusively to the administration of the State 
Governments. Whatsoever directly involves the rights and interests 
of the federative fraternity, or of (breign powers, is of the resort of 
this General Government. The duties of both are obvious in the 
general principle, though some times perplexed with difficulties in the 
detail. To respect the rights of the Stale Governments, is the invi- 
olable duty of that of the Union; the Government of every State, 
will feel its own obligation to respect and preserve the rights of the 
whole." 

Yet it is this very federative principle of inestimable value to the 
character of our Government, that must be completely eradicated by 
the measures now recommended, and urged with distrustful, fearful 
speed, to its consummation. The President proceeds: — 

^^ It holds out to us a perpetual admonition to jyreserve. alike and ivith 
equal anxiety, the rights of each individual State in its own Govern- 
ment, and the rights of the whole nation in that of the Union^ Yet 
this perpetual admonition seems to be exerted in vain upon the Pre- 
sident himself; for, whilst at the moment he is engaged in suggesting 
its influence, he is also engaged in passionately urging a policy, as 
the writer thinks, in utter disregard, and despite of his own sugges- 
tion. The President proceexls:— 

" Whatsoever is of domestic concernment, unconnected with the 
other members of the Union, or with foreign lands, belongs exclusive- 
ly to the administration of the State Governments.^^ VVhat can be 
more characteristic of domestic concernment, than Internal Improve- 
ments — roads and canals, ivithin the limits and jurisdiction of the in- 
dividual States? Can more candour or sincerity be found in this 
solemn declaration, than can be found in the President's assertion of 
his determination, unhesitatingly to refuse the Presidential office, but 
for the want of some Constitutional provision for such a contingent 
event ? at a time too, when it was morally certain, that if left to thc 
will of the people, he could not have been elected to the " eminent 
charge.'*" and when now, he seems determined not to be palsied in 
his measures by any regard to that will: — To that very will, which 
he asserts he was tlien willing to refer his own political destiny .'' and 
when too, he makes the following declaration in the same address: 

"In this brief outline of the pro^mise and performance of my im- 
mediate predecessor, the line of duty, for his successor, is clearly de- 
lineated. To pursue, to their consummation, those purposes of im- 
provement in our common condition, instituted or recommended by 
him, will embrace the whole sphere of niy obligations. To the topic 
of Internal Improvement, em|)hatically urged by him at his Inaugu- 
ration, 1 recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which I am 



convinced that llie unborn millions of our posterity, who are, in fdr 
ture ages, to people this continont, will derive their most fervent gra- 
titude to the founders of the Union; that, in which the beneficent 
action of its Government will be most deeply felt and acknowledj^ed. 
The magnificence and splendor of tiieir public works are among the 
imperishable glories of the ancient Republics. The roads and aque- 
ducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after ages, and have 
survived thousands of years, after all her conquests have been swal- 
lowed up in despotism, or become the spoil of barbarians." 

The contradiction and inconsistency of these two quotations are 
so obvious, both in letter and in spirit, that it can scarcely be neces- 
sary to point them out. Let it then suffice to say, that the beneficent 
action over Internal Improvements, which is to call forth the fervent 
gratitude of unborn millions, is exclusively claimed for the national 
Governme:»t; whilst the State Governments whose powers are before 
admitted, to extend exclusively to every thing of ^ domestic concernment,* 
are excluded from all participation in this beneficient action; and of 
course, from all participation in this fervent gratitude of the unborn 
millions. Let us proceed at once to the examination of the con- 
tents of the Golden Casket. The first section of these contents re- 
quiring attention, will be found in the following words: — 

"Europe, with a few partial and unhappy exceptions, has enjoyed 
ten years of peace, during which all her Governments, lohatever the 
theory of their Constitutions may have been, are successively taught 
to feel that the end of their institutions is the happiness of the people; 
and that the exercise of power among men can be justified only by 
the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is exerted." 

Upon reading this volunteer, insulated section in the exordium of 
the message, whilst its efl'ects will be found in the peroration, the 
writer's first impression, suggested the following inquiries: 1st. For 
what purpose were the contents of this section introduced here.'* 2d. 
What lessons have been taught to the powers of Europe since the 
European peace, which caused them " to feel, that the end of their 
institutions is the happiness of the people, and the exercise of power 
among men can be justified only by the blessings it confers upon 
those over whom it is exerted .'"' .3d. And what demonstrations all 
the powers of Europe, " whatever the theory of their Constitutions 
may have been," have given within the last ten years of having been 
taught, within that time, these beneficent lessons which could have 
entered into the President's contemplations.'' From long habit the 
President seems to have acquired a peculiar faculty of transposing 
any particular impress from his own mind, to that of another, by the 
use of general, abstract phrases, which he seems to prefer upon deli- 
cate occasions, as if to avoid the responsibilities arising from par- 
ticular applications, whilst he thus effects his object, in making the 
intended impression. Upon first reading this quotation, the impres- 
sion made upon the writer's mind, was, that there was no difference 
in the forms or theories of Constiutions, the ends of all being the 
same; that the inestimable federative principle in the American insti- 
tutions had been heretofore mistaken j and that the distribution of 



dti 

powers under that principle, and the limitations of the powers of the 
practical Governments, had lost all their peculiar merits, or never 
possessed any; and without an effort of mind on the part of the wri- 
ter, Pope's notions of the forms, and theories of Government, invol- 
untarily presented themselves, as expressed by himself in the follow- 
ing lines — 

"For forms of government let fools contest, 
That which is best administered is best." 
And in the common course of the succession of ideas, this impres- 
sion was followed by another, produced by the opinions expressed, 
in substance, in Mr. Adams' Ohio letter : That the people could not be 
S3 ineffably stupid in the performance of their work, when, in forming 
their Government, as to deny to it the means of bettering their 
own condition: since the whole merits of Government consist, not 
in their forms and theories, but in their administrations. The writer 
from a long course of reflection upon the subject, differs essentially, 
both with the President and Mr. Pope, respecting the immateriality 
of the forms and theories of Governments. He believes the differ- 
ence consists in the selection of great principles in nature, as the ba- 
sis of different Governments: That there are great principles in na- 
ture, which, when introduced into the formation of fundamental laws, 
have very different tendencies in producing good results, from mis- 
taken principles, in producing bad results upon the different practical 
Governments, founded upon them respectively. That good princi- 
ples derived from nature, and made the basis of fundamental laws, 
will intrinsically produce good tendencies in the practical Govern- 
ment, founded upon then); whilst mistaken notions, not found in 
nature, will intrinsically produce evil results; and that the great art 
in forming Constitutions, or fundamental laws, consists in choosing 
the natural principles, having in themselves good, and avoiding mis- 
taken notions, having in themselves evil tendencies. The writer 
thinks that these principles in nature, having good tendencies in them- 
selves, ought to form a new science of political economy, as hereto- 
fore explained. He thinks also, it particularly belongs to Americans, 
to introduce this new science into the world, which would repay u itii 
political light, all the scientific light received from the rest of the 
world. This point is introduced here, merely as an intimation of 
the grounds of the writer's difference of opinion, additionally to the 
experience of the practical effects of American theories, with the great 
poet and the great politician; and, having bestowed much reflection 
upon this important subject, may hereafter present to tlie public con- 
sideration, tlie results of such reflections. In the meantime, he in- 
vites his countrymen to the critical examination of this suggestion; 
and to unite their reflections with his upon it. He thinks tliat, draw- 
ing more accurately and certainly the line of demarkaiion, between 
individual and GovernmoiUal rights, to which the science would di 
vectly lead, must tend to add more security to imlividual rights 
against Governmental oppression; than any science which has been 
heretofore discovered. 

The vriter is utterly at a loss to conceive what demonstrations all 



57 

the Governments of Europe, "whatever the ilieory of their Consti- 
tutions may have been," have given within the last ten years, since 
the European peace, of having been taught "to feel that the end of 
their institution is the happiness of the people ; and thni the exercise 
of power among men, can be justified only by the blessings it con- 
fers upon those over whom it is exerted.''^ Could the President mean 
to include the Holy Alliance, as one of the beneficent lessons, which 
have been taught lo "all the European Governments," within thp last 
ten years ? Could he have included within these demon^tradons of 
new beneficent lessons, the French crusade in Spain with the "cor- 
don sanitaire," for the purpose of crushing in the bud, the noble ef- 
forts making by the gallant and intelligent part of the Spanish peo- 
ple to throw ofi' their cruel despotic chains, and to regain their long 
lost liberties? By means of which machiavelian policy, and wicked, 
bloody crusade, not only has liberty been completely immolated in 
Spain, but, perhaps, tiie last drop of the best Spanish blood has been 
made to flow, in attempts to save the adored Goddess from that im- 
pious immolation, whilst the miserable remnant of the Spanish people 
are placed under still more galling, heavy chains. Cruel chains!! on 
conscience!! on mind!! on body!!! Did the President intend to in- 
clude in his high encomium, the demonstrations of Austria in Sicily, 
Naples, and Piedmont: made for the same objects, and with the like 
success? Did he mean to include the demonstrations of all the Europe- 
an Governments towards Greece? Towards classic Greece, when, after 
remaining for centuries, under the Barbarian Mussulman's iron rod, 
her spirits broken — her morals gone — her ancient energies unnerved 
— her treasures plundered. — Wljen Greece once more calls forth the 
latent germ of the still remaining virtues of her Godlike ancestry, to 
unfetter herself from her heavy chains; and when all these European 
Governments under the lessons they have been taught since the peace 
within the last ten years, look on with stoic philosophy and behold 
all those noble eflorts made in vain. Nay more, behold the Greeks, 
men, women, and children, most wantonly and cruelly slaughtered; 
their dwellings burnt, their classic grcives and fields destroyed, and 
perhaps their names extinguished !! ! blotted out from the names of 
nations!!! by the unbelieving. Barbarian Mussulman! ! ! Even re- 
ligion loses her charms, in the eyes of these eulogised newly taught 
European Governments, however lovingly wooed by them, on other 
occasions, when she would stretch forth her potent arm to stay the 
bloody barbarian hand of despotism ; to break the galling unrelent- 
ing cliains of slavery's victims; and to restore to suffering, plunder- 
ed, degraded man, the blessings of liberty, his birth-right from 
his God!! Did lie mean to include the demonstrations of all the 
European Governments in fixing their iron claws upon the press — 
the friend and guardian of liberty, and the rights of man, and the 
dread and terror of tyrants? and turning the science of political econ^ 
mny out of the doors of all the seats of learning in most of the coun- 
tries of Europe? Since these demonstrations made by all the Eii- 
ropean Governments, under the theory of their constitutions, what is 
EPeK in continental Europe, but the silent death-like calm of despot 
H 



&8 

ism? All the legiiimates exerting tlie liberty of their Government; 
in bettering the condition of ilieir suhnnssive subjects, unpalsied bv 
the will of constituents. Their submissive subjects being denied all 
will — or if will they have, it must be kept witlsin their teeth, whilst 
the only right awarded them, is the right to obey the stern mandates 
of their sovereign masters. To obey them too, without one murmur 
of complaint whispered above their breath. Have there been any 
oti'.er demonstrations worth regard than these, since the European 
peace, within ihe last ten years, which would have taught all the 
European Governments "to feel that the end of their institution is 
the h?ippine?s of the people, and that the exercise of power among 
men can be justified only by the blessings it confers upon those over 
whom it is exerted." The Holy Alliance is the only great lesson 
taught all the Governments of Europe, since the European peace, 
tviihin the last ten ySars; and these are the demonst»alions of the re- 
sults of that lesson. If there be any other wonh regard, the writer 
knows them not. He hopes the President knows of some other, to 
which he alludes in his high wrought eulogium upon the practical re- 
sults of the theories of all the Governments of Europe, developed 
witi u) the last ten years. — If he should know of none others, then 
this glittering sublimated message contains the strongest demonstra- 
tions of his welcome of these beneficent results to these United States. 
Perhaps these are amongst the European lights, for which the Pre- 
sideiii acknowlerlges a debt of gratitude from these United States to 
the European Governments, and that these lights ought to be substi- 
tuted iiere in exchange for the great American political luminary— 
-The blessed light of libert}^ 

Fellow-Citizens! Look well at these things. The papers now 
laid before you are all authentic. Examine them for yourselves. — 
Ponder upon their contents. Perhaps the writer may have uninten- 
tionally mistaken their meaning. But he fears he has not. Do you 
know of any other great lesson taught all the European Govern- 
ments within the last ten years under the theory of their Constitu- 
tions, than the lesson of the Holy Alliance? If you should recollect 
none others yourselves, ask the President's most partial friends, ask 
his blind devotees, ask the panders of his will, and the sycophants 
of his patronnge, whether they recollect any others, and to tell you, 
what these other lessons are? If there should be none other, do you 
see no danger in the ligiits reflected by those lessons? If there be 
danger in them, is it not increased one hundred fold through their 
eulogies, and welcome here, by the highest officer in the nation? 1 
presume, lew will require to be told, of the danger to liberty from 
the Holy Alliance, and its practical demonstration already made; 
but many are yet to be told, that the danger to liberty from the Holy 
Alliance, and its results, is comparatively nothing, as the writer verily 
believes, to the danger from the unholy alliances already formed, and 
forming at Washington, to trample justice and principle under foot, 
as well as liberty — to plunder one man for the benefit of another!!! 
When such cunning trafiic becomes the law, then justice,, virtue and 
liberty must all be trampled under foot!! After their glittering 



crowns had been made to totter upon the heads of all the legitimates 
of Europe, by the French revohition, and might have tottered to 
their fall, but for the mad ambition of one daring usurper, it was to 
have been expected, that all their Governments would league together 
against liberty. 

They have done no more, in their Holy Alliance. But could any 
thing have been more unexpected, and deprecated than the high eu- 
logiums paid their developments here? Paid by the chief of the 
Union! ! ! That the forms and theories of our federal system, should 
fall before them. That all the limitations upon the powers of die 
practical Government should be turned to naught: and that these 
new European lights, shed forth within the lasi ten years, should be 
welcomed in their stead!! Thai the light of liberty should be ex- 
tinguished before the more dazzling lights of the Holy Alliance!!! 
The great American western light of liberty! ! And "once put out 
(hy light," in these United States, thou great bright luminary!! 
Thou celestial beneficent Goddess!!! Thou great benignant bene- 
factress of mankind!!! Until now the Goddess most worshipped 
and adored by the American people and Govemment — " Once put 
out thy light" in these United States! ! ! and where is that Promethe- 
an heat, that can thy light relumiue ! I! ! 

February 10, 1820, 



NEW SERIES— No. VIIL 

[By ihe Author of Political Disquisitions.] 

The Golden Casket — or. The President's Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this 
Union." 

*' All that g^listers is not gold, 
" Often have ym heurd that told ; 
" Many a man his hfe hath sold, 
'■' But my outside to behold ; 
" Gilded tninbs do -worms infuUL 
" flad j'ou been as wise as bold, 
•' Young ill limbs, in jud^mejit old, 
♦« Your answer had not been unscroll'd ; 
" Fare you we//; your suit ia cold." — Shakspeare. 

Aut CcBsar — Aut Nullus. 

The President speaks of a few exceptions from the lessons taught 
to all the European Governments, and from the blessed effects of 
their administrative policy within the last ten years. T!ie writer is 
at a loss to conceive the particular instances of exceptions to the ad- 
ministrative policy of all the European Governments within the last 
ten years, to which the President alludes. He knows of but two ex- 
ceptions — Both highly honorable to tlie excepting nation. — Great 
Britain has expressly disavowed the great principle of the Hi>ly Al- 
liance : That all the parties to the Holy Compact shall stand bound 



CO 

to each other, to unite in the suppression fjf all att«mpts of the sub- 
jects of any one or more of the contracting parlies, to better their 
own condition, by the exercise of their own will, in chancing: their 
own political institutions. But this honorable exception seems to 
have escaped all the President's culogiums, upon all the Govern- 
ments of Europe, v/hatever may be the difference in the tlieory of 
their Constitutions, for llieir beneficent administrative policy towards 
their subjects, within the last ten years — The British policy seeming 
to be directly at points with his own administrative policy. Great 
Britain in the other exception, has, by her late administrative policy, 
shocked the feelings, and palsied the darling administrative policy of 
the last and present administi ntion of the United States, against 
long established customs, and inveterate prejudices and habits, by the 
mere force of the improvement in the human intellect. Great Bri- 
tain within the last ten years, and whilst all the other Governments 
of Europe were making demonstrations upon the lessons taught them 
by the Holy Alliance, has taught the wis;^r lesson; that through her 
restrictive administrative policy, corporations, monopolies and boun- 
ties, her population had become divided into extreme rich and ex- 
treme poor. The rich made vicious, and profligate, by the excess 
of their riches. The poor made vicious, and wretched, by the ex- 
tremes of their poverty ; and that this operation had been going on, 
till one million and a half of the poor had become technically pau- 
pers, inhabitants of poor houses; and whilst perhaps less than half 
a million of the whole population were made wretched, from the 
want of genius to spend their wealth, for their own healiii and com- 
fort, which had accrued to thesn, by the unwise and unjust favoritism 
of the Government, and had resolved to make a wis<- and laudable 
effort to relieve the nation from this destructive artificial administra- 
tive folly, and injustice. The remedy consisted in breaking down 
the misctiievous system as far as it ivas found practicable in the -pre- 
sent artificial state of things, in Great Britain — a state of things 
produced by former notions, now found to have been mistaken. — 
But for these great, wise, and benevolent efforts, the British Govern- 
ment has found no favor in the eyes of the President, but has sub- 
jected itself to the resentful rebukes of his two first Secretaries — Mr. 
Clay, and Mr. Rush; Mr. Clay by way of precedent, is forced to 
lament; Mr. Rush, after subsequent .•^dvisement. Jn Mr. Clay's ('aj 
"yclept speech in support of an American system for the protection 
of American industry," he introduces such a crowd of statistics, it 
is wonderful that even his great memory was not borne down by 
their ponderous weight. But he seerns to have at least been so op- 
pressed by the burthen, as either to have mistaken their applications 
and results altogether, or to have left tl.eni altogether unemployed. 
Thus, in page 13, Mr. Clay gives the following towering statement 
of staiislics. " A statistical writer of that country, several years 



(a) The loregoing quotations will be further analized herealter, 
in reference to other views of the subject— all going to prove the 
same results. 



6b 

ago, estimated the total amount of the artificial or machine labor of 
of the nation, to be equal to that of one hundred millions of able 
bodied laborers. Subsequent estimates of her artificial labor at the 
present day, carry it to the enormous height of two hundred milli- 
ons. But the population of the three Kingdoms, is 21,500,000. 
Supposing that, to furnish able bodied laborers to the amount of four 
millions, the natural labor will be but two per cent of the artificial 
labor. In the production of wealth, she operates, therefore, by a 
power (includh)g the whole population) of 221,500,000, or in other 
words, by a power eleven times greater th;in the total of natural 
power. If we suppose the machine labor of the United States to be 
equal to that of 10,000.000 oi able bodied men, the United States 
will operate in the creation of wealth, by a power (including all the 
population) of 20,000,000. In the creation of wealth, therefore, the 
power of Great Britain, compared to that of the United States, is as 
eleven to one." What then Mr. Clay? where is the moral to be de- 
duced from all these many millions of natural, and artificial labor- 
ers? Does it furnish an argument for, or against, an unjust tariff? 
you have forgotten to tell, whether it be pro or con. — ^The argument 
against an unjust tariff would be irresistible, if individuals be the 
real inventors of all these labor-saving machines. But Mr. Clay 
seems here, to be upon the very verge of converting the British King 
and Parliament, into inventors of spinning jennies, and twisters of 
cotton, without any discernible object, unless it be, to pass the bene- 
ficial results, from this sounding collection of statistics, to the credit 
of the British Government, and to take them from the individual in- 
ventors, and operators; or why introduce them here? There could 
be no object, unless it were, to show' the unbounded beneficence of 
Government, in bettering the condition of the people, by the inven- 
tion and employment of labor-saving machines. Now, it ought to 
haN'e been known to Mr. Clay, that the British Government never 
did invent one of these machines for saving labor; nor even spin a 
spool of cotton ; nor did any other Government ever invent a labor 
saving luachine, nor exercise a mechanic art for the improvement of 
productive labor, and for bettering the cdhdition of the people. All 
these beneficial inventions, are the works of individuals; and in this 
fatal misconception, will be found the great error of the fashionable 
political economist. Individual rights, and individual energies, are 
mistaken for Governmental rights, and Governmental energies; and 
the fatal conclusion is, that Government is every thing, and the 
people nothing; of course the Government becomes despotic, and 
the people enslaved; whereas, the people, in their individual capaci- 
ties, are the source of all productive labor, and no legitimate Go- 
vernment has any right over the products of such labor; but to ap-- 
ply the great principle of justice, in securing to every one, the pro- 
ducts of his own labor. The moment Government introduces its in- 
justice into the distribution of the proceeds of labor, by taking from 
one man, the proceeds of his own labor, and gives them to another, 
the principle of natural justice, is set at naught; the inducement to 
individual labor is lessened, and all the evil consequences follow. 



{i2 

which ever have, and ever will attend all violations of the great prin- 
ciple of natural justice. — "Honesty is the best policy." Nor did 
ever any departure from it, produce any good. — Great Britain has 
carried this principle of the variation of the proceeds of labor, far- 
ther than any other nation, and she is now feeling its deplo.able ef- 
fects more deeply than any other nation on the globe. These re- 
sults have been prcjduced in despite of more moral, political, and ter- 
ritorial advantages, than ever perhaps has fallen to the lot of any 
other nation. One general effect has been, to produce greater ex- 
tremes in the pecuniary condition of the British population, than of 
any other nation. One million and a half of her people are in poor 
houses. Other millions are laborers upon a bare subsistence, whilst 
perhaps less than half a million, are living in a state of unequalled 
splendor. One description is thus rendered vicious, submissive, and 
wretched. The other, profligate, overbearing, and gouty. When 
these wretched extremes of the British population, produced by ar- 
tificial variations in the distribution of labor by tythes and taxes, by 
restrictive corporations, privileges, and monopolies, are presented to 
the view of the fashionable economists, they turn away from the mil- 
lions of the oppressed, and with triumphant plaudits, point to the fa- 
vored kw, with all their glittering wealth and splendor. Thus, when 
you point to the miseries of the oppressed, they point to the glitter 
of the oppressors. No one ever pretended, that the few favored op- 
pressors were oppressed; but the many unfavored laborers, whose 
labor affords the means of their own misery, and oppressions, as 
well as of the luxuries and splendor of their oppressors. It is this 
unnatural and deplorable state of things, arising from the principle 
of favoritism which the British economists have discovered, and are 
attempting to remedy; and it is this effort, which seems to have call- 
ed down the disapprobation of the American administration. But 
the buoyant Mr. Secretary Rush, is not content with the extremes 
to which Great Britain has carried her system of favoritism, and 
which Mr. Clay calls " an American System, for the protection of 
American industry', " — a singular example, amongst many others, of 
his disregard of candor anfl sincerity; he claims capacities and pow- 
ers for the American Government, which the British statesmen never 
thought of He thinks it amongst "the highest ends of legislation, 
to augment the number and variety of occvpations, and to create em- 
ployment" for all the inhabitants of the country, and to make them 
work to the utmost stretch of their physical, and mental powers. 
Now, the British Government, with all its researches into the artifi- 
cial contrivances of Government, never claimed capacity, nor power, 
"io augment the number and variety of occupations" in society, nor 
" io create employment^'' for all the inhabitants of Great Britain; still 
less, to keep all the human faculties unremittingly at work, so as to 
bring into requisition every particle of physical power, and every 
shade of genius. These may be considered purely the products of 
Mr. RusIj's inventive faculties. Suppose then, that Mr. Rush may 
find himself mistaken in these new developments, would he not ad- 
mit, that the consequences he deduced from them, may also be mis- 



6$ 

taken, and if so, would he not forbear the measures he bottoms upon 
these misconceived doctrines? Doctrines, which extend the despo- 
tism of Government to a higher pitch, than ever before entered the 
mind of man. " Ne plus ultra." If these whimsical notions be ne- 
cessary to sustain the tariff, ou^ht it not to be repealed when their 
fallacies are discovered ? The President is certainly responsible for 
all these despotic doctrines and imaginary notions; because he se- 
lected his first Secretary, after he had asserted these, and many other 
equally extraordinary, despotic, and misconceived imaginary notions; 
and his second, before his new inventions, which, however, must be 
presumed to have be-^ni laid before ihe President, and of course, to 
have received his approbation and sanction. These views are exhi- 
bited here, as (he adopted views of the President, and to show that 
he claims powers for the limited General Government, not only un- 
limited in themselves, but powers beyond the limits of all Govern- 
mental objects, and capacities, whatever may be the theories of their 
Constitutions. 

But if further proof were wanting upon this point, the writer 
thinks it is abundantly afforded in other parts of the President's 
Message — Hear its own words : 

"But, if the power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases 
whatsoever over the District of Columbia; if the power to lay and 
collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts, and pro- 
vide for the common defence and general welfare of the United 
States; if the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations aiid 
among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; to fix the stan- 
dard of weights and measures ; to establish post offices and post 
roads; to declare war; to raise and support armies; to provide and 
maintain a navy; to dispose of and make all needful rules and re- 
gulations respecting the territor}' or other property belonging to the 
United States ; and to make all laws which shall be necessary and 
proper for carrying these powers into execution : If these powers, 
and others enumerated in the Constitution, may be effectually 
brought into action by laws promoting the improvement of Agricul- 
ture, Commerce, and Manufactures, the cultivation and encouraLce- 
ment of the mechanic and the elegant Arts, the advancement of Li- 
terature, and the progress of the Sciences, ornamental and profound, 
to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the people them- 
selves, would be to hide in the earth the talent committed to our 
charge — would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts." 

This quotation furnishes a quizzical, hyyothetical process of ratio- 
cination, but its object can be no more mistaken, than if it had been 
explicit and unequivocal. It is most ingeniously arranged, as the 
writer thinks, for the purpose of presenting the object, and avoiding 
the responsibility of a direct application. The git of this ratiocina^ 
tion consists, in the amalgamation, and consolidation of certain se- 
lected specified powers taken from the Constitution, forming a mo- 
mentum by their union, which would not be produced by 'a single 
specified power, as a medium for the derivation of any other iiici- 
dental power, when taken singly, and unaided by the amalgamation 



64 

of other specified powers with it, and from this consolidated niomen- 
tiiin makes this l)ypothetical deduction — " If these powers, and others 
enumerated in tlie Constitution, may be effectuall}' brought into ac- 
tion, by laws promoting the improvement of agriculture, commerce, 
and manufactures, the cuhivation and encouragement of the mecha- 
nic, and the elegant arts, the advancement of literature, and the pro- 
gress of the sciences, ornamental and profound, — to refrain from ex- 
♦■rcising them, /or the benefit of the people themselves, would he to hide 
in the Earth the talent committed to our charge — would be treachery 
to the most sacred of trusts.'" Terrific trusts!!! Now, it should be 
first, and necessarily asked, here, what talent it is, which is commit- 
ted to our charge? The answer would necessarily be, the powers 
above enumerated, and those hypothetically deduced therefrom. In 
the next place, it should be asked, if all these powers are to be exer- 
cised by the General Government, what powers are left to be exer- 
cised by the State Governments? The writer knows of none. The 
General Government then will have swallowed up all powers, and 
left none to the State Govenmients. But suppose, these specifica- 
tions, and deductions, should not have swallowed up all the powers, 
may not all the rest be obtained at pleasure, by adding another link 
to this chain of sophisticated ratiocination ? For if the amalgamation, 
and consolidation of the specified powers, can produce all the fore- 
going deduced powers, add then the accumulation of powers thus 
deduced, to the specified powers, and the momentum of the whole, 
being greater than the momentum of the part deducing them; a for- 
tiori, the two momentums amalgamated will necessarily attract alt 
other powers when wanted. This conclu^ion is undeniable; and con- 
sequently, all power whatever is usurped by the General Govern- 
ment; leaving not one scintilla to the Slate Governments. The wri- 
ter has not overlooked the solenm admonition of the President, to 
Congress, in the preceding section; "not to permit any considera- 
tions to urge it to transcend the powers committed to you by that 
venerable instrument, whicl) we are all bound to support — let no 
consideration induce you to assume the exercise of powers not grant- 
ed you, by the people.'' But this admonition can only be considered 
as a decoy, to draw the attention from the true character of the practical 
measures strongly recommended by himself immediately afterwards, 
described to he "a talent committed to our charge,'' and to refuse to 
use il, "■xoould be treachery to the most sacred of trusts:" Solemnly 
warning Congress against hiding this talent in the earth, which talent 
consists in unlimited power, as the writer conceives, is in direct hos- 
lility with this other solemn admonition to Congress — and seems to 
ihc writer, to represent the President in the unholy attitude of fondly 
hugging his venerable, beloved Constitution with one arm, whilst he 
(s cruelly stabbing to the heart, the dear object of his love, with the 
other. There is nothing, in the judgment of the writer, which proves 
more clearly the President's object, in the usurpation of unlimited 
power, than the theoretical decoys, which uniformly attend every prac- 
tical contrivance to effect each usurpation. The President proceeds : 
"Tlic spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimu- 
lates the heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizen • 



65 

alone, but of tlie Nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While 
dwellinjT with pleasing satisfaction upon tlie superior excellence of 
our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that Liberty is 
Power; that the Nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty, 
must, in proportion to its numbers, be tlie most powerful Nation up- 
on eartii ; and that the tenure of power by man, is, in the moral pur- 
poses of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends 
of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow- 
men. While foreign Nations, less blessed with that freedom which 
is power, than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the 
career of public improvement; were we to slumber in indolence, or 
fold up our arms and proclaim to the World that we are palsied by 
the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast awa}' the bounties 
of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority?" 

It cannot escape observation, that tliis quotation exhibits the same 
quizzical, hypothetical organization, with the other, and holds out a 
similar decoy to divert the attention from the practical effect, it seems 
intended to be produced. What is the plain inference from a just 
analysis of the following sentence? "While foreign Nations, less 
blessed with that freedom which is power, than ourselves, are ad- 
vancing with gigantic strides in the career of public improvement; 
were we to slumber in indolence, or fold np our arms and proclaim (a 
the World, that toe arc palsied by the xoill of our constituents, would 
it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves 
to perpetual inferiority^/'^ Fellow-Citizens! examine this section 
well— It well deserves analysis, and dissection. You will find your 
dearest rights and liberties deeply nfiected by its contents, when strip- 
ped of their ambiguity, abstraction, and metaphorical confusion. It 
commences with reference to foreign Nations, and evidently uses the 
term Nations, as synonymous with Governments. What sayS the 
President of foreign Nations? That "they are less blessed with that 
freedom, v.hich is power, than ourselves." Without analyzing at this 
time the meaning of the term, "that frecdoin, which is power," as 
being unnecessary in the present view of the subject, it is admitted to 
Iiave been introduced here, for the purpose of asserting a superiority 
of our political institutions, over those of foreign Nations. But it 
can only be considered, the decoy for the practical usurpation, which 
is immediately after deduced from a comparison of the superiority of 
the Administrative power, and policy of foreign Governments, over 
those of the United States, so long as those of the United States are 
palsied by the will of constituents, and those of foreign Nations, alias 
Governments, have perfect liberty, which is power, to act according 
to their own unlimited will, without the restraints of the will of con- 
stituents. Here is another term of pure abstraction of great import, 
and deserves to be well understood. What is liie will of constituents 
in its relation to the practical Government, so as to palsy the will of 
that practical Government? The will of constituents is the funda- 
mental law, and nothing else, in relation to its influence in palsying 
the will of the practical Government. This will is proclaimed in the 
Constitutions of the States, and that of the United States,, and the 
z 



66 

most material part of that will consists, in restraints upon the will, or 
the power of the General Government. These are the only instru- 
ments, in whicli the will of our constituents is expressed, and the wri- 
ter knows of no other mode of expressing; that will, in reference to 
its influence upon the practical government but one; and that is, by 
elections. The President then, not directly, but by interrogatory, 
admits the superiority of foreign Governments in their Administra- 
tive policy, so long as the American Governments are palsied by the 
will of the consfituents of iheir administrators-. For, says the Presi- 
dent, "were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms, and pro- 
claim to the World that we are palsied by the will of our constitu- 
ents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence and 
doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority f" Inferiority to what? To 
foreign Governments? What would produce this inferiority ? This 
inferiority would be produced, by the follov/ing causes: "were we to 
slumber, or to fold up our arms, and proclaim' to tlie World, that 
we are palsied by the will of our constituents." These acts would 
ber"to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves 
to perpetual inferiority?" What then is the President's remedy for 
tliis great evil? This inferiority of the American Nation, or Govern- 
ment, to foreign Governments? It would be, not to sufter the Admi- 
nistrators of the General Government, to be palsied by the will of 
their constituents; or, in other words, not to sufler themselves to be 
palsied in the exercise of their own wills, by the will of their consti- 
tuents, proclaimed in the fundamental laws; but boldly throw off all 
the restraints imposed by that will in the fundamentcil laws: and be 
us free, or to have as much, liberty', as the Administralions of foreign 
governments, who have no fuiidamental laws to palsy their will: 
Their liberty, which is unlimited,, being their power, which is also un- 
limit-ed. By these means, the inferiority of the American Govern- 
ment would be removed; and the American Governments put upon 
a footing of equaliiy, the theories of all political institutions being 
equal,vvitli foreign Governments in their practical Administrative po- 
licy; and then, tliey would be enabled equally, with foreign Govern- 
ments, to avail themselves of the bounties of Providence, which they 
will be compelled to throw away, so long as they shall be palsied by 
the will of constituents, or in other words, so !«ng as they shall be 
bound to the observance oftlie limitations upon the practical Govern- 
ment, proclaimed in the fundamental laws, which laws are tiie will of 
constituents. In the first quotatiot) it will appear that the Federative 
princple is completely annihilated by the usurpation of all political \ 
power, under a mode of interpreting the Constitution, which is per- 
fectly new; and leaving the States destitute ©f all power. In the 
last, will be seen, the most artful and earnest efforts, as the writer 
thinks, to annihilate all the limitations upon the powers of the prac- 
tical Governments. If these positions be true; and if it be also true, 
that before this Message, certain powers were retained to the States; 
and that the Federative principle still formed an essential part of our 
fundamental laws, and also that those laws did contain restraints up- | 
on the powers of the practical Government j does not the Message 



'67 

amomit to *'a proclrHnation of a great civil rcvolulioii in the Govern- 
ments of this Union?" and do not these ardent, hypothetical, meta- 
phorical eilbrts of the President to effect these objects, demonstrate 
his fixed determination to become — Aut Cazar, — Aut nulliis !!! 
February 16, 182<5. 

NOT-E. ' ~~ 

(b) "Speech in support of an American System for the protection 
of American industry." This title is altogether deceptive. It should 
be — "Speech for introducing the British System of favouritism into 
the United States, for the protection of American industry." This 
title corresponds with the body of the bill. The assumed title 
then, being deceptive and disingenuous, as the writer thinks, could 
only have been inti-oduced, ad capiantlnm vvlgus. Is this the snbtilty 
aC a forensic quibble, or the dignit}^ candor and impartiality of the 
Speaker of the House of Hepresentativesi^ The celebrated Mr.. Web- 
ster took this view of the title, in reply, and cracked a joke upon it. 
Quere — Is this uncaudid artifice, as the writer thinks it, a proper 
subject for a joke.' Are not morals involved in it? If so, does it not 
call for more severe reprehensions than are generally found in a jokef 
If any man is found deliberately wanting in candor, can any confi- 
dence be afterwards placed in his sincerity.'* If not, is it not a deplor- 
able thing that the first officers of the Nation should claim exemp- 
tions from the obligations of sincerity .'' Under such claim, what con- 
fidence ought to be pJaced in their official communications? On one 
occasion, so sacred did the British Parliament consider the veracity 
of their Monarch, that they entered into a -seven yea's v/ar, in .conse- 
quence of a charge of insincerity, brought against him by the Aus- 
trian Minister, the Count De Palm, in 1726 — although this Monarch 
was believed to be guilty of the act of insincerity charged against 
him. — See Ist Vol. Belsham's History of George III, pages 192, 
193, and Journals, House of Commons, Anno. March 13, 1726. — 
In pages 13, 14, 15, 10, of Mr. Clay's niost wonderful "Speech, in 
support of an American System for the protection of American indus- 
try," will be found a still more sounding collection of statistics, from 
which Mr. Clay does make some deductions. His object appears to 
be, to ascertain the relative ability of the peopl*? of certain Nations 
to pay taxes, according to the population of each ; and the test of 
this ability, is the amottnt of taxes actually jyaid to each Government. 
This is no test at alL To make it a test it would become necessary 
for each Government to call upon its people, to pay all they can pay. 
If this should not be done, it would not be possible to ascertain how 
much more the people could pay, if called on for more. According to 
this fallacious test, the poor people of the United States, are placed 
below the poorest people m Europe. He puts the people of Spain 
above them, in the proportion of , eleven shillings sterlitjg, to nine. 
Hear his deduction from his collection and table of statistics — page 
15. "From this exhibit we must remark, that the wealth of Great 
Britain, (and consequently her power,) is greater, (deriving her power 
from her wealth, not her liberty.) than that of any of the other Na- 



68 ^ 

tion?, ^itli uliicli it is compared. The amoiint of tiie contributions 
which she draws from (he pockets of her suhjects, is not referred to 
for imitation, but us indicative of their wealth. The burden of taxa- 
tion is ahvays relative to the abilitij of the subjects ^f it. A poor Na- 
tion can pay but little. And the heavier taxes of the British sub- 
jects, for example, m;iy be easier borne than the mxich lighter taxes 
of Spanish siil)jectp, in consequence of tlieir extreme poverty." Would 
it not be better to tax the people of the United States more, rather 
than bear this disgrace? Perhaps they could pay more if called on. 
Now hear the concluding nioral, and it will be found that tlie poor 
United States come off still worse, in comparison with other Nations. 
This error arises solely from the want of understanding on the part 
of Mr. Clay, of the real bearing- of his own collection of statistics. 
Page 16 — "The Committee will observe from that table, that the 
measure of the wealth of a Nation, is indicated by the measure of its 
protection of its industry; and th;it the measure of the poverty of a 
Nation, is marked by that of the degree in which it neglects and 
abandons the care of its own industry, leaving it exposed (o t^ie ac- 
tion of foreign powers. Great Britain protects most her industry, 
and the wealth of Great Britain is consequently the greatest. France 
is next in degree of protection, and France is next in the order of 
wealth. Spain most neglects the duty of protecting the industry of 
her subjects, and Spain is one of the poorest of European Nations. 
Unfortunate Ireland, disinherited or rendered in her industry subser- 
vient to England, is exactly in the same state of poverty with Spain, 
measured by the rule of taxation. And the United States are still 
poorer than either.''^ Poor United States!!! still poorer than the 
poorest!! How honourable to themselves and Government!! But, 
Mr. Clay means to make them richer than all, by taxing them more 
than all. By Taxes and Tariffs, and Tariffs and Taxes. What re- 
medies for poverty!! All for the general welfare, all for the public 
good, all for bettering the condition of the people. Strange! that 
the people of the United States should so long suffer themselves to 
be the sport of such wild pranks as these!!! It will also be seen that, 
before the end of the lirst year, after Mr. Clay had buoyed up the 
wealth and splendour, and ability of the British people, beyond all 
others in Europe, and America to boot, arising solely from the restric- 
tive and protective system, Great Britain herself comes out, denies 
♦Jic bcnelits of the whole system, and denounces its principles in toto; — 
particularly in the very instance, selected by Mr. Clay for his high- 
est eulogies — the protection to siik manufactures, now abandoned. 
It would be well to reprint all those four pages of statistics, for con- 
sideration at the present day. Their follies and njistakes would 
strike every intelligent reader with astonishment. It would be well, 
too, to make a comparison between the fiuure the United States 
make in the foregoing picture, and that drawn by the President in 
}iis Inaugural Address, of the superlative' blessings the United States 
enjoy The combatants, if in earnest, might find as much ground 
for political, as diplomatic pugilism. The public will, doubtlessly, 
be astonished to find, the great Orator docs not understand his own 
Speech. 



NEW SERIES— No. IX. 

[By the Author of Political Disquisitions ] 

The Golden Casket— or, The President's Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this 
Union," 

♦' All that glisters is not gold, 

" Ofien have you heard lliat told : 

" Many a man his life hath sold, 

" IJut my outside to behold : 

" Gi (led iombg do worms infuld. 

" Had you been aswise as bold, 

"Young in limbs, in jxidgmeni old, 

«' Your answer had not been «inscroll'd : 

'• F^re you ive'd : your suit is cold." — [SkakspeOhe, 

Internal Imiirovements — Individual — Governmental. 

"Look on this picture, and on that." 

Believing the subject of Internal Improvements to be the pivot, up- 
on which all the Governmental machinery has been turned, and is 
turning, for subverting the constitution of the U. S. and eradicating 
its federative principle, the writer thinks that too much attention can- 
not be bestowed on it, especially as it regards the use, which seems 
intended to be made of it in the hands of the master workman. He 
will, therefore, insert here every thing the President may have said 
upon that subject, as disclosed in the newepapers, whether official, or 
unofficial, separating his views of that subject, from all others, as far 
as is practicable. Let the writer most earnestly entreat you, fellow 
citizens, to look steadfastly at this subject for yourselves. It calls 
loudly for your own distinct and profoimd consideration. The writer 
has given the subject his whole attention. But yet he may be mis- 
taken. It would pain him to the heart, to do the smallest wrong to 
any human being. But when human liberty is at hazard, all consi- 
derations of personal feelings must stand aloof. To avoid even the 
dread possibility of doing the slightest wrong to another, the writer 
solemnly calls upon you, fellow citizens, for the exercise of your own 
ihoughts, and your own judgments. Trust no one, with a subject sc 
important. But judge in mercy, not in anger. .The writer will fur- 
nish you with the means of judging for yourselves. He will furnish, 
too, his own judgment upon them; made up in the sincerity of his 
heart; but he wishes you to judge over his judgment. First then, 
hear ever thing the President has said upon this momentous subject, 
disconnected, as far as practicable, with every other. Complain not 
of its length, it will amply repay all the troubles, all the cares, you 
shall bestow upoi^ it. Besides, it would be unjust, to give less than 
all. If the writer be not grossly mistaken, you will find in the con- 
tents, dangers to your liberty, most boldly, most ingeniously threat- 
ened. 



70 

llie opinion of John ^ulncy Adams on the subject of Internal 

Improvements. 
"The question of the power of Congress to authorise the making 
of Internal Improvements, is in other words, a question whether the 
people of this union, in forming their common social compact as 
avowedly for the purpose of promoting the general welfare, have per- 
formed their work in a manner so ineffably stupid as to deny them- 
selves the means of bettering their own condition. I have too much 
respect for the intellect of my country to believe it. The first object 
of human association, is the improvement of the condition of the as- 
sociated. Roads and Canals are among tSie most essential means of 
improving the condition of nations, and a people which should deli- 
berately by the organization of its authorised power, deprive itself of 
the faculty of multiplying its own blessings would be as wis^ as a 
creator who should undertake to constitute a human being without a 
heart." ^Ohio JVational Crisis. 

Extract from the Inaugural Address. 
•'To the topic of Internal Improvement, emphatically urged by 
him at his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction* It is that 
from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, 
who are in future ages to people this continent, will derive their most 
fervent gratitude to the founders of (he union; that on which the 
most beneficent action of its government will be most deeply fek a-nd 
acknowledged. The magnificence and splendour of their public works 
are among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. Tlie 
roads and aqueducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after 
ages; and have survived thousands of years after all her con^^u^sts 
have been swallowed up in despotism, or becomes the spoil of barba- 
rians. Some diversity of opinion has prevailed with regard to the 
powers of Congress for legislation upon objects of this nature. The 
.most respectful deference is due to doubts, originating in pure pat- 
yiotism, and restrained by venerated authority. But nearly twenty 
5ears have passed since the construction of the first national road 
was commenced. Tlie authority for its construction was then un- 
ijnestioned. To how many thousands of our countrymen has it prov- 
ed a benefit .'' To what single individual has it ever proved an injury? 
Repeated, liberal and candid discussions in the legislature have con- 
ciliated tiie sentiments and approximated the opinions of enlightened 
;ninds, upon the question of constitutional power. 1 cannot but hope, 
that, by the same process of friendly, patient, and persevering deli- 
beration, all constitutional objections will be removed. The extent 
and limitation of the powers of tlie General Government, in relation 
to this transcendantly important iiiterest, will be settled and acknow- 
ledged to the common satisfaction of all, and every speculative scru- 
ple will be solved by a practical public blessing." 

Sundry extracts from the President's Message. 
"Upon this first occasion of addressing the Legislature of the 
Union, with which I have been honored, in presenting to their view 



I 



71 

tlie execution, so far as it has been effected, of the rneasures sanctioned 
by them for promoting the Internal Improvement of our country', I 
cannot close the communication without recommending to their calm 
and persevering consideration the general principle in a more enlarg- 
ed extent. Tlve great object of the institution of civil Government, 
is the improvement of the condition of those who are parties to the 
aocial compact. And no government, xn whatever form constituted, 
can accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, but in proportion as 
it improves the condition of those over whom it is established. Roads 
and Canals, by multiplying and facilltatirrg the communications and 
intercourse between distant regions, and multitudes of men ; are 
among the most important means of improvement. But moral, poli- 
tical, intellectual improvement, are duties assigned, by the author of 
our existence, to social, no less than to individual man. For the ful- 
fifment of those duties. Governments are invested with power; and^ 
to the attainment of the end, the progressive improvement of the con- 
dition of the governed, the exercise of delegated power is a duty as 
sacred and indispensable, as the usurpation of power not granted, is 
crimitial and odious. Among the first, perhaps the very first instru- 
ment for the improvement of the condition of men, is knowledge; 
and to the acquisition of much of tl>e knowledge adapted to the wants, 
the comforts and enjoyments of huna-an life, public institutions and 
seminaries of learning are essential. So convinced of this was the 
first of my predecessors in this office, nov/ first in the memory,, as liv- 
ing, he was first in the hearts of our country, that, once and 
again, in his addresses to the Congresses, with whom he co-operated 
in the public service, he earnestly recommended the establishment of 
seminaries of learning, to prepare for all the emergencies of peace 
and war — a National University, and a Military Academy. With re- 
spect to the latter, had he lived to the present day, in turning his 
eyes to the institution at West Point, he would have enjoyed the gra- 
tification of his most earnest wishes. But, in surveying the city 
which has been honored with his name, he would have seen the spot 
of earth which he had destined and bequeathed to the use and bene- 
fit of his country, as the site for an University, still bare and barren- 
" In assuming her station among the civilized nations of the earth, 
it would seem that our country had contracted the engagement ti> 
contribute her share of mind, of labour and of expense, to the im- 
provement of those parts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach 
&( indiividual acquisition; and particularly to geographical and as- 
tronomical science. Looking back to the history only of the half 
century since the declaration of our independence, and observing the 
generous emulation with which the governments of France, Great 
Britain, and Russia, have devoted the genius, the intelligence, the 
treasures of their respective nations, to the common improvement of 
the species in these branches of science, is it not incumbent upon us 
to inquire whether we are not bound, by obligations of a high and 
bonourable character, to contribute our portion of energy and exer- 
tion to the coj.omon slock ? The voyages of discovery, prosecuted in 
tlie course of that time, at the expense of those nations, have not only 



72 

redounded to their glory, but to the improvemeut of Jiuinan know- 
ledge. We have been partakers of that improvement, and owe for it 
ji sacred debt, not only of gratitude, but of equal or proportional ex- 
ertion in the same cominon cause. Of the cost of these undertak- 
ings, if the mere expenditures of outfit, equipment, and completion of 
the expediiions, were to be considered the only charges, it would be 
unworthy of a great and generous nation to take a second ihofight. 
One hundred expeditions of circumnavigation, like those of Cooke 
and La Perouse, would not burden the exchequer of the nation fit- 
ting tliem out, so much as the ways and means of defraying a single 
campaign in war. But, if we take into the account the lives of those 
benefactors of mankind, of which their services in the cause of their 
species were the purchase, how shall the cost of those heroic enter- 
prises be estimated.^ And what compensation can be made to them, 
or to their countries, for them.'* Is it not by bearing them in affec- 
tionate remembrance.'' Is it not still more by imitating their example? 
by enabling countrymen of our own to pursue the same career, and 
to hazard their lives in the same cause? 

"In inviting the attention of Congress to the subject of Internal 
Improvements, upon a view thus enlarged, it is not my design to re- 
commend the equipment of an expedition for circumnavigating the 
globe for purposes of scientific research and inquiry. We have ob- 
jects of useful investigation nearer home, and to which our cares may 
be more beneficially applied. The interior of our own territories has 
yet been very imperfectly explored. Our coasts, along many de- 
grees of latitude upon the shores of the Pacific Ocean, though much 
frequented by our spirited commercial navigators, have been barely 
visited by our public ships. The river of the West, first fully dis- 
covered and navigated by a countryman of our own, still bears the 
name of the ship in which he ascended its waters, and claims the pro- 
tection of our armed national flag at its mouth. With the establish- 
ment of a military post there, or at some other point of that coast, 
recommended by my predecessor, and already matured, in the deli- 
berations of the last Congress, I would suggest the expediency of 
connecting the equipment of a public ship for the exploration of the 
whole northwest coast of this continent. 

" Connected with the establishment of an university, or separate 
from it, might be undertaken the erection of an astronomical obser- 
vatory, with provision for the support of an astronomer, to be in con- 
stant attendance of observation upon the phenomena of the heavens, 
and for the periodical publication of his observations. It is with no 
feeling of pride, as an American, that the remark may be made, that, 
on the comparatively small territorial surface of Europe, there are 
existing upwards of one hundred and thirty of these light-houses of 
the skies; while throughout the whole American hemisphere, there 
is not one. If we reflect a moment upon the discoveries, which, in 
the last four centuries, have been made in the physical constitution of 
the universe, by the means of these buildings, and of observers sta- 
tioned in them, shall we doubt of their usefulness, to every nation ? 
And while scarcely a year passes over our heads without bringin^r 



73 

some new astronomical discovery to liglit, which we must fain receive 
at second hand from Europe, are we not cutting ourselves ofl' from 
the means of returning light for light, while we have neither obser- 
vatory nor observer upon our half of the globe, and the earth re- 
volves in perpetual darkness to our unsearching eyes? 

"The Constitution under which you are assembled, is a charter 
of limited powers. After full and solemn deliberation upon all or 
any of the objects, which urged by an irresistible sense of my own 
duly, I have recommended to your attention, should you come to the 
conclusion, that, however desirable in themselves, the enactment of 
laws for eflecting them would transcend the powers committed to you 
by that venerable instrument which we are all bound to support; let 
no consideration induce you to assume the exercise of powers not 
granted to you by the people. But, if the power to exercise exclu- 
sive legislation in all cases whatsoever over the District of Columbia ; 
if the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to 
pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general wel- 
fare of the United States; if the power to regulate Commerce with 
foreign nations and among the several States, and with the Indian 
tribes ; to fix the standard of weights and measures ; to establish post 
offices and post roads; to declare war; to raise and support armies; 
to provide and maintain a navy; to dispose of and make all needful 
rules and regulations, respecting the territory or other property be- 
longing to the United States; and to make all laws which shall be 
necessary and proper for carrying these powers into execution: If 
these powers, and others enumerated in the constitution, may be ef- 
fectually brought into action by laws promoting tlve improvement of 
agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, the cultivation and en- 
couragement of the mechanic and of the elegant arts, the advance- 
ment of literature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental and 
profound, — to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the 
People themselves, would be to hide in the earth the talent commit- 
ted to our charge — would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts. 

*' The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimu- 
lates the heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens 
alone, but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While dwell- 
ing with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence of our po- 
litical institutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power; 
that the nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty, must, in 
proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation upon earth; 
and that the tenure of power by man, is in the moral purposes of his 
Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of benefi- 
cence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow men — 
While foreign nations, less blessed with that freedom which is power, 
than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of 
public improvement; were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up 
our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will 
of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Pro- 
vidence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority ? In the course 
of the year now drawing to its close, we hav<^ beheld, under the aus- 
K 



74 

pices, and at the expense of one slate of this Union, a new Univer- 
sity unfolding its portals to the sons of science, and holding up the 
torch of human improvement to eyes that seek the light. We have 
seen, under the persevering and enlightened enterprise of another 
State, the waters of our Western lakes mingled with those of the 
ocean. If undertakings like these have been accomplished in the 
compass of a few years, by the authority of single members of our 
confederation, can we, the representative authorities of the whole 
Union, fall behind our fellow servants in the exercise of the trust 
committed to us for the benefit of our common sovereign, by the ac- 
complishment of works important to the whole, and to which neither 
the authority nor the resources of any one Stale can be adequate?" 
Upon reading these communications from the President, the reader 
is insensibly struck with the spirit of enthusiasm, and of anxiety, 
which calls forth the whole energies of the President's mind upon the 
subject of Internal Improvements. It would seem intrinsically to be a 
subject of arithmetical calculation, or, if some of the higher branches 
of geometry are called in to aid in the execution, it is still confined 
within rigid rules of art, which admit no scope whatever of impulses 
of passion; nor for imaginary conceptions. Why then has it happen- 
ed, that whenever the President presents this subject to view, instead 
of complying with the injunctions of the constitution, in giving " to 
the Congress information of the state of the Union,'' and, in recom- 
mending "to their consideration such measures as he shall judge ne- 
cessary and expedient," in plain simple language, he should call into 
requisition, and put upon the stretch, the whole energies of his mind, 
decorated with. metaphysical abstraction, poetical effervescence, and 
metaphorical rhapsody f Can it be for any other object, than to call 
the passions into action, in a case in which, it would seem, that judg- 
ment alone ought to be consulted? If artificial. Mechanical Internal 
Improvements of the country alone were in question, surely those 
would not afibrd any scope whatever for the indulgence of passion- 
ate excitements; but when they present a question of power; with a 
hope and prospect that political Internal Improvements may become 
substituted for artificial Internal Improvements, and one made the 
medium for effecting the other, then they open an unbounded view 
to the passions. Ambition, love of power, individual exaltation, go- 
vernmental splendour, are all arrayed before the enchanted imagina- 
tion, in all their glittering fascinating charms. Upon reviewing the 
President's message and precedent opinions, can a doubt remain, that I 
he is acting under this fasciuating hope? This glittering prospect? 
To give him success, it is indispensable that the passions should be 
excited, and kept up in full activity. Hence after the military pas- 
sion excited by the late war, had subsided, it became renewed by the 
Seminole crusade; and again subsided, it was found necessary for the 
purposes of usurpation, that some other passion should be substitut- 
ed : and that passion has been the passion for Internal Improvements, 
as the writer believes. The object of this communication then, is to I 
counteract the fatal tendencies of this passion, by proving its exis- 
tence, and exhibiting to view its deleterious effects. So far has this 



75 

passion for Governmental Internal Improvements been carried, such 
have been the unceasing excitements to its indulp:ence, so constantly 
has it been kept before the public, that it seems to have entirely es- 
caped the recollection, that tiiere is any such thing; as Individual Inter- 
nal Improvements. The great object appears to be, to keep these un- 
der the rose ; and, like the case of the beneficial energies of society, 
to give all credit to the Government, none to the people ; so all the 
beneficial effects of Internal Improvements, are ascribed to the 
Government, none to the people. Still pursuing the same system 
of making the Government ever3' thing, and the people nothing; 
whereas in this case, as in the other, individual energies in mak- 
ing Internal Improvements are incalculably greater, and better, 
than Governmental energies exerted in public Internal Improve- 
ments. It will be the object of this number, to make a general com- 
parison of individual and Governmental Internal Improvements, in 
the hope, that when the vast superiority of individual over Govern- 
mental Internal Improvements is seen, it may check the destructive 
papsions, which have been enlisted in favour of Governmental ; whilst 
the existence of Individual Internal Improvements seem to have been 
forgotten. It will at least serve to show, that the power to make In- 
ternal Improvements, is not so essential to the General Government, 
as to be purchased at the expense of the federative principle, and the 
restraints upon the powers of the practical Government. First, Indi- 
vidual, are more extensive than Governmental Interna! Improvements. 
Individuals being left free, with their own means of Internal Improve- 
ments, will spread them over the whole extent of the nation. Each 
individual improving his particular spot, the improvements become 
general throughout the nation, corresponding with the residence of 
each individual inhabitant; whereas all Governmental Improvements 
are local in their positions, and partial in their effects. Second, In- 
dividual Internal Improvements, are more valuable to the nation than 
Governmental ones, according to their respective expenditures. — ■ 
The building of a house, a mill, a labour-saving machine, cutting a 
ditch for the reclamation of lands, fertilizing lands and all others of 
the like descriptions, are more valuable in themselves, than Govern- 
mental Internal Improvements of any kind, according to the sums re- 
spectively expended upon them. A census of such improvements for 
each ten years, would prove an astonishing superiority of individual, 
over Governmental Improvements, both in extent and utility. Third, 
Individual Internal Improvements are of positive, whilst Governmeti- 
tal are of comparative good. An individual, in building a house for his 
comfortable residence, benefits himself, his country and posterity, whilst 
he injures none. Canals, the chief objects of public Internal Improve- 
ments, being local in their positions, and almost always partial m 
their effects, whilst they benefit some, do injuries to others. Thus, the 
Great Canal of New York, which is perhaps the most useful Govern- 
mental Internal Improvement ever made, appearing from the peculiar 
topography of the country through which it passes, to have been in- 
tended by the Creator for calling into activity the energies of man, is 
vet partial in its operations. It has opened a market for the products 



76 

of a vast extent of coinitry, M'hicli v/ere before excluded : one effect 
of which, has been, to lessen the price of the great staple article of 
the country, wheat, and of course to work an injury to those farmers, 
who before had an access to market; the reduction in the price of 
wheat will necessarily lessen the price of lands in all the wheat grow- 
ing country. At present, when more grain is raised in the countr}^ 
than is wanted for its own consumption, and the export demand is 
limited, it is doubtful whether the comparative good of the Great Ca- 
nal, is greater than its comparative evil. In the event of an export 
demand, its comparative good would be .greater, but in the present 
state of things, the increased quantity of grain, beyond the wants of 
home consumption, brought lo market through that canal, is alTect- 
ing materially the course of cultivation in this part of the country ; 
although so remote from its local position. Farmers are now delibe- 
rating upon the policy of changing the wheat cultivation for some 
other. This canal also offers another douceur, in the cheapness of 
grain to the favoured manufacturing class. Thi§ great canal, there- 
fore, is entitled in its practical results, only to the comparative good, 
over the comparative evil, produced by it. But this is giving the 
best example in favour of Internal Improvements; and even in this most 
successful and splendid public work, it is much questioned, if the in- 
dividual citizens of New York, had been permitted to apply the mo- 
ney expended upon it, in improvements of their own, whether the 
State and nation would not have been more benefitted by such appli- 
cation of it. This view of the subject also shovvs, that there must be 
in the nature of things, injustice done to some, and favoritism award- 
ed to others, in the execution of all great public works of this de- 
scription. The wheat farmers, inhabiting the lower part of the State 
of New York, have been taxed in common with others, for the means 
of making this canal; when, so far from receiving a benefit from its 
operations, they are at this moment sustaining material injuries — 
having access to markets before, the canal affords them no additional 
facilities, whilst it affords great facilities to a vast extent of country 
before excluded from market, benefitting its inhabitants, at the ex- 
pense of others. This inequality and injustice, will attend almost 
every great public Internal Improvement, and the limits of each State 
are extensive enough for the operations of this local inequality and 
injustice. There is no need for extending their operation throughout 
the limits of the whole United States. These considerations prove 
too beyond all doubt, the great superiority of the wisdom of our fa- 
thers, who teamed the constituiiot), over the superficial, chimerical, 
unsubstantial scheming ultras of the day. Those having left this ca- 
nal-making-power with the State authorities; these blindly endea- 
voring to tear it from them, and place it in the General Government, 
Fourth, Individual Improvements are more certain in the utility of 
their results, than Governmental ones. It is very seldom seen, that 
an individual undertakes an improvement, vvitlunit producing some 
benefit to himself, or others. But government seldom realizes an 
equivalent, for the expenditure upon public Internal Improvements, -, 
ind often fails altogether. The Jarjes River Canal it is feared, may 



Tt. 

be given, as a recent and conspicuous example of a total failure, of a 
total loss of all the money expended upon it, and of great injury to 
the country through which it passes. Many other examples of fail- 
ure or loss in public undertakings might be given. Even Great Bri- 
tain, the renowned country for Internal Improvements, has just disco- 
vered, that a great portion of the astonishing expenditures upon her 
Canals and other improvements, have been thrown away; the appli- 
cation of the power of steam, and rail-ways, having rendered them 
useless, or at least materially lessened their utility. Fifth. — The mo- 
ney expended by individuals in Internal Improvements, is both more 
judiciously and economically applied to its objects, and the objects 
themselves of more value, according to their costs, than in the case 
of public expenditures for public works. Thus money expended in 
reclaiming, and fertilizing lands, will produce more beneficial eftects, 
according to the amount of the expenditure, than will be produced by 
perforating the Alleghany mountains. In that case, even if the in- 
tended effect should be ultimately produced, the labor employed to 
produce the effect, must be of the most unproductive character. Mo- 
ney expended too by the public, becomes very much reduced by filtra- 
tion, in coming into, and going out of the Treasury, whereas, when 
expended by individuals, it is done under the eye of the owner; the 
best securit}' for its judicious and economical application to its object. 
Sij:th. — In the common and beneficial course of things, individual 
precede Governmental Internal Improvements. Governmental Inter- 
nal Improvements can never be much required, until the country be- 
comes filled with Individual Internal Improvements. In this country, 
there being still a vast scope for Individual Internal Improvements, 
Governmental Internal Improvements cannot be much in demand for 
at least a century to come. A comparison, therefore, of the subject 
of Internal Improvements in Europe, with this country, is not founded 
in analogous conditions of the two countries, and of course not appli- 
cable in its consequences here. The ivriter has no objection to the 
exercise of this power by the State Governmenis, where it is placed 
by the Constitution ; but he very much doubts whether it would not 
be better to restrain them in the exercise of it, except to a limited eXf 
tent, for at least half a century. The Internal Improvements, with 
the same means in the hands of individuals, during that time, he be- 
lieves, would be more beneficial to the States respectively, and to the 
nation, than if left even to the State authorities. Seventh. — And above 
all — Individual Internal Improvements are founded upon individual 
rights, individual justice, and individual liberty. Governmental In- 
ternal Improvements are often founded in governmental favoritism, and 
injustice. This would now seem in the fashionable political worlds 
to be its merit, not its fault. "Do evil, that good may come," seems 
to be the ruling star with the fashionable scheming ultras. When an 
individual makes his own Internal Improvements, he does it with his 
own money: He exercises his own liberty In the application he makes 
of his own money: He takes nothing from another. In Governmental 
Internal Improvements, the administrators of the Government take not 
iheir own money, but the money of others. If, like individuals, they 



78 

applied their own money, to eftect their own objects, their passion for 
Internal Improvements would lose all its terrors to others, and the 
atility and beauty of the Internal Improvements, all their charms to 
the enamoured administrators themselves. It is not then the passion 
of improving and beautifying the country, mechanically and artifici- 
ally, which enraptures the administrators of the Government, but the 
passion for applying the money of others, to effect objects of their 
own. It is not the Internal Improvement, when made, but the power 
to make it: It is not the artificial, mechanical Internal Improvements 
of the country, but the political Internal Improvements of the funda- 
mental laws. It is the annihilation of the federative principle: It is 
the removal of all restraints upon the practical Government: It is the 
love of the exercise of unlimited, uncontrolled will : It is the old 
fashioned passion, ambition: It is the love of power. It is this pas- 
sion, with which the President seems to be enraptured : It is this, as 
the writer thinks, which has put into activity the first energies of his 
mind : It is this which has eloquently called forth his metaphysical 
powers, elicited his poetic fires, and awakened his metaphorical rhap- 
sodies. Look at the quotations, and see how those luminous visions 
of his imagination are made to dance in perspective, and to dazzle 
the eyes of all beholders. The President seems to have bounded 
from the earth, intent upon placing himself in the chariot of the sun, 
and his satellites in the light-houses of the skies. He seems to be im- 
pelled by all the turbulent passions, recommended in the mythology 
of the ancients; and to long for indulging all the glittering, volup- 
tuous joys of the Mahomedan heaven, whilst he seems to have lost 
sight of the inestimable humilities of revealed religion. How long 
will the people of the United States permit themselves to be the dupes 
and the means of the indulgence of passions like these ! ! ! Tlie writer 
hopes that he may at least be pardoned, for disturbing the President's 
sublimated delicious reveries, by calling his attention for a moment 
to some of the more humble, but more valuable, evangelical precepts, 
the excellence of whose ethicks has done more to humanize mankind, 
to improve his morals and promote his happiness, than all other sys- 
tems of ethicks the world ever saw. He will find these holy precepts, 
just as valuable to him, in his Presidential as in his individual cha- 
racter, and particularly in their appropriate application to the wiiole 
spirit of his contemplated measures. Their just influence would be 
to moderate his ambition — to restore the Constitution to its original 
wisdom and purity, and to give every one his own. — " Do unto others, 
as you would have them to do unto you." — "Give unto Ca?sar the 
things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's,"— 
'Do justice, love merc}^ and ivaUc humbly before God'^ ! ! ! 
Fchniary 27, 1826. J 



NEW SERIES— NO. X. 

[By the Author of Political Disquisitions.] 

The Golden Casket — or, The President's Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of " this 

Union." 

" All that glisters is not gold, 

" Often have you heard that told, 

" Many a man his life hath sold, 

" Bui my outside to behold, 

" Gilded tombs do loorms infold ; 

" Had you been as luiae as bold, 

*• Young in !iml>9, in judgment old, 

" Your answer liad not been unscroll'd ; 

" Fare you -well, your suit is cold "-^[Shakspeare . 

Jlut Casar, — jlut JVullus. 

In the message, the President suggests three general sources from 
which he attempts to derive powers to the General Government. If 
these be legitimate sources for the derivation of powers, it is admit- 
ted, that he may, through either of them, derive unlimited powers 
for the practical Government. The President selects the power of 
making Internal Improvements as the first, and favorite example of 
a derivation of power from each source; and makes it the master 
power, which will involve in its exercise all subordinate ones. He car- 
ries this preference so far, as to comprehend within this master power, 
the circumnavigation of the globe; and building light houses of the 
skies. The first source for the derivation of power, according to 
the writer's understanding of it, is the social compact, or "the great 
object of the institution of civil government" supported by the di- 
vine assignation of duties to social man. The second — From an as- 
sociation of the General Governments, with the other Governments 
of the world, and the relative duties growing out of that association. 
The third — From constructive powers to be exercised over the Con- 
stitution of the United States. The claim of power under the first 
source of its derivation, is set forth in the message in the following 
words: — "Upon the first occasion of addressing the Legislature of 
the Union, with which I have been honored, in presenting to their 
view, the execution, so far as it has been effected, of the measures 
sanctioned by them, for promoting the Internal Improvement of our 
country, I cannot close the communication without recommending to 
their calm and persevering consideration, the general principle in a 
more enlarged extent. The great object of the institution of civil 
Government, is the improvement of the condition of those who are 
parties to the social compact. And no Government, in whatever 
form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, 
but in proportion as it improves the condition of those over whom it 
is established. Roads and Canals, by multiplying and facilitating 
the communications and intercourse between distant regions, and 
multitudes of men, are amongst the most important means of im- 



80 

I 

provement. But mora), political, intellectual improvement, are du- 
ties assigned by the author of our existence, to social, no less than to 
individual man. For the fulfilment of those duties, Governments are 
invested vvidi power; and to the attainment of the end, the progres- 
sive improvement of the condition of f'-ic governed, the exercise of 
delegated power, is a duty as sacred and indispensable, as theusur- 
pation of power not granted is criminal and odious. Among the 
first, perhaps the very first instrument for the improvement of the 
condition of men, is knowledge; and to the acquisition of much of 
the knowledge adapted to the wants, the comforts, and enjoyments 
of human life, public institutions and seminaries of learning are es- 
sential." It is easy to see that this quotation contains a re-assertion 
of the general principles advanced in tlie Ohio letter; and recom- 
mends its adoption "in a more enlarged extent." It would seem, 
that the President is resolved to die by his first impressions, as de- 
clared in that letter, or carry its piiiiciples into effect, "in a more 
enlarged extent;" and for that purpose, employs the foregoing meta- 
ph3sical abstractions, most singularly conceived and arranged. 

Before the writer undertakes the task of decyphering the contents 
of the foregoing quotation, he begs the reader to examine them well 
himself; and to ascertain the true meaning and objects. Let hnn 
ask himselt', whence the derivation of power claimed under this quo- 
tation? By whom are the duties of moral, political, and intellectual 
improvement assigned to social man ? By whom are Governments in- 
vested with power, for the fulfilment of those duties? By whom is the 
power delegated ; the exercise of which, is a sacred and indispensable 
duty? What limitations are there upon such delegated power? Are 
there any limitations upon such delegated power? If so, in what do 
they consist? If there be no limitations upon the delegated power, how 
can there be any usurpation of power not granted, which would be cri- 
minal and odious? Is there any appeal to the Constitution of the United 
States for the purpose of ascertaining and adjusting all these great fun- 
damental points? The writer will readily admit, that if the President 
can rightfully avail himself of "the great object of the institution of 
civil Government," and assignation of governmental duties by the 
aullior of our existence, for the derivation of any power whatever to 
the General Government; that the power thus derived, is unlimited, 
because it is paramount, and undefined; and of course, must be un- 
limited. But it is denied, that the General Government, as consti- 
tuted, has any thing to do with "the great object of the institution 
of Civil Government," in regard to the improvements of the condi- 
tion of those who are parties to the social compact; tliat being a sub- 
ject of original paramount power, when tiie General Government is 
a secondary subordinate power, depending for its own organization, 
and for all its legitimate powers upon that original paramount power. 
That original paramount power - xists in the will of the people, or 
of the parties to the social Federal compact, and is ordained, and 
proclaimed in their Constitution : the only grant of power to the Gen- 
eral Government. The General Government itself, being a seconda- 
ry derivative power, cannot claim any original power whatever; but 



81 

must look for all its own legitimate powers, to the terms of the grant, 
in which they are ordai.if*! and declared, to wit— to the Constitution 
of tlie United States. When the people of the United States in their 
previously associated character, undertook to form their Constitu- 
tion, they undertook to judge for themselves, of the best mean's of 
improving the condition of the associated, and their decision is or- 
dained in the Constitution of the United States. When the Presir 
dent, in behalf of the General Government, undertakes to derive 
powers from the social compact, or form " the great object of the in- 
stitution of Civil Governments," he intrudes himself into the place of 
the people, in their sovereign character, and usurps their power of 
judging for themselves, as to the means of bettering their condition; 
and makes a Constitution for them, according to his will, instead of 
carrying into eflect a Constitution made according to theirs, and, of 
course, usurps their sovereign will. In forming the Constitution of 
the United States, the people exercised that act of sovereignty for 
themselves. They judged of the best means of bettering their own 
condition, and those means consisted in having one General, and a 
number of Local Governments, amongst which, all their political 
powers were distributed. They determined, amongst other things, 
that the General Government should be limited in its powers to gen- 
eral objects specifically defined; and that the power to make Inter- 
nal Improvements, being local in its character, should remain with 
the State Governments, and should not be granted to the General 
Government. But, says the President, "And no Government, in 
whatever form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its in- 
stitution, but in proportion, as it improves the condition of those, 
over wliom it is established." This assertion contains another very 
intelligible hint, in relation to the President's views, as to the imma- 
teriality of the forms, in which Governments shall be constituted, 
provided they be so constituted as to answer all the ends of their in- 
stitutions; and this can only be done, in proportion, as they shall be 
empowered to improve the condition of those over whom they are 
established, clearly inferring, that the means for improving the con- 
dition of the people, should be left unlimited, otherwise the practical 
Government might be palsied in the choice of means, and consequent- 
ly doomed to a perpetual inferiority to Governments which are placed 
above the will of their constituents, and of course, would not be pal- 
sied by their will, in the choice of the means to better the condition 
of those over whom they are established. But, admit the President's 
abstract position to be true, in what way will he make the applica- 
tion of it to the General Government, so as to derive any power from 
it whatever? If it be true that all the powers of tlie practical Govr 
ernmeni are derived from the Constitution of the United Stales, how 
can he add to those powers, by the consideration that "no Govern- 
ment, in whatever form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends 
of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the condition of 
those over whom it is established?" This consideration may go, as 
it does go, to impugn the wisdom of the Constitution in having fix- 
ed limits to the powers of the practical Government; but Govern- 
r. 



82 

ment holding all its powers under that institution, cannot rightfully 
place itself above that Constitution, and invest itself with powers be- 
yond the limits of that Constitution, merely because the President 
thinks those limhs are unwise, and that it woald have been better to 
have left the practical Government unlimited in the choice of means 
to improve the condition of the people. The President may, and 
doubtless does, most heartily regret, that these restraints are imposed 
upon the practical Government, but he cannot help it. He has no 
remedy, so long as the Constitution imposes the law upon the prac- 
tical Government. The President proceeds — "Roads and Canals, 
by multiplying and facilitating the communications and intercourse 
between distant regions and multitudes of men are amongst the most 
important means of improvement." What then.'' Does it therefore 
follow that the power to make them, could not be as well, na}', bet- 
ter executed by the State Governments, than the General Govern- 
ment.'^ But whether or not, it being the will of the people, that the 
power should remain with the States, to be executed by the State 
Governments, there is no pretext for the usurpation of the power by 
the General Government. In the next sentence, the President points 
to a course for the derivation of this power, with others still more in- 
definite, paramount to both the will of the people and the Constitu- 
tion. " But moral, political, intellectual improvements are duties as- 
sig7ied hy the author of our existence to social, no less than to indivi- 
dual man." By whom assigned to social man, or in the application 
of the abstract expression, "social man," to the General Govern- 
ment,'' Assigned by the author of our existence. Here, then, is a 
derivation of power from divine right. There can be no other mean- 
ing put upon the words — "Assigned by the author of our existence 
to social man." The author of our existence is no other than the 
divinity. Social man, no other, than man in his governmental, as 
contrasted with his natural condition. Hence, the President has 
mounted up to the divinity, in aid of his claims to sovereign power, 
as being paramount to the Constitution itself. This conclusion is 
put beyond question in the following sentence: "For the fulfil- 
ment of these duties, Governments are invested with powers, and 
to the attainment of the end, the progressive improvement of the 
condition of the governed, the exercise of delegated power is a du- 
ty as sacred and indispensable, as the usurpation of power not grant- 
ed, is criminal and odious." What a sentence! ! How strangely or- 
ganized! ! How can it be decyphered .'' Why all this abstraction and 
obscurity in a case, where plainness and simplicity alone ought to 
have been consulted.^ Was the President desirous of being under- 
stood.'' Did he not possess capacity to make himself understood, if 
he desired it? "For the fulfilment of these ends (making roads and 
canals, moral, political, and intellectual improvements,) Governments 
are invested with power." By whom are Governments invested with 
power? Governments, mean all Governments. The General Gov- 
ernment, is not made an exception, certainly the answer is, by the 
author of our existence — moral, political, and intellectual improve- 
ments, are duties assigned by the author of our existence to social 



83 

man in the sentence above; and in this, "for the fulfilment of these 
duties, (the same duties,) Governments are invested with power," of 
course, b}' the same authority: by divine authority — by the author 
of our existence, equally applicable to the Governments of the Uni- 
ted States with all other Governments; "and to the attainment of the 
end — the progressive improvement of the condition of the governed, 
the exercise of delegated power is a duty sacred and indispensable." 
"The exercise of delegated power:" delegated by whom? Certain- 
ly by the author of our existence, certainly by the divinity. Where 
are the limitations, he has imposed upon his delegated power? If 
there be any, where are they defined? There are none, ff the au- 
thor of our existence should have delegate^ any power whatever to 
the practical Government, that power is delegated without any limi- 
tation whatever ; and according to the meaniiig of the President, if jt 
is this delegated power, the exercise of which is sacred and indispes- 
sable. Here, then, as the writer thinks, is the old doctrine of the 
jure divino, revived by the President of the United States, and pracr 
tically applied to the powers of the General Government, in CQipmoq 
with ail others. 

It is here peremptorily denied, that any duties whatever, are as- 
signed by the author of our existence to ''social man," to be per- 
formed in his social or official character. All God's gifts to man 
are in his natural, not in his social, nor corporate character; and all 
duties assigned hmi by his God, are to be executed in the same cha- 
racter. God made man in his natural character, and left him to 
make his social compacts at his own pleasure. This right is the 
true foundation of the great principle asserted in all our fundamen- 
tal laws: That the People are the true source of all political power. 
Now if the author of our existence, assigns to social man, moral, 
political and intellectual improvements, as duties to be performed in 
ins social or oflicial character, and the performance of which in that 
character, is made sacred and indispensable, tlien the basis of all 
American Constitutions has been mistaken, and the people can no 
Jonger be deemed the true source of all political power. Because, 
if in fact, the author of our existence does confer all political power 
upon social man, his power being paramount the power of the peo» 
pie, of course, their power cannot be the original source of all poll- 
tical power, and Governments consequently must be of divine ori- 
gin, if the President's hypothesis be true. It is denied that God 
assigns any duties to rnan in his social character, to be .executed by 
him in his official character; they being assigned by his fellow man; 
because all the relations of man to his God are in his individual, not 
in his corporate character; and if the President ever finds his way 
to Heaven, he will go there as John Q.uincy Adams, not as Presi- 
dent of the United States. God is no respecter of persons, and the 
King and the Beggar stand in like respect before him. It is believed 
that the Kings of this world will make a very different figure in the 
next, compared with the little glittering ephemeral dash they make 
amongst their fellow beings here below. It is true, that man, intrust- 
ed by his fellow man, with the discharge of social duties, is respon- 
sible to his God for the due nerformauce of ihcm: btU these duties 



84 

are in fact imposed upon him by his fellow man, and not by Iiis God, 
and his responsibility to his God is in his individual, not liis corpo- 
rate character. God makes man, man makes Governments. God 
never made a corporation — he pern)its man to make them— and 
poor, weak, silly man, indulges his little cunning in making them, to 
the destruction of his own natural inestimable rights and liberties. 
Corporations, especially paper corporations, are at this day the great 
governmental instruments for enslaving mankind. Could it l)ave 
been expected that in the first half century after our fathers had dis- 
covered and proclaimed the great political truth — tliat the rights of 
man were the true source of all political power, it would have be- 
come necessary to defend that principle against the doctrine of the 
"jure divino," declared by the President of the United States in his 
message to Congress.'' But, fellow-citizens! marvel noi at these 
things, for the writer challenges the President, and his whole cabi- 
net, to find more despotic doctrines in the writings of the most in- 
trepid defenders of the divine right of Kings, than are contained in 
his message, in the speech of his first, and the report of his second 
Secretary. It is presumed, that these doctrines have become neces- 
sary, as they certainly are necessary, to sustain the splendid consoli- 
dated Government of which, the cabinet seems to have become en- 
amoured, and infinitely more to be regretted, of which the people 
seem also to have become enamoured. "'Tis strange! ! ! 'Tis pass- 
ing strange"]! ! that any people, unimpelled by any excitement what- 
ever, either by fear or by force, in a state of perfect volition, should de- 
liberately choose to give up their inestimable rights and liberties, their 
solid happiness, in exchange for the empty vanities of sound, and the 
glittering gewgaws of splendour! I ! The President admits, that the 
usurpation of powers not granted, is criminal and odious. What 
powers are these.'' If all moral, political and intellectual power, be 
delegated to "social man." by the author of our existence, it seems 
to the writer to include all power. There is none left ungranted; of 
course, it would be impossible to commit the act of usurpation, which 
is denounced by the President, as criminal and odious, and in that 
way, the President may avail himself of this decoy, and escape from 
his own denunciation. But if the Constitution be considered as the 
only charter of the powers of the General Government, then the usur- 
pation of powers beyond the grants of that charter will, in the opi- 
nion of the writer, justly subject the President to the odium and cri- 
minality which, in that event, he denounces against himself. It is 
true, the President in another part of his message, speaks of the 
venerated Constitution : but whenever the President speaks of the 
venerated Constitution, he reminds the writer of a dashing, head- 
strong prodigal, who professes most highly to respect, and most dear- 
ly to love his venerated grand-mother, but prides himself upon dis- 
regarding all her wise, admotiishing precepts, and adopting a maxim 
of his own, for his own rule and conduct, " Neck, or notiiing," which 
may be considered a free English version, of the President's imputed 
motto — 

Aut Ccesar, — Aut JSfuUus- 
Marck2, 1826. 



NEW SERIES— No. XI. 

(By the Author of PoUtical Disquisitions.] 

The Golden Casket — or, The Presidents Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this 
Union.'* 

" All that glisters is not gold, 

•« Often have vou heard that told ; 

" Many a man his lite hath sold, 

" But my ou'side to hehold ; 

•' Gilded tombs do luorms infold. 

" Had you been as -wige as bold, 

'■'Yonng\nY\(vhii.\n judgment old, 

" Your answer had not been ui.scroll'd ; 

" Fare you -well; your suit is cold." — Shakspeare. 

^ut Ccesar — jlui Nullus. 

The second source, resorted to hy the President in his Message, 
for the derivation of power to the General Government, as the wri- 
ter thinks, is, from an association of the General Government with 
the other Governments of the world, and the relative duties growing 
out of the association. The President, in his Message, introduces 
the subject, of his views of he abstract science of Government, or 
of the administrative policy of European Governments, associated 
with the General Government, in several different piaces. The wri- 
ter conceives, that the President's views of these subjects woiild be 
best understood, by bringing them together, and considering them in 
a connected form. In the exordium of the message, the President 
introduces his opinions of the Governments of Europe, in the follow- 
ing words: — 

*' Europe, with a few partial and unhappy exceptions, has enjoyed 
ten years of peace, during which all her Governments, whatever the 
theory of their Constitutions may have been, are successively taught 
to feel that the end of their institution is the happiness of the people^ 
and that the exercise of power among men can be justified only bv 
the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is extended." 

Immediately after the commencement of the peroration, the fol- 
lowing abstract opinions respecting the theories, and objects of Ci- 
vil Governments are exhibited : 

" The great object of the institution of Civil Government, is the 
improvement of the condition of those who are parties to the social 
compact. And no Government, in whatever form constituted, can 
accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it 
improves the condition of those over whom it is established. Roads 
and Canals, by multiplying and facilitating the communications and 
intercourse between distant regions, and multitudes of men, are 
among the most important means of improvement. But moral, po- 
litical, intellectual improvement, are duties assigned by the Author 
of our existence, to social, no less than individual man. For the 
fulfilment of those duties, Governments are invested with power ; and 



86 

to the attainment of the end, the progressive improvement of the 
condition of the governed, the exercise of delegated power, is a du- 
ty as sacred and indispensable, as the usurpation of power, not 
f^ranted, is criminal and odious. Among the first, perhaps the ver}' 
first instrument for the improvement of the condition of men, is know- 
ledge; and to the acquisition of much of the knowledge adapted to 
the wants, the comforts, and enjoyments of human life, public insti- 
tutions, and seminaries of learning are essential." 

After a siiort interlude, introduced out of place, and against the 
true rules of the oratorical art, the President developes himself more 
at large, in the following words : 

"In assuming her stntiou among the civilized nations of the earth, 
jt would seem that our country had contracted the engagement to 
contribute her share of mind, of labor, and of expense, to the im- 
provenjent of those parts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach 
of individiial acquisition; and particularly to geographical and as- 
tronomical science. Looking back to the history only of the half 
century since the Declaration of our Independence, and observing the 
generous emulation witli which the Governments of France, Great 
Britain, and Russia, have devoted the genius, the intelligence, the 
treasures of their respective nations, to the common improvement of 
the species in these branches of science, it is not incumbent upon us 
to inquire, whether we are not bound, by obligations of a high and 
honorable character, to contribute our portion of energy and exer- 
tion to the common stock? The voyages of discovery, prosecuted 
in the course of tiiat time, at the expense of those nations, have not 
only redounded to their glory, but to the improvement of human 
knowledge. We have been partakers of that improvement, and owe 
for it a sacred debt, not only of gratitude, but of equal or propor- 
tional exertion, in the same common cause. Of the cost of these 
undertakings, if the mere expenditures of outfit, equipment, and com- 
pletion of the expeditions were to be considered the only charges. It 
would be unworthy of a great and generous nation to take a second 
jFiought. One hundred expeditions of circumnavigation, like those 
of Cook and La Perouse, would not burden the exchequer of the 
aation fitting them out, so much as the ways and means of defraying 
a single campaign in war. But, if we take into the account the 
lives of those benefactors of mankind, of which their services in the 
srause of their species were the purchase, how shall the cost of those 
heroic enterprises be estimated? And what compensation can be 
niade to them, or to their countries for them? Is it not by bearing I 
ihem in aflectionate remembrance? Is it not still more by imitating 
Xheir example? By enabling countrymen of our own to pursue the 
same career, and to hazard their lives in the same cause? 

'^^In inviting the attention of Congress to the subject of Internal '^ 
Improvements, ujjon a view thus enlarged, 'it is not my design to re- 
commend the equipment of an expedition for circumnavigating the 
globe for purposes of scietitific research and inquiry. We have ob- 
jects of useful investigation nearer home, and to which our cares 
may be more beneficially applied. The interior of our own territo- 



87 

ries has yet been very imperfectly explored* Our coasts, along^ many 
degrees of latitude upon the shores of the Pacific Ocean, though 
much frequented by our spirited commercial navigators, have been 
barely visited by our public ships. The river of the West, first fully 
discovered and navigated by a countryman of our own, still bears 
tiie name of the ship in which he ascended its waters, and claims the 
protection of our armed national flag at its mouth. With the estab- 
lishment of a military force there, or at some other point of that 
coast, recommended by my predecessor, and already matured, in the 
deliberation of the last Congress, I would suggest the expediency of 
connecting the equipment of a public ship for the exploration of the 
whole northwest coast of this Continent. 

*' The establisliment of a uniform standard of weights and mea- 
sures was one of the specific objects contemplated in the formation of 
our Constitution, and to fix that standard was one of the powers de- 
legated by express terms, in that instrument to Congress* The 
Governments of Great Britain and France, have scarcely ceased to 
be occupied with inquiries and speculation on the same subject, since 
the existence of our Constitution, and with them it has expanded in- 
to profound, laborious, and expensive researches into the figure of 
the earth, and the comparative length of the pendulum vibrating se- 
conds in various latitudes, from the Equator to the Pole» These re- 
searches have resulted in the composition and publication of several 
works highly interesting to the cause of science. The experiments 
are yet in the process of performance. Some of them have recently 
been made on our own shores, within the walls of one of our own 
Colleges, and partly by one of our own fellow-citizens. It would 
be honorable to our country, if the sequel of the same experiments 
should be countenanced by the patronage of our Government, as 
they have hitherto been by these of France and Britain." 

"Connected with the establishment of an University, or separate 
from it, might be undertaken the erection of an Astronomical Ob- 
servatory, with provision for the support of an astronomer, to be in 
constant attendance of observation upon the phenomena of the Hea- 
vens, and for the periodical publication of his observations. It is 
with no feeling of pride as an American, that the remark may be 
made, that, on liie comparatively small territorial surface of Europe, 
there are existing upwards of one hundred and thirty of these light- 
houses of the skies; while throughout the whole American Hemis- 
phere, there is not one. If we reflect a moment upon the discove- 
ries, which, in the last four centuries, have been made in the physi- 
cal constitution of the Universe, by the means of these buildings, 
and of observers stationed in them, shall we doubt of their useful- 
ness to every nation.'* And while scarcely a year passes over our 
heads without bringing some new astronomical discovery to light, 
which we must fain receive at second hand from Europe; are we not 
cutting ourselves ofl" from the means of returning light for lightj 
while we have neither observatory nor observer upon our half of the 
globe, and the earih revolves in perpetual darkness to our unsearch- 
ing eyes?" 



88 

The President then winds up these subjects with the following me- 
taphorical rhapsody : 

"The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimu- 
lates the heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens 
alone, but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While 
dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon tlie superior excellence of 
our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that Liberty is 
Power ; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of Liberty, 
must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation up- 
on earth; and that the tenure of power by man, is, in the moral pur- 
poses of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to 
ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow- 
men. — While foreign nations less blessed with that freedom which is 
power, »han ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the ca- 
reer of public improvement; were we to slumber in indolence, or 
fold up our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by 
the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the boun- 
ties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority?" 

The writer cannot discover any object in introducing into the 
Message, the following sentence, unless it were to show, that there 
was no merit in the theories and forms of Constitutions; that all the 
difference amongst Governments, consisted in the relative merits of 
their administrative policy; and that all the Governments of Europe 
had been particularly happy in their administrative policy, within the 
last ten years. "For," says the President, "Europe, with a hw 
partial and unhappy exreptions, has enjoyed- ten years of peace, 
during which, all lier Governments, whatever the theory of their 
Constitutions, may have been, are successively taught to feel, that 
the end of their institution, is the happiness of the people; and that 
the exercise of power among men, can he Justified only by the blessings 
it confers upon those over whom it is exteiided.'^ Now, how could the 
President tell, that all the Governments of Europe, within the last 
len years, had been successively taught to feel, ^Uhat the end of their 
institution, is the happiness of the people, and that the exercise of 
power among men can be justified only by the blessings it confers up- 
on those over whom it is extended^ except as those lessons have been 
demonstrated, within that time, by the administrative policy and 
practice of each Government successively? The President has not 
thought proper to designate the happy lessons to which he alludes ; 
nor to tell, which of the happy Governments of Europe were the 
first, in the order of succession, to learn the happy lessons, "that the 
end of their institution is the happiness of the people; and that the 
exercise of power among men, can be justified only by the blessings 
it confers upon those over whom it is extended;" whether Russia, 
was so happy as to be the first to learn how to confer those blessings 
upon man, and Spain the last; or whether Spain comes in for the 
first honor, and Russia the last ; nor, whether Great Britain, has 
yet been admitted into this happy succession of the new taught Go- 
vernments for conferring blessings upon mankind; nor whether that 
happiness is yet in store for her : Great Britain having, hitherto. 



89 

refused to be instructed in the great lessons taught by the Holy Alli- 
ance : the only great lessons taught the European Governments, 
within the last ten years, which they did not know before. Nor can 
the exceptions, spoken of by the President, relate to any of the 
practical effects of the Holy Alliance, since demonstrated, as ex- 
plained in a former No. ; because they have been the necessary and 
regular results of the lessons of the Holy Alliance, and not ex- 
ceptions from them. In the peroration, the President repeats the opi- 
nion, as to the immateriality of the forms of Government, with some 
qualification abstractedly, and somewhat obscurely expressed, as fol- 
lows: "The great object of the institution of Civil Government, is 
the improvement of the condition of those, who are parties to the so- 
cial compact. And no Government in whatever form constituted, can 
accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, but as it improves the 
condition of those over whom it is established.^^ " Roads and Canals, 
by multiplying and facilitating the communications and intercourse 
between distant regions, and multitudes of men, are amongst the most 
important means of improvement.'* Here then, is a clear inference 
from the President's own declarations, that no Government can ac- 
complish the lawful ends of its institution without the power to make 
Roads and Canals; since these are amongst the most important 
means of improvement, and no Government can accomplish the law- 
ful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the con- 
dition of those over whom it is established. Roads and Canals be- 
ing essential to such improvement, the Government, therefore, which 
does not possess the power to make Roads and Canals, cannot ac- 
complish the lawful ends of its institution. Yet the President in his 
inaugural Address, did most eloquently assert, that the Government 
of the United States had accomplished the lawful ends of its institu- 
tion. Not only had it done so, but it had done so in a superlative 
style; so superlative, as to throw all the other Governments in the 
world, into the back-ground, which had been brought into compa- 
rison with the General Government, before it had usurped the power 
to make Internal Improvements. The President proceeds — " But 
moral, political, and intellectual improvements, are duties assigned 
t)y the Author of our existence, to social, no less, than to individual 
man." Here the President has pressed into his service^ the Author 
of our existence, for moral, political, and intellectual improvement, 
in addition to the improvement by Roads and Canals. The term, 
'^social man,'' as used here, can only mean official man. It cannot 
mean mankind in general, because mankind, in general, in their na- 
tural and inofficial state, cannot perform the duties assigned by (he 
Author of our existence, for the improvement of the moral, political, 
and intellectual condition of man ; those duties, therefore, must be 
intended by him to be assigned to official man, or in other words, the 
administrators of all Practical Governments. If the moral, political, 
and intellectual improvements, are duties assigned by the Author of 
our existence to the administrators of the General Government, 
amongst others, what political duties remain unassigned to that Go- 
vernment? Do not these general expressians embrace all conceiva- 



90 

» 

hie political duties'? If so, and those duties are assigned by the Au- 
thor of our existence, to the administrators of the General Govern- 
ment, where is the limitation imposed upon the exercise of those du- 
ties? what is the practical use of the limitations in the Constitution, 
if unlimited power can be derived from a source, paramount tlie 
Constitution itself? From the Author of our existence il From the 
Divinity!! It will be found, that this doctrine of the Divine right, 
is again intimated and enforced in another part of this gilded nies- 
sage. The President suggests another source for the derivation of 
unlimited power- — in the foliowing words: "In assuming her station 
among the civilized nations of the earth, it would seem that our coun- 
try had contracted the engagement to contribute her share of mind, 
of labour, and of expense, to the improvement of those parts of 
knowledge, which lie beyond the reach of individual acquisition." 
The President here uses the term, "country," instead of Govern- 
ment; but as used, it is a perfect synonyme with Government. Be- 
cause, if our country has in fact contracted such an engagement, the 
practical Government alone, can execute it. It cannot be executed 
by "owr country''^ in any other form; and, if it be left to the will of 
the administrators of the Government to determine upon the cha- 
racter, and whole extent of such engagement, then they derive an 
undefined power from a source, beyond the Constitution; and con- 
sequently not subject to any of its restraints nor limitations. Be- 
sides, if " our countrf^ has in fact contracted any such engagement 
with the other civilized nations of tlie earth, such engagement must 
confer a power upon the General Government, co-equal and co-ex- 
tensive with the power of other civilized Governments; otherwise, 
the General Government could not, in honor, and good faith, perform 
all the engagements entered into and which may be entered into by 
"our country" with other civilized nations. Here, then, is another 
source for the derivation of power, paramount the Constitution, and 
beyond its limitations. The President proceeds to designate the Go- 
vernments of France, Great Britain and Russia, as examples for imi- 
tation; they having, " in generous emulation," "devoted the geni- 
us, the intelligence, and the treasures of their respective nations to 
the common improvement of the species," In geographical and as- 
tronomical sciences; and then puts this interrogator}' — "Is it not 
incumbent upon us to inquire, whether we are not bound by obliga- 
tions of a high and honorable character, to contribute our portion of 
energy and exertion to the common stock" ? and after putting this 
question, comes to the following positive conclusion — "We have 
been partakers of that improvcnicnt, and, owe for it, a sacred debt, 
not only of gratitude, but of equal or proportional exertion in the 
common cause." 

Admit, for a moment, that we do owe a debt of gratitude to Great 
Britain, France, and Russia, for their generous emulation, in the 
common cause for the acquisition of knowledge, has the Constitution 
granted the power to the General Government, to judge of the ex- 
istence, and extent of such debt, and to apply means to the discharge 
of it? or is the assumption of this power a sheer usurpation? Per= 



91 

haps the President may conceive that this debt of gratitude, is com- 
prehended within the debrs which Conjrress is authorised to pay un- 
der the following- clause of the Constitution — "The Congress shall 
have power to lay and collect taxes, &ic, to pay the debts of the Uni- 
ted States." The term, ''debts,'' might be extended to the inclusion 
of debts of gratitude to foreign nations, as well as pecuniary obliga- 
tions, with more plausibility, than other terms of the Constitution, 
have been extended to the inclusion of other powers, without any 
greater degree of affinity towards each other, respectively. But how 
long has it been, since the General Government, has adopted the no- 
tion, that there is or can be, a debt of gratitude, due from one na- 
tion to another? During the late European war in which France 
and Great Britain were engaged, the doctrine of a debt of gratitude 
to France, for her exertions in the cause of our independence, was 
most stoutly denied — particularly by the Federal party, and by no 
one of that party more loudly than by Mr. Adams. The doctrine 
then was, that tlie views of all nations were exclusively selfish; and 
that if the conduct of any one tended to the advantvage of another, 
it was a sheer consequential effect, of such selfish conduct; and im- 
posed no debt of gratitude whatever upon the nation receiving such 
consequential benefit. Yet, if ever there was a case in which a debt 
of gratitude might accrue, from the effects of the conduct of one 
nation, towards another, without interest, it was the case of France 
towards the United States, during their revolutionary struggle. But 
in the present case, there is no pretext whatever, set up by either of 
these generous emulating nations, that they had any object in view, 
than the improvement of their own condition; and of course, their 
claims of gratitude upon the United States, are less, than the claims 
of France, who made a common cause with the United States; and 
whether intcHtional, or not, did contribute materially to achieve for 
the United States the greatest possible blessing: The blessing of li- 
berty — A blessing, once highl}^ prized by the American people, and 
Government; but is now, amidst the fashionable glitter and splendor 
of the day, entirely bereft of all its intrinsic value, of all its fascina- 
tin"", endearing encliantments. Washington, in his inestimable Fare- 
well Address, speaks most wisely and eloquently against the intro- 
duction of this doctrine, of debts of gratitude to foreign nations ; 
and of all entangling alliances; and Mr. Adams himself in his 4th 
of July Oration, strains his juvenile, excursive, oratorical faculties, to 
the utmost, In denying the existence of any such debt, on the part of 
the United States, towards foreign nations. He even claims a great 
balance of account against them — -hear him in his own words: : 

THE ORATION. 
" And now, friends and countrymen, if the wise and learned philo- 
sophers of the elder tuorld, the first observers of nutation and aberra- 
tion, the discoverers of maddening ether and invisible planets,'^ (Her- 
schel and all that class o( observers) "the inventors of Congreve 
rockets and Sharpnel shells, should find their hearts disposed to in- 
quire. What has America done for the benefit of mankind? Let our 
answer be this: America with the same voice, which spoke herself in' 



92 



to existence as a nation, proclaimed to mankind the inexiingushable 
rights of human nature, and the only I aivful foundations of Govern- 
ment," &;c. &ic. 

At this time, Mr. Adams, in a strain of rapturous patriotic enthu- 
siasm, proclaimed his opinion to the world, that America had over- 
paid, to all other nations, every thing she had received from them by 
the great discover3', »*of the inextinguishable rights of human na- 
ture," and the only lawful foundations of Government!!! 

So at that day, thought every true-hearted American. How 
changed is Mr. Adams at this day!! How altered is his patriotic 
spirit!! How altered the professions of his tongue!! Nothing is 
heard from him now of "the inextinguishable rights of human na- 
ture." Nothing of the "only lawful fomidations of Government." 
Nothing of liberty, but Governmental liberty, as connected with 
Governmental power. This great American discovery seems no 
longer to have any charms for Mr. Adams. All his former enthusi- 
astic love, seems now to be converted into deadly hate. Then his 
best friend, now his most fearful foe. Then calling for the gratitude 
of other nations — now all claims abandoned; and a "sacred debt" 
— a debt of gratitude acknowledged to be due from America to other 
nations — whilst the great American discovery seems to be despised, 
and ai last set down in the account at naught!! Here Mr. Adams, 
under different circumstances, then out, and wishing to get in; now 
in, and wishing to keep in ; and bettering too, his condition whilst 
in, is seen in direct opposition to himself. He seems, as on another 
occasion, to have usurped the powers of the Queen, and to have 
moved himself directly the whole extent, from one side of Ijis check- 
ered political chess board, to the other. So he did at the time of 
his conversion from the Federal, to the Republican creed ; and now 
again he has flown to a sightless distance beyond the* utmost limits 
of the creed, from which he had proselyted to another. It is time 
for Mr. Adams to inform the world of liis suggested inducements to 
that great change which has already become so eventful to himself; 
and may so become to the rest of the world. The people, the wri- 
ter thinks, have a right to demand the public avowal. His own bi- 
ography essentially calls for it. It would not be possible to do jus- 
tice to his biography without it; and he is now become too great a 
man ; his destinies too much aloft, to permit the world to remain in 
darkness, as to the most important act of his wl)ole life. But above 
all, his repudiated old Federal friends, have the strongest claims up- 
on him. They have a right to be inlbrmed, why he put them off 
why he left them in the lurch; more especially, as it now turns out, 
that it could not have been for any disrelish to the energies of their 
old doctrines. Have they not a right to infer that their fidelity, 
their honor, their patriotism, as a party, became implicated in his 
desertion from them, and that too, in their utmost need ? If so, it 
becomes the justice, and candour of Mr. Adams, to satisfy them in 
relation to these most serious apprehensions. His high station can 
pit ad no excuse for a dignified silence; so far from it, it is that very 
high station, that makes it essential, that the wgxld shuuld be iofgrtw- 



93' 

ed of his motive for an act, so characteristic of his life; and increa' 
ses the obligation on him to give the information, not only to the 
world; but in especial manner to his repudiated Federal friends. At 
the time of his desertion, the Federal party had a system, and was 
guided by principle. They mistook the true character of the Con- 
stitution. They thought it wanted energy ; and they would supply 
the defect, by legislating the necessary energy into it. In this, they 
were mistaken, as most schemers are, and in this mistake they found 
their ruin. But many, very many of the party were high-minded, 
honorable patriots, and at bottom, sound Ilepblicans. This portion 
of the Old Federal School mnst be shocked at the despotic follies 
and extravagancies of the day, and it is confidently hoped will be 
found in the array against them; whilst the renegado Democrats, 
the exclusive patriots, the exclusive friends of the people — the lovers 
of the people, the fond partakers of the loaves and fishes, lead the 
array in support of notions and measures, directly at war with all 
their former professions and vociferations. 

After a number of erratic effusions, which the writer thinks, are 
strangely introduced into the message, but which do not call for par- 
ticular animadversion, the President seems to gather up all his men- 
tal eulogies ; and to explode them, in the following rhapsodies ! " The 
spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the 
heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens alone; but 
of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While dwelling with 
pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence of our political in- 
stitutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power, that the na- 
tion blessed with the largest portion, must in proportion to its num- 
bers, be the most powerful nation upon earth, and that the exercise 
of power by man, is in the moral purposes of his CrPMtor, upon con- 
dition that it shall be exercised to the ends of beneficence, to improve 
the condition of himself and his fellow-men." This is the most sin- 
gularly arranged section, and the most inexplicable in its meaning, 
that the writer ever undertook to decypher, and analyse. The first 
clause is merely rhapsodic; and, will therefore, be passed over witli- 
out comment here. But what can be the meaning of this sentence? 
"While dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excel 
lence of our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty 
is power." l^iberty is here applied to pcliti-jal institutions, and 
hence it becomes necessary to remind us, that liberty is power; that 
is, the liberty of political institutions, is the power of political insti- 
tutions; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty, 
must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation upon 
earth. The term nation here, must necessarily be used for Govern- 
ment, otherwise it would be nonsense. The next senience gives it 
that meaning, but so covertly and obscurely, as to require soiue ana- 
lytical attention to find it out, "For," says the President; "and 
that the tenure of power by man i? in the moral purposes of his Crea- 
tor, upon condition, that it §hall be exercised to the ends of benefi- 
cence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow-men." 
What description of fnan is it. which is to Jioldth? tenure of power? 



94 

Oflicial, or Natural Man? It cannot he natural man, because in a 
state of nature, there is no "tenure of power" whatever. Every 
man exercises his own power, without the tenure of power over ano- 
ther. The tenure of power, therefore, must relate to official man; 
to the admuiistrators of Government. In that case, taking the term 
nation to have been used for Government, the sentence ma^' be un- 
derstood to mean, that the Government which has most liberty, has 
most power; and is comparatively to its numbers, the strongest Go- 
vernment upon earth. — Here, too, is anothei* aspiration of the Di- 
vine right — "For," says the President, "the tenure of power by 
man, of course official nian, is in the moral purposes of his Creator, 
upon condition that it shall be exercised to the ends of beneficence, 
to improve the condition of himself and his fellow-men." Here, 
then, is another key to unlock this n)ysterious Golden Casket. This 
tenure of power is to be exercised according to the moral purposes 
of his Creator, to better the condition of himself and his fellow-men. 
Now, none but official man can, by the tenture of power, better the 
condition of his (ellow-men, whatever man might do in a state of 
nature towards bettering his own condition. This key, then, open^ 
the door to the mysterious contents of the Golden Casket. The 
President proceeds: "while foreign nations, less blessed with free- 
dom, wliicli is power, than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic, 
strides in the cause of public improvement.*' — Here, again, the term 
nation, is evidently used for Government, because all public improve- 
ments are executed by the direction and authority of the Govern- 
ment, and not by the nation, in its original sovereign character, and 
the term "less blessed with freedom, which is power, than ourselves" 
is a direct contradiction to every other conception in the whole quo- 
tation upon the same pointy and can be considered as nothing more 
than the cliosen decoy, ill its appropriate place for the usurpation of 
power in this form; and now we have arrived at the grand denoue- 
ment of all these mysterious metaphysics — "were we to slumber in 
indolence, or fold up our arms, and proclaim to the world that we 
are palsied b\' the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast 
away the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual 
inferiority?" These most wonderful conceptions and avowals arc 
rendered still more wonderful by reference to Mr. Adams's concep- 
tions upon the same point in the erratic excursions, and oratorical 
nourishes, \Aith which he decorates his ^Ith of July Oration — Hear 
iiim in his own words: 

" Stand forth, ye champions of Briiajxia, ruler of the Avaves ! Stand 
forth, ye chivalrous Knights of chartered liberties and the rotten bo- 
rough ! Knter the lists, ye boasters of inventive genius ! Ye mighty 
masters of the palette and the brush ! Ye improvers vpon the sculpture 
of the Elgin marbles! le spaivncrs of fustian romance, and lascivi- 
ous lyrics! Come and inquire what America has done for the bene- 
fit of mankind ! In the half century which has elapsed since the 
declaration of American Independence, What have you done for the 
hencfu of mankind?'^ [Yes, what have you done, ye Cooks and ye 
Parrys? Ye Heischels and ye Bradleys! Ye founders of astrouo- 



95 

mical observatories, and ye observers stalioned in them! Ye, that 
for the "half ceniury since the Declaration of our Independence," 
have with generous emulation "devoted the genius, the intelligence, 
the treasures of your respective nations, to the common improvement 
of the species in these branches of science," "what have you done 
for the benefit of mankindV^ Ye Byrons and ye Scotts, ye cultiva- 
tors of the "e/egant arta^'' and of "the sciences, ornamental and 
profound,''^ ye observatories and "observers stationed in them," ye 
observers of the "phenomena of the Heavens," in your boasted "one 
hundred and thirty of these light-houses of the skies," ye noters of 
"nutation and abberration," ye "discoverers of invisible planets," 
what have you done for the benefit of mankind V^ — Why should you 
pretend "to doom us to perpetual inferiority 7'"'\ 

It is strange that the President should have continued so long ena- 
moured with these sportive, puerile conceptions, as to introduce them 
into a grave message to Congress, and completely to invert the con- 
clusions of the whole. In his Oration, he contemptuously flouts at 
the pretension of dooming us to perpetual inferiority. In his mes- 
sage he substantially admits that same inferiority, and the remedy he 
suggests against its perpetuity, consists in disdaining to be "palsied 
by the will of our constituents." There is something so eccentric, 
;o wonderful in these conceptions of the President, that the writer 
thinks, lie can best present the view of them, by a sliort apostrophe 
in the style of the erratic 4th of July Oration, in behalf of the Pre- 
sident to the desperate supporters, and coadjutors of his wild, inta- 
tuated schemes of blind ambition: "Stand forth, ye dear friends!! 
Ye fond lovers !! Ye intrepid desperadoes in a common destiny !! Our 
all is at hazard! Time to me is every thing! Not a moment is to 
be lost! This is no time to "slumber in indolence ! to fold up our 
irms and proclaim to the world, that we are palsied by the will of 
3ur constituents! to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom 
)urselves to perpetual inferiority" — No ! Perish every such puny 
bought!! Now, stand forth, ye gallant champions and desperadoes 
— recollect that ye are united in a common cause— placed beyond 
ihe Rubicon — without retreat. Now is the precious moment for ac- 
ion. Now is the moment to harrow up our blood. To strengthen 
Dur arms, to sliflen our sinews, to set desperately pell mell, on our 
ireadful — " Pugnis et calcibus, unguibus et rostro" — and boldly 
strike down to everlasting perdition, the will of our constituents, and 
remorselessly stab to the heart our country's liberty. If we should 
mcceed in the daring enterprise, glorious will be our triumph; and 
rich our reward. I shall then succeed in all the towering hopes of 
my mad ambition, and become your great Caesar, sovereign and ab- 
solute; whilst ye shall riot upon the spoils of our constituents. Such 
will be the glorious trophies of a decisive victory over the will of 
Dur constituents, over our country's liberty. — ButO! thought too 
horrible!! if per hazard, our dread foe, the will of our constituents, 
guided by the terrific genius of liberty, should triumph over us; then 
are we all for ever lost!! Then shall we altogether lie low In the 
dust!! Then all my towering hopes will sink down to the bottom of 



96 

the deep Tartarus ; and I shall fall like Lucifer, " never to rise 
again !" and all my fancied greatness must dissolve into nothing, 
%vhilst ye must become the wretched sharers of our common dis- 
graceful well-merited destinies. The which, may God of his infi- 
nite goodness, irrevocably decree!! And thus, once more, graci' 
ously interpose for the salvation of American Liberty!!! 
March 9, 1826. 



NEW SERIES— NO. XIL 

[By the Author of Political Disquisitions.} 

The Golden Casket — or, The President's Message — or, a procla- 
mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this U- 

nion.'- 

" All tliat g-listers is not gold. 

<* Often )>ave you heard that told; 

'< Many a man his life hath sold, 

" Hut my outside to behold ; 

*• Gililed tombs do lecrma i%ifo!d, 

" Had you been as -wise as bold, 

" Young in limbs, in judgment old, 

" Your answer had not been unscroll'd; 

"Fare you WEit; your suit is cold." — [Shakspeare.. 

Aut Casar — 'Out A'ullus. 

The writer, after bestowing his best attention upon a review of the 
message, in relation to the President's abstract views of the theories* 
and objects of Givil Governments, and to his comparative views ofj 
the General Government, with the Governments of the rest of tliej 
^vorkl, as avowed thereii:, cannot avoid adopting the following con- 
clusions : 

1st. That, in the President's opinion, there is no difference in thej 
theories of Governmental institutions; provided they leave the prac- 
tical Governments perfectly free» in the choice of means to better thej 
condition of those over whom they are respectively extended. 

2d. That all Governmental duties are assigned to '^social man'*! 
by the Author of our existence; or in other words, that all Govcrn-j 
mental rights and powers, are of divine origin. 

3d. That "no Government, in whatever form constituted, can ac- 
complish the lawful ends of its institution," unless it be left free to| 
exercise an unlimited discretion in the choice of means, to better the] 
condition of those over whom it is extended. 

4th. That the restraints of the will of constituents are absolutelyj 
incompatible with such unlimited discretion. 

5th. That, in this important respect, the theories of European] 
Governments, particularly those of Great Britain, France and Russia, | 
have a decided advantage over the General Government ; and that] 
this advantage must continue, so long as the administrators of thej 



97 

General Government shall condescend to be palsied by the will of 
their constituents. 

6th. That it is in consequence of this '* ineffable" advantage, that 
the Governments of Great Britain, France and Russia, are repeat- 
edly recomtnended in the message, as examples for imitation; the 
opinions expressed in the 4lh of July Oration, to the contrary not- 
withstanding. 

Nor can the writer avoid expressing his great surprise, at the spi- 
rit which must have dictated the following and other similar expres- 
sions, in a message from the President of the United States. — "The 
spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the 
heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens alone, but 
of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers." The facts here stated 
are doubtlessly true ; so far as regards the people, but not their 
rulers. — It is not known that the rulers of the nations of Europe, 
have partaken of this excessive delirium. — There is not only a spirit 
of improvement abroad upon the earth ; but this spirit has been conjur- 
ed up into a wild enthusiastic rage for improvement. Amidst this mis- 
chievous rage, what was to have been expected from a President of the 
United States.-* That *'he would have mounted the whirlwind," and 
added more destructive elements, thunder and lightning, to the raging 
storm!!! No! certainly not. But that he would the rather, have 
kept himself entirely aloof from the destructive influence of this des- 
tructive storm. That in the midst of it, he would have remained 
steadfast in mind and purpose, and would have coolly and soberly 
admonished the people of the United States against its desolating 
effects. That he would have told them, there ought to be no passion- 
ate excitements intermixed with the mere business of Internal Im- 
provements ; that it was a matter for arithmetical calculation, to be 
decided by the tribunal, entrusted with the exercise of that power. 
That in the organization of American institutions, the power over In- 
ternal Improvements, was left with the State Governments, and that 
the General Government had nothing to do with it. That the State 
Governments had deeply participated in tiie universal rage for Inter- 
nal Improvements; and did not require any provocations to exertion. 
That Individual Internal Improvements, in all new countries, were 
more beneficial than Governmental ones. Such surely would have 
been the suggestions of wisdom and moderation. This would have 
been the middle path, heretofore strongly recommended to the Presi- 
dent's observance ; and the writer hopes and thinks, the President 
himself will regret his departure from it within the next three years. 
For, what effects have already been disclosed both abroad and at home, 
from this destructive storm i* What effects are felt from it, at this mo- 
ment, in the great money emporium of the world.'* What scenes 
does London exhibit at this moment!* All the wealth of London, 
nay, of the whole British Empire, could not withstand the destructive 
rage for stock and improvements, both internal and external. There 
are, too, some prophetic developments unfolding themselves in these 
United Stales, which lead to the fond hope that the desolating storm 
will waste itself here within one more year without further mischief; 
N 



9S 

and perhaps with the blessed ellect of purifying the poisonous: poli- 
tical atmosphere. 

The writer will now proceed to examine the third source, resorted 
to by the President, lor the derivation of power to the General Gov- 
ernment. "Constructive powers exercised over the Constitution of 
the United States." These will be found in the following quotation 
from the message — 

"The Constitution under which you are assembled is a charter of 
limited powers. After full and solemn deliberation upon all or any 
of the objects, which, urged by an irresistible sense of my own duty, 
I have recommended to your attention, should you come to the con- 
clusion, that, however desirable in themselves, the enactment of laws 
for effecting them would transcend the powers committed to you by 
that venerable instrument which we are all bound to support; let no 
consideration induce you to assume the exercise of powers not grant- 
ed to you by the people. But, if the power to exercise exclusive 
legislation in all cases whatsoever, over the District of Columbia; if 
the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to 
pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general wel- 
fare of the United States; if the power to regulate commerce with 
foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian 
tribes; to fix the standard of weights and measures; to establish post 
offices and post roads; to declare war; to raise and support armies; 
to provide and maintain a navy; to dispose of and make all needful 
rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property be- 
longing to the United States; and to make all laivs ^vhich shall be 
necessary and proper for carrying these powers into execution: If 
these powers and others enumerated in the Constitution, may be ef- 
fectually brought into action by laws promoting the improvement of 
agriculture, commerce and manufactures, the cultivation and encour- 
agament of the mechanic and of the elegant arts, the advancement 
of literature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental and pro- 
found, — to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the people 
themselves, would be to hide in the earth the talent committed to our 
charge— would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts." 

The construction contained in the foregoing quotation, the writer 
cojiceives, to be made over, and not tinder, the Constitution of th? 
United States; because it disregards two rules, not only universally 
applied to the constructions of all written instruments, but are, in sub- 
stance, expressly recognized in the Constitution itself. The one is^ 
that all written instruments ought to be so construed, that every part 
shall be effectual, when there is no direct contradiction in the several 
parts themselves. The other is, that the expression of one thing, 
shall be deemed the exclusion of another. Both of these rules are, 
in substance, expressly rccognixed in the Constitution in the follow- 
ing words : — 

"The enumeration, in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall no« 
be construed to deny or disparage others, retained by the people." 

"The powers, not delegated to the United Slates, by this Consti- 
tution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States 
respectively, or to the people." 



£• 



^9 

The President in his construction supersedes both of these rules. 
This is done by the contrivance of amalgamating certain specified 
powers, taken from th<3 Constitution, and proposing by their influ- 
en<:e, "to bring into action," all Governmental powers wiiatever, 
through "laws," to be made for the improvement of all conceivable 
Governmental objects. By this subtle contrivance, the President 
escapes from the responsibility for deductions, which, he must be con^ 
Ecious, could not be made from his premises. Such construction 
must supersede the Constitution itself, because after reciting the fore- 
going specifications, instead of applying the rule, diat the expres- 
sion of these specifications, is the exclusion of all others, the Presi- 
dent makes the expression the ^^ inclusion of all others," in direct vi- 
olation of tlie rule laid down in the Constitution itself, and thus ap- 
plies his constructive powers over, and not under the Constitution. 
Tile President also avails himself of the amalgamation of these spe- 
cifications, to destroy the eliicacy of each particular specification | 
and thus to defeat the very end for which eacli specification was in- 
troduced into tlte ConstilutioD. An example of each of these cases 
will be given: From the powers to "exercise exclusive legislation 
ui all cases whatsoever over the District of Columbia" and ibe povv-! 
cr "to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations res- 
pecting the territor}', or other property belonging to the United 
States" when amalgamated with other powers, the Pi-esid^nt infers 
powers, to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatever, over 
the whole United States; as well as over the particular District of 
Columbia; whereas according to the just, and universal rule of in- 
terpretation, as well as according to tiie provisions of the Constitu- 
tion, expi'essly giving the power of exclusive legislation over tlje Dis" 
trict of Columbia, excludes all pretext of an intentioH to give exclu-'' 
SAve jurisdiction, over all other districts within the United States. The 
same conclusion will inevitably result from the power to make all need- 
ful rules and regulations over the territories. The other universal rule 
of interpretation is violated, by deductions from the following expressed 
power — "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay 
the debts an<l provide for the common defence, and general welfare 
of the United States." From this power, amalgamated with others, 
the President infers that the terras, common defence, and general 
welfare of the United States, includes all powers; tJien, why specify 
the other powers? For, if the rule, that every part of every written 
iinstrument is to be made available, be a just one, the President ex- 
tends this interpretation over the Constitution by reversing the rule 
expressly recognized by iL The writer does not propose to enter 
again into the examination of this great but hackneyed subject at 
large; he will, however, make one suggestion in relation to it, which 
be thinks, has been hitherto, too little regarded in its interpretation. 
In commenting upon this clause generally, it is usually read in 
the abstract, leaving out its application ; but there is an express 
•application in the provision itself Thus the terms, '-'common 
defence, and general welfare" are the only words read, or comment- 
ed upon, and every commentator thinks himself at liberty to make 
the appliratioa of ihf^m wjiirh best suits hii own objects; whereas. 



100 

the Constitution makes its own express application of these terms. 
This consideration seems to be almost universally disregartled, wlien, 
the writer thinks, the omitted words furnish the best test of the mean- 
ing of the whole provision. These words are " of the United States." 
The clause should read: The Congress shall have power to lay and 
collect taxes, and to pay the debts, and to provide for the common 
defence and general welfare of the United States. These words con- 
tain the express and only application, to which the granted power was 
intended to extend. In the plain and obvious meaning- of this appli- 
cation, will be found a restriction, and not an enlargement of the 
granted power, and exhibits one of the strongest federative features 
in the Constitution. It goes to prove that the objects of the Consti- 
tution, are general and not local. It also proves, that this generality 
applies to the people, not in a consolidated character as one and in- 
divisible people of the United States, but in a federative character, as 
being several people, previously associated in several States. This 
common defence and welfare, are applicable, according to the Con- 
stitution, to the people of the United Slates, in their State character 
to the several States, and not to the people of ihe United States. In 
this plain, and obvious meaning of the Constiiuton, the words "pro- 
vide for the common defence and general welfare of the United 
States,^^ so far from includiug the power to make Internal Improve- 
ments, exclude that power; because that power is local in its charac- 
ter, extending over only a very small part of each State, in which it is 
exercised; and not throughout the United States; whereas, the com- 
mon defence and general welfare, as applied in the Constitution of 
the United States, extend over the whole United States, and are ex- 
cluded by the words "of the United Slates" from a local, or partial 
application to any part of them. 

This construction, not only corresponds with the general charac- 
ter and objects of the Constitution, but is enforced by several speci- 
fications; one of which will be found in the same clause, in the fol- 
lowing words : "But all duties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform 
throughout the United States." Here the provision again relates to 
States. The United States — the whole United States, '■'■ throng hoiit 
the United States," and not to any particular part, or portion of the 
United States. The same principles of generality and equality and 
uniformity, will be found to pervade the whole Constitution. The 
following are some of the examples — "No tax or duty shall be laid 
on articles exported from any State" — Not from the whole United 
States, but as composed of the several States — "No preference shall 
be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of 
one State, over those of another.^'' So, in the preamble declaring 
the objects, for which the Constitution was formed: "We the peo- 
ple of the United States" he. "do ordain and establish this Consti- 
tution for the United States of America.'" The States which are so 
highly regarded in the formation of tiie Constitution, as to be made 
the basis of it, and the benefit of the people in their previously as- 
sociated characters, the great end of its formation, are by the Pre- 
sident's constructive powers over the Coisiiiution, blotted out of the 



101 

instrument altogether; at least, so far as regards any efficient agency 
in the political concerns of tlie country. All political powers being 
thus absorbed by the then federative, the now consolidated Govern- 
ment, involving a complete revolution in the Civil Governments of 
this Union. But, says the message, — " The Constitution, under 
which you are assembled, is a charter of limited powers." Indeed!! 
,Who would have thought iti*! ! This declaration cost the President 
only one aspiration : ' is a charter of limited powers.'- — Theoretically? 
or practically ? As theory, the declaration is " vox ei preterm nihil y* 
but vi'here is the practical limitation upon the powers of the General 
Government recognized in this message f Are these not virtually 
excluded by iti* Can it be found in this exposition? "If these 
powers, and others enumerated in the Constitution, may be effectu- 
ally brought into action, by laws promoting the improvement of agri- 
culture, commerce and manufactures, tlie cultivation and encourage- 
ment of the mechanic and of the elegant arts ; the advancement of lite- 
rature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental and profound; 
to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the people them- 
selves, would be to hide in the earth, the talent committed to our 
charge — would be treachery to the most. sacred of trusts." All for 
the benefit of the people themselves — nothing for the usurpers — al- 
ways dazxle the eyes of the people with the glittering tinsel of fair 
delusive promises for their own benefits: The common cant of every 
usurper. Now, it is asked, if all these powers can be brought into 
action by laws, as the means of exercising the specified powers not 
being specified powers themselves, what powers remain to the State 
Governments, as the ends, for which they were instituted? There 
are none. This catalogue of means absorbs all the ends intended to 
be answered by the establishment of the State Governments; and 
thus stripped of all their powers, render them utterly useless. But, 
suppose this catalogue of powers should not comprehend all conceiv- 
able Governmental powers; may not all the remaining powers be 
usurped, wlien wanted, by an extension of the catalogue? and may 
not the same subtle artifice, which asserts jurisdiction over this cata- 
logue of powers, extend the catalogue at pleasure? It cannot escape 
observation, that' asserting exclusive jurisdiction over this catalogue 
of powers, as means to other ends, by the mere action of laws upon 
them, is an in)pUed admission that these powers are not amongst the 
ends, for which the Constitution was formed; and can only be usurp- 
ed, as means to effect the granted ends; and this can be done only 
through the action of laws, to be exerted over them. This theoretic 
Constitutional limitation then, is here expressly annihilated by prac- 
tical subtleties : by a mere cunning artificial game of means, for ends 
—and is not all limitation upon the practical Government expressly 
disavowed, by the derivation of powers, from the objects of all civil 
Constitutions? From the social compact? From the assignation of 
duties to social man, by the auUior of our existence? From an as- 
sociation of the practical Governments with the other Governments 
of the world, whose institutions are unlimited? From refusing to be 
palsied in the exercise of unlimited power, by the will of constituents? 



102 

The claims of the derivation of powers from these undefined sources, 
not only do not admit any limitations upon the po\\ers of tlip prac- 
tical Government, but exclude all such admissions. The President 
when in quest of the enlargement of powers, can condescend to rail 
in the aid of precedents, enforced by the deserved high authority of 
their authors. For this purpose, he calls up the aid of President 
Madison's recommendations, in the following words: 

"Nine years have elapsed since a predecessor in this office, now 
not the last, the citizen who, perhaps, of all others throughout the 
Union, contributed most to the formation and establishment of our 
Constitution, in his valedictory address to Congress immediately pre- 
ceding his retirement from public life, urgently recommended the re- 
vision of tlie judiciary, and the establishment of an additional exe- 
cutive department. The exigencies of the public service, and its un- 
avoidable deficiences, as now in exercise, have added yearly cumula- 
tive weight to the considerations presented by him as persuasive to 
the measure; and in recommending it to your deliberations, I am 
happy to have the influence of his high authority, in aid of the un- 
doubting convictions of my own experience." 

Here is justly high authority pressed into the President's service, 
for the enlargement of his patronage, upon a subject comparatively 
trivial and limited. With how much more propriety might not the 
President have called upon the same high authority to limit his usur- 
pations? to leave the power to make Internal Improvements, where 
it was placed by the Constitution.? The sam« high authority, after 
full deliberation, under circumstances demanding the most respectful 
caution and circumspection, solenuily determined, that the Constitu- 
tion had not granted the power to make Internal Improvements, to 
the General Government. So certain was he, of the correctness of 
this determination, that he incurred the high responsibility of putting 
his Constitutional veto upon a bill, which liad been unadvisedly pass- 
ed by Congress, involving the exercise of that ungranted power. 
Upon tliis point, President Madison's authority ought to have been 
considered as orthodox, and almost as binding as precedents in courts 
i,t law. Because he had been, not only one of the most active fra- 
iiiers of the Constitution, but one of its most attentive and orthodox 
cotemporaneous expositors. — Can the President's object be mistaken 
in relying upon tlie high authority of President Madison in one case, 
and rejecting him altogether as authority in the other ? Does it not 
demonstrate, that his object is to catch at every thing which will tend 
to give him power, and to frown upon every thing which can tend to 
abrid"-e his power? The President also calls upon President Wash- 
ington, as high authority for increasing his power in another case, 
in all probability an unpremeditated one; but even his high venera- 
ted name loses all its charms and influence, when it most wisely ushers 
forth its solemn admonitions against all usurpations of unjust and 
unconstitutional powers. Thus, when power is to be accumulated, 
President Washington is invoked in the following words: 

" So convinced of this was the first of my predecessors in this of- 
fice, now first in the memory, as living, he was first in the hearts of 



103 

our country, that, once and again, in his addresses to the Congresses 
with whom he co-operated in the public service, he earnestly recom- 
mended the establishment of seminaries of learning, to prepare for 
all the emergencies of peace and war — a national university, and a 
military academy. With respect to the latter^ had be lived to the pre- 
sent day, in turning his eyes to the institution at West Point, he 
would have enjoyed the gratification of his most earnest wishes. But, 
in surveying the city which has been honored with his name, he 
would have seen the spot of earth which he had destined and be- 
queathed to the use and benefit of his country, as the site for an uni- 
versity, still bare and barren." 

But, when the same Washington, in his farewell address, solemnly 
warns the people and Government against unconstitutional usurpa- 
tions, and particularly against sectional injustice; against creating 
artificial conflicting sectional interests; against' setting the North 
against the South, and the South against tlto North; the East against 
the West, and the West against the East; then his wise, prophetic 
voice is hushed into silence, disregarded and contemned. This de- 
precated, artificial sectional policy and sectional injustice, from which 
the inspired Washington augured so many evils, arc made the very 
foundation of the President's administrative policy — a policy, as the 
writer thinks, founded on usurpation, and in force; and if persevered 
in, must terminate in force and disunion. One part of the United States 
will never long consent to pay tribute to another. — Tribute! ! ! Yes, 
heavy, unjust and undeserved tribute!!! A tribute which is made 
the foundation, as the writer thinks, for the larger portion of unlimit- 
ed power. The President proceeds — " After full and solemn delib- 
eration upon all, or any of ihe objects, which, urged by an irresist- 
ible sense of my own duty, I have recommended to your attention, 
should you come to the conclusion, that however desirable in them- 
selves, the enactment of laws for ellecting them would transcend the 
powers comniiited to you by that venerable instrument, which we are 
all bound to support, let no consideration induce you to assume the 
exercise of powers not granted to you by the people." — This solemra 
admonition to Congress calls for the most critical attention and seri- 
ous animadversion. In the first place, it will be observed, that here 
is the most solemn admonition to Congress, not to let any "consi- 
deration induce you to assume the exercise of powers not granted to 
you by the people." This clearly implies, that there are powers, 
which are not granted to Congress by the people. What can the 
powers be which are here alluded to by the President ^ He specifies 
none of that description, in any part of his message; but on the con- 
trary, his catalogue of general powers, would seem to include all 
conceivable powers; he seems to gather up his uhole mental en- 
ergies, backed with his whole powers and patronage, to press the 
exercise of the whole catalogue upon Congress. Thus, he first 
presses this subject upon Congress, by observing, that the exer- 
cise of delegated power, (delegated too, by the Author of our 
existence, and not by the people) is a sacred, and indispensable duty. 
— -Again. " To refrain from the exercise of them, (the catalogue of 
undefined powers) would be to hide in the earth, the talent committed 



104 

to our charge, would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts."— 
And again: "To slun)ber in indolence, and to lold our ■ rms, and 
proclaim to the world, that we are palsied by the will of our consti- 
tuents, would be (at least by interrogatory) to cast away the bounties 
of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority." Ter- 
rible denunciations these, against the refusal to exercise power ! ! ! 
Great the responsibility to be incurred by such refusals; whilst the 
powers recommended to be exercised, are both undefined, and unlim- 
ited!!! Congress seems thus to be placed under the most critical, 
as well as awful responsibilities. The plain language of the Presi- 
dent to Congress, appears to the writer to be substantially this — "I 
most solemnly admonish you, not to assume the exercise of any pow- 
ers, not committed to you by the people, but if you dare refuse tiie ex- 
ercise of any powers contained in my long catalogue, you will not get 

any loaves and fishes from me, and the D 1 will most certainly 

catch you in the bargain." But suppose the Congress should be 
hardy enough, to withstand the D 1 himself and all the Presi- 
dent's temptations, who would be entitled to the credit of the exer- 
tion ? Wlio would be entitled to the credit of refusing to exercise 
powers not granted by the people.'' The President .f" or the Congress: 
The President surely could not pretend to any credit for the refusal 
of Congress to exercise ungranted power: Becaiise he already stands 
committed upon his own catalogue. But, says the President, "after 
full and solemn deliberation upon all or any of the objects, which, 
urged by an irresistible sense of my own duty, I have recommended 
to your attention," &tc. It here then seems, that the President hag 
been urged to make all these recommendations to the attention of 
Congress, by his own irresistible sense of duty. Now, suppose we, 
the people, the President's constituents, should not only diHer wills 
the President in regard to his contempt for our own will, but should 
also differ with him respecting this catalogue of powers, thus recom- 
mended to the attention of Congress, and should conscientiously be- 
Jieve, that they are not granted by the Constitution, and that being 
usurped, they would destroy all the limitations prescribed in the Con- 
stituiion, as the bulwarks of all our rights and liberties, what irresist- 
ible sense of duty, would the President's own irresistible sense of 
duty, impose upon \\?, the people? Certainly, to counteract his own 
conllicting irresistible sense of duty — How can this be done.'' Where 
is our remedy.''- Our remedy is not at hand; but it is approaching. 
It will be here in three years. — Our remedy will be found in our 
right to make elections — Our right to elect the President himself. 
This is, after all, the great palladium of our right, if we are wise 
enough to exert this great franchise for the preservation of our rights 
and liberties; for the preservation of our fundamental laws, in which 
alone, these rights are secure. — Let us then, not elect a President 
who has no genuine relish for these laws — who would disdain the 
wholesome restraints imposed by them, and who boldly puts the will 
of his constituents at defiance. Let us not elect a President who calls 
upon Congress to stay his own usurpations; and to save the Consti- 
tution from his own pollution. Let us choose for our President, one 



105 

who sincerely loves the fundamental laws, who loves them for their 
own sake, for the sake of ourselves, and of our fathers who made 
them, for the sake of our posterity, and for the sake of the vviiole hu- 
man family: who would pride himself in preserving them inviolate, 
in saving them from the pollution of wrong's sacrilegious touch: 
from Congress itself, if it should dare to make the unhallowed at- 
tempt. Who would delight to save "the United States of Ame- 
rica" for which the Constitution was formed, from impious im- 
molation. Who would administer general and equal justice, dis- 
daining to stoop to the low, miserable, artificial contrivances of 
creating sectional interest; doing sectional injustice. Who could 
stay the evil, fanatical spirit, whose passion, presumption and folly, 
would teach it to believe, that it would act the part of omnipo- 
tence better than omnipotence itself; that it could eradicate a priaci- 
ple of labor, long established and diffused through society, and upon 
which, such society depends for its subsistence and prosperity. Let 
us then, at the next election look up to one for our President, who 
stands voluntarily committed to preserve State Rights, and whose tried 
patriotism, sound wisdom and moral rectitude, could afford us the 
best guarantee against all mischievous schemers, and ambitious en- 
croachments. Let us look to one who possesses the confidence of a 
State, whose moral, physical and finanical capacities, will be able iQ 
render the sacred citadel of State Rights, impregnable; whether as- 
sailed by force, or by fraud, or by force and fraud, combined. Let 
us, when the President shall again come before us to give an account 
of his present stewardship, when we shall be the injured, offended 
masters, and he the unfaithful, oflending steward; when he shall 
again solicit our suffrages to replace him in his high eminence, and 
beg our forgiveness, to enable him to commit more sins. Then let 
us remember our violated rights — our violated liberties — our own 
violated fundamental laws. Let us save our beloved United States 
of America. Let us save our beloved fundamental laws; and let 
our watch-word be — Our will is your law — your obedience our right. 
In our dread majesty and justice, let us return the President the an- 
swer which the Prince of Morocco found written upon the scroll in 
the Golden Casket: 

"Gilded tombs do worms infold; 
Had you been as wise as bold, 
Young in limbs, in judgment old, 
Your answer had not been unscrolled, 
Fare you well; your suit is cold J''' 
March 17, 1825. 
o 



V 

I 



I 



RICHMOND, August 20, 1829. 
My Dear Sir, 

T now do myself the lionm- of complying with yoiu? 
desire, intimated to me some time since, to know in substance, whe- 
ther in the examination of the subject of slave labour in Virfjinia, 
any idea had ever struck my mind of the practicability of convert- 
ing it into fret labour; and whether the American, or any other Co- 
lonization Society, could be made to contribute to that end — ^aii 
end highly desirable to all genuine lovers of liberty; and particular- 
ly, to the people of Virginia. — -Before I proceed to make this reply, 
I owe to you, Sir, some explanation of the causes of the delay, which 
has attended it. The subject itself, is an extremely delicate, and in- 
teresting one ; and perhaps, at this moment, calls into action more 
intense sensibilities in Virginia than an3' other political inquiry.—.- 
The society is composed of many gentlemen of the highest standing, 
and of the first talents in this country. The 4th of July, and the 
following Sunday in every year, arc relied upon by the society for 
contributions. — Although every new development, and every new 
reflection upon the subject, confirm my original impressions against 
the correctness of the principle upon whicli the society is founded^ 
and convince me the more of its evil tendencies; yet I could not re- 
concile it to myself to do any act in relation to it which would even 
seem to militate against the plan for collecting contributions; be- 
cause upon such contributions rest the ardent hopes and sanguine 
expectations of many intelligent philanthropists, for an object held 
dear to their hearts, and deemed by them an essential melioration to 
the condition of a portion of their fellow men. The chosen days 
for receiving contributions are passed; and I now feel myself free to 
act. — Feelings, flowing from like causes, determined me, that what- 
ever course I took upon tliis sensitive subject, should be made known 
to the public; so that the motives of my conduct sSiould be placed 
above reproach, or suspicion, and my own opinions exposed to the 
counteraction of others. The American Colonization Society, has 
at all times appeared to me, as it still does, to be a most singular 
anomaly in the science of Political Economy. It is itself — self cre- 
ated ; and yet claims every attribute of empire, widnn an empire.— 
Whilst it has no sovereign power in itself, it claims the exercise of 
the highest sovereignty. It claims the exercise of the sovereignty 
over a distant country and people, upon the principle of coloniza- 
tion, — the highest act of sovereignty exercised by the most despotic 
governments, and one of die most alarming, and mischievous tenden- 
cies. I find attached to the last report of the twelfth annual meet- 
ing of the American Colonization Society, the following resolution: 
'^ From the office of the American Colonization Society. 

" WASHINGTON, May 18, 1825. 
" At a special meeting of the Board of Managers of the Ameri-- 
f.s.n Colonization Society, the digest of the Laws, and Civil Govenx- 
A 



nient for Liberia, as adopted by the Agents for this Society, i»aving 
been read and considered, it was, on motion— 

" Jiesolvcd, That the Board of Managers, considering the satis- 
factory information aflbrded by recent accounts from the Colony, of 
the successful operations of the plan of tlie Civil Government there- 
of, as established by their Agents in August last, and seeing there is 
reason to reconsider their instruction to the Agent, of the 29th De- 
cember 1824, noiv approve of the principles in that form of Govern- 
ment, and give their sanction to the sarne.^^ 

In tl)is resolution is at once seen, an act of the highest sovereign- 
ty, exercised by a self created society, without any sovereignty of its 
own, over a distant country and population. This is an act of so- 
vereignty, which the Government of the United States itself has no 
right to exercise ; and God forbid it shoidd ever be invested with 
such right. It does not appear from any papers to which 1 have had 
access, whether, in the sale of the right of soil by the native legiti- 
mate Kings of Africa, to the Colonization Society, the right of juris- 
diction over the soil, was included in the contract and title deeds; nor 
whether such an idea ever presented itself to either of the contract- 
ing parties. If not, it would seem that the legitimate sovereignty of 
that country not being passed away, is still in the native Kings. If 
the right of jurisdiction were intended to be included in the contract, 
then the right of sovereignty would have been transferred to a self 
created society, possessing no sovereignty in itself, and according to 
my judgment, no right either to accept, or hold sovereignt}'. That 
this was not the light in vvliich the subject was viewed by the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society, is rendered evident by the resolution just 
quoted; because the resolution itself contains an act of the highest 
sovereign character, over the acquired country and its population; 
nothing less than establishing a Government; and if the sovereignty 
be not conveyed to the society, it must be considered an act of sheer 
usurpation. In this state of the subject, these inquiries naturally 
present themselves: 1st. Can the native, legitimate Kings of Africa 
transfer their right of sovereignty over a territory, to a self created 
society possessing no sovereignty itself,'' 2d. Will the legitimate so- 
vereigns of Europe yield their consent to this new trafiic in sove- 
reignty.? od. Ought the Government of the United States to yield 
its consent to the exercise of sovereignty over a distant country by a 
self created society, witl)in the limits of the United States.^ 4th, 
Should it yield this consent, would it not thereby ultimately assume 
the character of the mother country, and become the guarantee t'oi* 
the protection of this system of colonization throughout all Africa.-* 
5th. If so, will not the Government be thus driven by the Society to 
usurp a power not granted to it, by the Constitution, and which in 
my judgment, shoidd never be assumed by it; nor should have been 
usurped nor exercised by any other Government under the sun,? Gth. 
And in that case, would there be no danger of incurring the disap- 
probation of the legitimate sovereigns of Europe, should they refuse 
their consent to this new mode of trafficking away legitimate sovereign 
wghts? 7ih. ^nd would not the danger of collisions growing out of 



I 



this E^unrantee become greatly increased by the recollpctlon, that the 
o!)j«'ct of the Society extends to the repeopleiiig^, prosclyiinp- and new 
modelling the whole of the extended African continent — and v^uh 
whatever intent, practically upon the principle of extirpatiup- the whole 
present race of Africans? These inquiries seem to me to involve con- 
siderations of the first impression ; and my reflections upon them 
have induced me, with due deference to the opinions of others, to 
consider the American Colonization Society, as the most visionary, 
illegitimate, dangerous and impracticable anomaly in political science; 
and the most cruel in its consequences, if successful, to the aboriginal 
cominiscrated Africans, for whose remuneration it was originally in- 
tended. 

Again — Whilst T consider this Society the most mischievous in its 
tendencies, and that these mischiefs are daily developing themselves, 
' — particularly in their injurious eflects upon the Slave population; 
so much so, diat at this moment an increased obligation is imposed 
upon the Government of Virginia for adopting measures towards 
them of greater caution and vigilance, — yet I conceive the means in 
the hands of the Society, utterly incompetent to their ends. My 
opinions upon this subject, are founded chiefly upon the Reports 
made by the Society itself, or its agents. 

The Report of the last meeting of the American Colonization So- 
ciety in January, of this year, represents the condition of the Socie- 
ty, as prosperous and improving in a high degree, and the practica- 
bility of the original project reduced almost to a certainty; whereas 
I draw very diflerent conclusions from the same premises. This 
doubtlessly arises from the diflerent mediums, through which difl*er- 
cnt minds will view the same subject. The Report is doubtlessly 
written with an able, but enthusiastic pen; and whilst it may re- 
present fairly the subjects introduced therein : yet, I think, it has 
omitted some, which appear to me to be indispensable for enabling the 
mind to form just conclusions upoti the subject. Of this character, 
is a part of one of the last Reports made by the late canonised Mr. 
Ashman, and which is to be found in the "African Repository, and 
Colonial Journal," of May 1828 — in the following words: 
Extract from the ''African Repository, and Colonial Journal,'' of 

May 1828: 

ft is the decided opinion of Mr. Ashman, "that for at least two 
years to come, a much more discriminating selection of settlers niust 
be made than ever has been — even in the first and second expeditions 
by the Elizabeth and Nautillus, in 1820 and '21,— or that the pros*- 
perity of the Colony will inevitably and rapidly decline." 

Here then, it will be seen ; that the devoted enthusiastic- agent 
und victim of this Colonization scheme, expresses a confident opini- 
on ; " that the Colony will inevitably and rapidly decline unless there 
is a much more discriminating selection of settlers, than has hereto- 
fore been made." Now I would respectfully ask ; what probability 
there is of such an advantageous change in the morals and principle^ 
of the settlers for the next two years; and through what filtration 
snust they pass to acquire the Beges.|ary parificaiioH ? 



Again — ]\h'. Asiiman observes, — "If rice grew spontaneonsly, 
and covered the country, yet it is possible by sending few or none 
able to reap and clean it, to starve ten thousand helpless children and 
infirm old people in the midst of plenty. Rice does not grow spon- 
taneously however; nor can any thing necessary for the subsistence 
of the human species, be procured here, without the sweat of the 
brow. Clothings, tools, and building materials, are much dearer 
here than in America. But send out your emigrants laborious men. 
and their families only — or laborious men and their families, ac(?om- 
panied only with their natural proportion of inefficients ; and with 
the ordinary blesshig of God, you may depend on their causing you 
a light expense in Liberia, and fixing themselves speedily and easily 
in comfortable and independent circumstances. I further think I 
mi.y safely say, that in no new country in the world, would they be 
likely to meet with so many advantages and find it so easy to get in 
a way of comfortable living, by their own moderate industry." 

To s^nd out "inoperatives," at the present, is deemed by the Co- 
lonial Agent highly inexpedient. His — views are concisely stated 
in i'ew words — " If such persons are to be supported by American 
funds, why not keep them in America, where they can do something 
by picking cotton and stemming tobacco, towards supporting them- 
selves? 1 know that nothing is efl'ectually done, in colonizing this 
country, till the Colony's own resources can sustain its own and a 
considerable annual increase of population. To this point, it has 
been my great anxiety to bring it ; and adopting and persisting in 
the course I have recommended, I am certain the Board v.ill see it 
soon reach this point!" 

From these extracts it plainly appears, that the late Mr. Ashman 
himself was decidedly of the opinion ; that the proportion of idle 
and inefiectual settlers to the able and industrious at present, is 
so great} as efiectually to destroy all prospects of future prosperitN', 
although the same population has been heretofore represented as the 
most religious, moral, sober and industrious perhaps of any in the 
whole world. [See Note A.] So much so, that the intelligent, enthu- 
siastic memorialists of Powhatan, in speaking upon this subject in their 
memorial to the General Assembl}', use the following language : — " in 
confirmation of the above remarks" [in substance, that Colonization 
betters the condition ofthe free people of colour,] "your memorialists 
confidently appeal to the past and present prosperous condition of the 
Colony itself. They appeal to the industry and enterprising spirit of 
the Colonists; to their numerous works of public utility; to their 
flourishing schools; to their expanding commerce ; to their increasing 
wealth; to their m'M and ivholesome govei'mnent."" Particularly 
at points seems to be the account given by the late Agent, and the 
impression upon the minds of the memorialists in regard to the in- 
dustrious habits of the Colonists. Whilst the memorialists speak of 
their industry and enterprising spirit, the late Agent describes many 
of them, as idle inefiectives ; so much so, that many even lose their 
lands, as he states in another place for want of industry to cultivate 
tbem. And it may be fairly inferred, tljat this idle spirit is the true 



cause of llie important fact stated, that commerce has taken the lead 
of agricuhure. In introducing this subject in their last Annual Re- 
port, the Colonization Society remark upon the following language 
of the late Agent; — "And until they shall be both explored and 
occupied, and so long as this vast field of commercial enterprise 
hoHs out new inducements to the settlers, to enter upon and culti- 
vate it, is agriculture destined to follow in the train of trade ; and 
not lo leadit." "Admitting the correctness of this remark, (say the 
Society) yet the Managers find reason, from a careful observation of 
the affairs of the Colony, during the year just past, to conclude; 
that if trade is to lead, agriculture is to follow not far behind, loith 
a firm and assured step.'''' I differ entirely with the Colonization 
Society in this conclusion; and 1 think myself fully justified in this 
difference by the \ iews of the late Agent himself. If the spirit of 
idleness has hitherto prevented agriculture from keeping pace with 
commerce, will it not continue to lag behind, so long as the Co- 
lony can be supported by trafficking with the natives? If not; why 
will it not? The Agent seems to consider; that the only remedy 
for this evil consists in the introduction of a greater proportion of 
settlers of moral and industrious habits, than has heretofore taken 
place. And whence this requisite increased fund of purified morals 
and industry? Hear the account given upon this point by the Com- 
mittee of the House of Delegates of Virginia: "Reason, on the 
contrary, would point us to the very results, which our own experi- 
ence has so fully demonstrated ;" (respecting the (rce people of co- 
lour.) " Ignorance, idleness, and profligacy must be the inseparable 
companions, the unavoidable consequences of individual degradation; 
and they who are its unfortunate subjects, cannot fail to be a curse 
to the community with which they are connected, detracting at 
once from its general wealth, its moral character, and its political 
strength." Hear what the Powhatan memorialists say upon the 
same point: "While their character, (the free people of colour) " re- 
mains what it now is, (and the laws and structure of the country in 
which they reside prevent its permanent improvement) this influence 
must of necessity be baneful and contaminating. Corrupt them- 
selves, like the deadly Upas, they impart corruption to all around 
them." Such is the fund from which, this indispensable increased 
portion of industry and morality is to be drawn; and the difficulties 
upon this point are considerably enhanced by the directly opposite 
views entertained upon it by the. committee and memorialists on one 
side; and the late Agent on the other. They urging the vice, pro- 
fligacy and idleness of the free people of colour as their inducements 
for sending them to Uberia; whereas the same inducements opera- 
ted with the late Agent to persuade him of the necessity of keeping 
them/rom Liberia. Independently of all these considerations, the 
means in the hands of the Colonization Society seem to be entirely 
inadequate to their ends. It is admitted, that during twelve j'ears 
the settlers in Liberia little exceed 1200; and that probably those 
now living do not amount to that number; whereas the increase of 
the free people of colour in the whole United States is estimated af. 



about 5,000 per annum ; making an increase of 60,000 in (he same 
period, notwithstanding the diminution produced hy iljo whole op- 
erations of all the means at the command of the Colonization So- 
ciety. Still more disheartening is this view of the suhject, as taken 
from the Pywhatan memorial: in which they say; — "Their ninn- 
bers too," (the free people of colour) "are constantly augmenting. 
Their annual increase is truly astonishing, certainly unexampled." 
This astonishing increase is more particularly defined bv the Report 
of the Committee, in the following words: — "The evil Was already 
in existence, and possessed within itself the means of its own exten- 
sion, and accordingly, the free coloured population of Virginia, 
which in 1800, was only 24,000, had in 1820, reached the anjouni 
of 30,875." — Now, admitting these facts in substance, to be true, as 
thev certainly arc; and considering at the same time, that the laws 
of Virginia open every avenue to the emigration and close every one 
against immigration of this population; and considering that nearly 
one half of the settlers now in Africa are emigrants li-om Virginia; 
does not this astonishing increase prove, that the whole means in the 
hamis of the Colonization Society are utterly inadequate to its laudable 
expanded impracticable.objects.'' Does it not demonstrate, that so far 
from relieving Virginia entirely of this despised and degraded popu- 
lation, that they never can exert sufficient influence even to keep down 
its natural increase.^ — I could not avoid being tbrcibly struck with a 
remark contained in the Report of the last meeting of the Coloniza 
lion Society, in relation to the eflect of the African climate upon the 
emigrants from the United States. — It is in the following words: — ■ 
"Draw a line (says ]\Ir. Ashman) due East and West across Elk- 
ridge, Maryland, and not a death has invaded the people from the 
South of it." Now as many deaths have been reported to have ta- 
ken place, (if they all have occurred with the emigrants North of 
that line) it is fair to conclude; that this fatal influence of climate 
must tend to discourage emigration from that section of the United 
States North of this ideal line; in which will be found, a great pro- 
portion of the free people of colour. But to show the fallacy of this 
theory, as of most others founded in visionary notions, since its pro- 
mulgation, the ship Harriet, sailed from Norfolk, with more than 
half of the emigrants on board from Virginia; and nearly all from 
the South of Mr. Ashman's line, amongst whom, there has been a 
greater mortality from the climate, than with the emigrants in any 
preceding vessel; whilst so fatal has been its efl'ect upon white emi- 
grants, that it is believed there is scarcely one now living in the 
whole of the African settlements ; and it is known, that every white 
agent has fallen a victim to the climate. — If the discouragement of 
this fatal influence of the climate upon the people of colour North 
of Mr. Ashman's ideal line, is so great, as to prevent future emigra- 
tion from all that section of country, then so far, there is already a 
certain failure of the objects of the Society ; aflbrding strong indi- 
cations of an entire failure. Again — It would seem from the last 
Report of the Colonization Society ; that their chief reliance for 
the ultimate success of their original projects by their Qwa means. 



would chiefly depend upon the subscriptions of the 4th of last July, 
avid the Sunday following ; and if these should fall short of their an- 
ticipations, their only reliance would then be upon the interposition 
of the General Government. Although nothing certain has yet 
been given to the public in rclati(Mi to llie amount of these subscrip- 
tions, as far as 1 am informed, it is far from being flattering or en- 
couraging to the friends of the institution. It is now more than a 
month since the day of contribution passed, and from an attentive 
observation to the newspapers, I recollect only to have seen, two in- 
stsaices of contributions for the objects of the Colonization Societ}'. 
The one from Philadelphia, somewhat exceeding flOOO — and the 
other from the neighbourhood of Winchester, Virginia, nearly $75. 
I have also been told, that $15 for the same object, have been sub- 
scribed in this Cit3'. There are probably other contributions, but I 
have no means of even conjecturing their probable amounts. If 
then, these contributions should have failed; how will it be possi- 
ble to comply with the hopes and expectations of the late Mr. Ash- 
man, in improving the morals and industry of the present settlers in 
Liberia, by sending thither more purified emigrants from the United 
States.''— which if not done, he thinks the Colony will "inevitably and 
rapidly decline.'"' Calculating then, upon an entire failure of all the 
means in the hands of the Society, for effectuating their grand imagin- 
ary original scheme, their only resort, according to their own showing, 
is to the Government of the United Stales. Should tlie Government 
of the United Suites, in defiance of all Constitutional restraints, 
usurp this extreme of sovereign power; it would, in my judgment, 
be the most deplorable and deprecated result, that could possibly 
take place, from the failure of this visionary, enthusiastic, impracti- 
cable, laudable project. It would tend by usurpation, to invest that 
Government with an increased, consolidated momentum of power, 
which would put at defiance all Constitutional restraints, and convert 
it at once into an unlimited, uncontrolled despotism. A Govern- 
ment possessed of a consolidated mass of power consisting at this 
time of perhaps 12,000,000 of people; and so rapidly increasing.. 
as probably in half a century to amount to 50,000,000 ; inhabiting n 
country of almost unlimited extent, — would laugh to scorn all parch.- 
ment limitations upon its practical administration, and would glory 
in sporting with the rights and liberties of the people at its own ca- 
pricious, despotic will. It would be impossible to interpose any ef- 
fectual restraints upon such a colossal mass of power, except through 
the Federative principle. State sovereignties, in full vigour, might 
possibly form some check to this immense, amalganiated mcmcntum 
of power, by practically breaking it into divisions, and participating; 
in the administration of the sovereign powers, which no parchment 
regulations could ever effect; and upon these alone, must the peo- 
ple of the United States rely for tlie preservation of their rights and 
liberties. How all important then, is the preservation of State 
Rights. This view of the subject, has not hitherto sufficiently at- 
tracted the public attention ; but at the present moment most awful- 
ly calls for its most profound consideration, — In regard to the mis- 



8 

ehievous tendencies of this Society, I propose to present but a sin- 
gle reflection and animadversion. The Colonization Society, has 
more or less relation to the great and delicate question of cinanci- 
pation, and aflbrds a tixed and continued resort to fanatics and en- 
thusiasts, of all descriptions, in favor of some unknown measures 
for that object; whether their intent be wicked or charitable, for the 
purpose of keeping that subject in a perpetual course of inquiry 
and discussion. One necessary consequence of which is, to place 
the slaves in a state of increased restlessness and uneasiness in ti.eir 
present condition, and to stimulate them to continued eflbrts for bet- 
tering it. This state of excitement, necessarily imposes a reluctant 
obligation upon the Government to resort to measures of increased 
discipline over these unfortunate people; and every new effort on 
their part must necessarily produce a counteracting effort on the 
part of the Government, until their condition, instead of being bet- 
tered, will be rendered incomparably worse than it now is, whilst 
their owners, tmder sanction of the Government, would be reluctant- 
ly compelled to exercise more rigour on their part, and become de- 
prived thereby of that charitable sympathy growing out of the na- 
tural relation of master and slave, which is, at this moment, the best 
guarantee for the security, comfort, and happiness of the commisera- 
ted slave. 

You will readily see, my dear Sir, by a review of what I have al- 
ready said, that, however painful and reluctant the admission, we 
must, in my judgment, of necessity submit to all the inconveniencies 
of a mixed population for some lime to come: — at least until some 
better project shall be devised for our relief than has heretofore been 
suggested; and certainly, better than the American Colonization So- 
ciety, which seems to me entirely unsuited, and incompetent to its end. 
However unpleasant the reflectio)is resulting from this admission may 
be, I think they are not without material alleviation ; and I now take 
great pleasure in proceeding to present to you. Sir, some facts and 
suggestions, which I hope and trust will afford material consolation 
to your laudable and philanthropic feelings towards the two castes of 
our unfortunate, commiserated coloured population. First, in rela- 
tion to the free people of colour — I am far from yielding to the opin- 
ions expressed by the intelligent committee of the House of Dele- 
gates of Virginia, and tiie enthusiastic n)emorialists of Powhatan, 
respecting the degraded arid demoralised condition of this caste ; — • 
at least in degree and extent. It will be admitted that this caste of 
coloured population attract but little of the public sympathy and 
commiseration, — in fact, that the public feeling and sentiment are 
opposed to it. It is also admitted, that the penal laws against it 
have been marked with peculiar severity; so much so, as to form a 
characteristic exception to our whole penal code. When I first came 
into the office of Governor, stich was the severity of the penal laws 
against that caste, that for all capittil offences short of the punish- 
ment of death, and for many offences not capital, slavery, sale and 
transportation formed the wretched doom denounced by the laws 
against this unfavoured, despised ca^tc of coloured people. About 



two 3'ears since, tliis extreme severit}' of punishment was commuted 
into the milder one of confinement and labour for stated periods, in 
the Penitenliar}'. I have also reason to fear, that under the influ- 
ence of general prejudices, the laws, in some instances, have been 
administered against them more in riG;our than justice. Yet, not- 
wifhstanding- all these deprecated circumstances, the proportion of 
convicts to the whole population has been small. During the 
existence of those extreme punishments, up to the present period, 
the whole population of this description of people may be consider- 
ed at the beginning, to be about 35,000, now increased to about 
40,000 — in despite of all the efforis of the Colonization Society, and. 
notwithstanding the operation of the laws in favour of emigration, 
and against iinmigr;itio'n. — During the existence of these extreme pun- 
ishments, the annual convictions for oflences did not exceed eleven 
(1 1) upon an increasing population of 35,000. — Since the commuta- 
tion of the punishment, the annual average of convicts upon the in- 
creased population of 40,000, is reduced to eight (8) as will be seen 
by an official report of the Superintendent of the Penitentiary, for- 
warded herewith. The proportion, therefore, of the annual convic- 
tions, to the whole population is as 1 to 5,000. These facts would 
serve to prove, almost to demonstration ; 1st, That this class of popu- 
lation is by no means so vicious, degraded and demoralized as repre- 
sented by their prejudiced friends and voluntary benefactors. And 
2d, That the evils attributed to this caste are vastly magnified and ex- 
aggerated. In relation to civil rights, although the laws deprive this 
unfortunate people of some privileges, yet they aflbrd complete pro- 
tection to their persons and property, and seciire to them perfect 
freedom of conscience and religion. Still more consolatory reflec- 
tions will be found in considering the actual condition of the slave 
population. Whilst they are nominally slaves, they are more actual- 
ly ft-ee, than the mere effective operatives in any other country known 
to me. — They enjoy more efl'ectual and beneficial protection under 
the laws. They have a perfect exemption from all the influences of 
the civil laws, and the penal laws in relation to them are both just 
and merciful, and are executed in a spirit of forbearance and chari- 
ty. Far from partaking of the prejudices, which I admitted to exist 
against the free people of colour, they enjoy the commiserations and 
sympathies of the community in a iiigh tiegree, — evidently arising 
from the natural relations of master and slave. For more particular 
explanations upon this point, I beg leave to refer you to a commu- 
nication, written by myself, printed in the Enquirer the 6th of Janu- 
ary, 1827 — containing general reflections upon the principle of slave 
labour, &ic. — with two other papers subseciuently written, connected 
with that subject. 

Permit me to assure you, my dear Sir, that, in presenting to your 
view, through the written communication, the comforts and indul- 
gencies enjoyed by the slave population in Virginia, the picture is 
not drawn in favourable relief.— Whilst nothing is exaggerated, some 
material articles are omitted; particularly the article of wood, which, 
as far as 1 know in Virginia, is turnished by the master to th^ sl^ve, 
B 



without limit or reolraiiit, and at all times affords him warm and coiir' 
fortable fires; an enjoyment essential to the habits and constitutions 
of Africans J whilst the want of that article, perhaps more than 
any other, increase the sufferings of the poor in aFl climates in high 
latitudes. Besides, one whole class of this population remain entire- 
ly unnoticed, consisting of the servants in gentlemen's families, who, 
with very little labour, live almost as luxuriously as their owners. — 
So, in speaking of the merciful provisions of the laws and their hu- 
mane administration in relation to the slaves, there are several cir- 
cumstances omitted, which deserve to be mentioned. The Magis- 
trates of the County and Corporation Courts are made the triers of 
slaves for all offences, except those of the lowest order. A Court 
must consist of at least five Magistrates for the trial of a slave; and 
an unanimity of opinion that the accused slave is guilty, is made ne- 
cessary to his conviction. The law considers these triers also, as 
file next friends of the accused, by charging them with the duty of 
providing counsel for him at the expense of the owner, should the 
owner fail to provide counsel himself; so that the humanity of the 
law provides, that no slave in Virginia, can be tried for a penitentia- 
ry offence, without competent counsel; — a still further protection 
against injustice and oppression is found by the slave, in the general 
sympathies and commiserations of the public in his favour. 

While, therefore, I am reluctantly, but necessarily drawn to the 
conclusion, diat the existence of slavery in Virginia, is an evil, for 
which no sufficient remedy has yet been found ; and for which, none 
perhaps can now be devised ; I still console myself with the reflec- 
tion, that this evil has been greatly magnified, and particularly in 
relation to the condition of the slaves themselves. This condition 
must, upon critical examination, be admitted to, be far less wretched, 
than it has generally bpen represented, and believed to be. 

Completely to eradicate a principle of labour long established in 
a p()[)ulous, extended country, and transfused through all the various 
ramifications of society, and upon which, it mainly depends for its 
subsisience, wealth, and prosperity, and to substitute another princi- 
ple of labom- in its stead, is a political proposition, of all others the 
most difficult of solution. It would not be possible to make the 
change in a short time, without utter ruin, to such society. It would 
necessarily require time — a long time ; and continued developments 
of hidden circumstances favourable to the oljecis — must arise, and 
be wjsely directed, before it would be possible to effect it. 

Permit me now, my dear Sir, to disclose to you some existing 
operative causes, which tend more to check slave population, in Vir- 
ginia and Maryland, and to diminish the number of slaves relative- 
ly to the white population, in those States, than, in all probability, 
ever will be done by any philanthropic society whatever. I allude 
to the traffic now going on by the removal of slaves from those 
States to the countries South and ^Vest of them. This traffic is car- 
ried on by negro traders; who, far from attracting the public sympa- 
thies and charitable plaudits, are, nevertheless, doing tenfold more 
in one year towards the removal of the slave population from this 



il 

section of :!Countrv, than the Colonization Society, with all its tender 
feelings, and pecuniary means, has been able to effect in twelve, 
when rewarded .with the public applause, and admiration, for their 
philanthropic, ineffectual efforts. — The extensive scene of rich coun- 
try to the South, and West, for the most part, but thinly settled, af- 
fords an almost boundless reservoir for the reception of slaves; and 
slave labour being more profitable there, than here, and consequent- 
ly, the price of slaves higher, furnishes strong inducements for their 
removal to those sections of country. The demand which exists for 
them there, can only be supplied from the scene of country described; 
— the slave trade from Ali'ica to that country, being completely at 
an end. From these causes, numbers of slaves are removed annualr 
]y from this scene of country, and shipped from Richmond and Nor- 
folk to New- Orleans; and numbers are also carried on foot to South 
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Kentucky and 
the country West of these States. . Besides, the slaves thus removed, 
consist mostly of boys and girls, about the age of puberty, the pe- 
riod of life, when propagation is just commencing; and of course, 
their removal produces the most effectual check to the slave popula- 
tion, according to numbers, which could possibly be devised. — This 
traffic too, of late years, has been greatly increased from the pressure, 
under which, this section of country has laboured by the immoral, un- 
equal, and destructive tributary sectional impositions made by acts 
of Congress, as well as from a strong sentiment opposed to slave- 
holding, which is daily strengthening, and becoming more and more 
prevalent amongst sla^e owners generally. The considerations ari- 
sing from these circumstances have produced an impression upon my 
mind, that through these means, Maryland and Virginia may eventu- 
ally be relieved of their slave population altogether. — Already has 
an observable substitution of free white, for coloured slave labour, 
taken place in several manual occupations, and, as 1 believe, this 
change has been progressing for the last two or three years — ^so ra- 
pidly, as to render it questionable, whether it could be increased — 
without endancering the interests of the community, by withdrawing 
one species of labour from the country, more rapidly, than another 
jcould be substituted; and thus, lessening its cultivation and improve- 
ment. 

Should, then, these impressions prove correct, and should we avail 
ourselves of every other incident, which from the inscrutable dispen- 
sations of Providence may arise in the practical course of human 
affairs, we may confidently anticipate a day, how distant, cannot be 
told, when there will not be a slave in Maryland, or Virginia; and 
although this desirable object may not be accomplished by any phi- 
lanthropic scheme, originating in enthusiastic feelings of charity and 
benevolence, yet the result as to the white population of these States 
would be the same, and could not fail to afford much additional con- 
solation, particularly to the people thus relieved. It is true, the con- 
dition of the removed- slaves, as to bond or free, is not changed; but 
this condition as it exists here, as well as generally in the scene of 
country to which the slaves are removed, is stripped of most of its 



12- 

actual sufferings and miseries. Though called a slave, the Ameri- 
can slave is more free, and possesses more comforts and enjoyments, 
than the labourers of Europe, who are called free. — In further illns- 
tration of this remark, 1 will here insert two extracts upon this point 
from the communication to which your attention has ahead}' been 
invited. They exhibit a contrast between the nominal slave here, 
and the nominal free man in England, wllli some general reflections 
on the causes of the difference in their actual condition. It is in the 
following words: — 

♦'If all Governments were free and just, and would, as in duty 
hound, protect each labourer in the free use of the proceeds of his 
own labour, without forcibly taking them for the use of another, or 
even "for public use without just compensation," nothing could be 
more liorrible and destructive, than the introduction of slave labour 
in such coiumunities; but as all Governments heretofore devised, arc 
despotic and unjust, and take the proceeds of labour from the Ifi- 
bourer and give them to atiother, who does not labour for them, the 
modification of labour in regard to the principle of willing, or re- 
luctant, bond, or free, becomes ICss important. The power of taking 
the proceeds of the labour of one man, and giving tliem to another, 
seems to be considered by the present administrators of the General 
Government, the siimmum boniim of governmental power. They seem 
lo think if it be stripped of that power, it will tliereby become strip- 
ped of all its fascinating glitter; yet this power is the essence of mo- 
dern despotism. In all Governments which usurp this power, it is 
matter of very little importance, whether tlie labourer be called free, 
or bond, free man, or slave; tor actual slave he must be, whatever 
jiomenclature be affixed to him. The great injury done to individu- 
al man, consists in taking from him the proceeds of his labour, not in 
the opplicaiion of them. That is, relatively, of very little importance 
to him. The writer proposes to illustrate this position, by a compa- 
rison, between the actual condition of a slave in Virginia, and the 
free labourer in that part of Great Britain, called England, and the 
writer tltinks it will be seen, that tlie nominal slave in Virginia, is 
more an actual free man, than the nominal free labourer in England, 
whilst the nominal (ita labourer there, is more an actual slave, than 
is the nominal slave here. Labour is coerced from the slave in Vir- 
ginia, by corporal punishment. Bad enough that tor the poor slave! 
Labour from the tree labourer, in England, is coerced by tiie horrors 
of starvation and pauperism. Worse for the poor free labourer there! 
Let it be asked, which mode of coercion is the worst .^ which affords 
the most despotic, terrific sanction for the coercion of labour.'* Can 
the imagination conceive of a more terrible, and effectual sanction for 
enforcing labour, than tlie iiorrors of starvation or pauperism!! No 
sanction could impose a stronger obligation to obedience and submis- 
sion; accordingly, the free labourer in England is much more subser- 
vient to his m<cst€r in England, than is the slave labourer in Virginia, 
to Ills master here. In England, all the proceeds of the labourer are 
taken from him by law, whilst he I'emains subject to all the re- 
sponsibilities of lh9 law. 111 Virginia, whilst the master is permit- 



13 

ted to take all the proceeds of the laboiu'^ of liis slave, the slave 
himself is exempted from all the responsibilities of the law, except 
tor the commission of crimes — No tiihcs, no la.\es to pay, no inex- 
orable Sherifis to take from him his last pittance. Tlie slave iix 
Virginia is generally furnished by his master with more of the best 
bread in the world tor labourers, (bread made of Indian corn,) than 
he can eat; some meat, fruits, vegetables, fowls of his own raising at 
his master's costs, and eggs in abundance; he is also allowed to tend 
a^ little patch which affords him comforts and luxuries, particularly 
linery in dress, in which negroes take delight. In England, the free 
labourer has not food of any kind, beyond a bare subsistence, whilst 
much more labour, when wanted, is coerced from him than from the 
slave in Virginia. In England, with but little diflerence in the 
amount of its population, with that of the United States, there are 
nearly as many paupers, technically so called, as there are slaves in 
ihe whole United Stales. There are, besides, millions of miserable 
poor free labourers, at this moment, without a comfortable subsist- 
ence in the midst of plenty of breadstuffs. Witness the cries now 
heard there for bread ; witness the actual starvation now seen amidst 
abundant harvests; the same newspapers announcing abundant har- 
vests and a starving population; witness the placards not long since 
stuck up in the manufacturing towns — " blood or bread." Game is free 
to the slaves in Virginia. There are no game laws, no spring guns. 
There is not a slave pauper in Virginia. The old, the young, the in- 
firm, are all vvell taken care of by their owners. There are no " blood 
or bread" placards, set up here, by hungry slaves. [*See note at the 
end.] In times of sickness, the slave in Virginia, is afforded the best 
medical aid, at the expense of i)is master, and is well attended to by his 
fellow slaves, generally his relations. In England, the poor labourer 
when sick, is often neglected, seldom can command the regime proper 
for his disease, and a fortnight's sickness is almost a certain passport 
TO a poor house. Miserable receptacles!! where the soul and body of 
man are barely kept together, by the cheapest and coarsest materials 
for human subsistence!! and the body left with scanty covering, or 
no covering at all. In Virginia, general!}', llie slave is well clad in 
coarse clothes, suited to his condition. In England, the poor labour- 
er not within poor houses, is clad with the scantiest covering. In 
^hort, the slaves in Virginia have all the comforts for all animal in- 
dulgencies, with fewer checks to population, than any other race of 
human beings known to the writer. Accordingl}', they increase in 
population faster, than the free labourers in any other country in 
the world, faster than their owners. As a consequence of this con- 
dition, the slaves in Virginia are the merriest, the most cheerful, the 
most musical race of human beings— -possibly the most happy, so far 
as animal indulgencies constitute happiness; certainly more so than 
the voluptuaries of Europe, who become pampered and gouty by the 
artificial refinements of cookery; more so, than their comnniseratorSj 
who make themselves miserable, because they fear they cannot make 
the slaves happy. In relation to their responsibilities to criminal 
law, it is known that in all trials for crimes, justice is administered 



14 

to the slaves, abundantly tempered with mercy. The current ofsym" 
path}', and. of moral sentiment of the country, sets strongly in their 
favour, in all the dispensations of justice, respecting them ; whether 
for offences committed by them, or for wrongs done them b}' others. 
In such cases, the slave generally finds his master his real friend. 
His master generally stands by him, defends him, as far as is proper 
at least, and employs counsel in his behalf. There is a natural sym- 
pathy growing out of the relation of master and slaves, generally 
seen in Virginia, infinitely more beneficial to the slave, than all the 
visionary schemes of all the fantastical commiserating melioraters, 
which ever have been, or ever can be devised for his relief." 

Now let us look upon a picture faithfully drawn of a free English 
operative : — 

"The free, fashionable English operative, when singled out, and 
critically looked at, appears to be a most singular anomaly of poli- 
tical artificial man, stripped of all natural rights. After having his 
person manacled hand and foot, hy a multiplicily of cruel laivs ; his 
bread taken from his mouth, and his covering from his back, by tithes 
and taxes, he is then told by his Government, you are perfectly free; 
you ought to love your Government, and be proud of your English 
liberty; you have all the world before you, go and enjoy your preci- 
ous liberty ; enjoy all your rights of person and property at your 
own pleasure. Alas!! poor miserable, manacled, starving, naked, 
perfectly free English operative; he is first cruelly stripped of all 
rights, and then told to enjoy all he has tviih perfect liberty. He is 
a perfect freeman. He is no slave. How charming must be the 
blessings of liberty to a perfectly free, fashionable, English opera- 
tive!!! How much better his condition, confined to his parish, with- 
out bread or covering, than the Virginia slave, surrounded with eve- 
ry comfort for animal indulgencies! Free in the enjoyment of his re- 
ligion. Free in the enjoyment of his mind." 

Besides, the real advantages the nominal American slaves are thus 
shown to possess over the nominal free English operative, which 
Hiay enable the mind to contemplate the existence of slavery here 
with much less regret, the removal of slaves to the country South 
and West, secures for them several additional comforts and enjoy- 
ments of the first importance. 

They are removed to a climate more congenial to their consti- 
tutions and habits, and to a country, so rich as to afford them all 
the necessaries of life in superfluous abundance. This reflection, 
must add still more to our consolations, when contemplating this in- 
teresting, delicate and melancholy subject; and 1 feel assured, my 
dear Sir, that these consolations will be particularly grateful to your 
benevolent, philanthropic heart. — But, still it may be said, the 
sting of slavery remains undrawn. — This is true; and "O Slavery! 
thou art a bitter draught; and although thousands in all ages have 
been made to drink of thee, thou art not the less bitter on that ac- 
count!!" Yet why should all our sympathies, and commiserations 
be exhausted upon the condition of the American slave, when his 
actual condition is incomparably better, than that of the free Euro- 



15 

pean operative ? When he has more actual liberty, and more actual 
protection under tlie laws, than has the nominal free operative; and 
when his animal comforts, and indulgencies are incomparably great- 
er? Why should we not extend our tender sympathies and commis- 
erations to the whole enslaved human race? and exert the whole en- 
ergies of our minds for the relief of the whole? Is there no hope 
of devising some means by which the cruel long endured chains, 
bound round the many by the frauds and combinations of the Cew, 
may be broken asunder; and the suffering slaves liberated from their 
cruel bondage? This indeed would be a more noble object, and in- 
finitely more worthy of human sympathies and human affections 
in the irresistible onward march of the human intellect, crumbling 
to atoms, in its way, all despotic power. — But there are still other 
consolations behind, in relation to the actual condition of the popu- 
lation of Virginia, taken in the aggregate. — I am disposed to think, 
that the whole population of Virginia consisting of three castes of free 
white, free coloured, and slave coloured population, is the soundest 
and most moral of any other according to numbers in the whole 
world — slavery to the contrary notwithstanding. — Such would be 
the inevitable result, of a comparison of convictions for crimes ac- 
cording to population with any other country in the world, as far as 
is known to me. — The free white population of Virginia, may be es- 
timated at this time, at eight hundred thousand. The number of con- 
victions for Penitentiary offences, including all, except the very highest, 
and verj^ lowest — and the highest if included, would add very little to 
the whole number, amounts to an average of about 43 (forty-three) 
annually. — This would make the number of convictions annually to 
the whole white population, about one, to eighteen thousand five 
hundred. The whole number of the free coloured people, may, at 
this time, be estimated at 40,000, (forty thousand) tlie number of 
convicts for each of the last two years is about 8, (eight) making 
the proportion of convicts to the whole of that population annually, 
one, to five thousand. — ^The whole slave people of colour, may be 
estimated at four hundred thousand; and the annual number of con- 
victions for Penitentiary offences, is about 18, (eighteen) making the 
convictions to the whole number of slaves, one, to about 22,000, 
(twenty-two thousand.) The whole number of the whole population 
is estimated at 1,300,000. Tiie whole annuul convictions at 71,— 
would be one, to about 16,000, (sixteen thousand.) Hence it will 
be seen ; that the proportion of convictions annually to the whole 
white population, is one, to about 18,000; — of the free coloured, one,, 
lo 5,000; — of the slave coloured, one, to 22,000. — The coloured 
slave population, shewing fewer annual convictions according to 
numbers than the free white population; and in a still greater pro- 
portion to the free coloured population. — Clearly shewing that the 
slaves are not driven to the perpetration of crimes from want, and 
wretchedness; and that justice is administered to them, abundantly 
tempered with mercy. — it also appears ; that out of 172 convictions 
of the free white population, 59 have not been native Virginians, 
leaving only 113 convicts native Virginians. For these estimated 



16 

results, I refer you, Sir, to tlie official Report of the Superintendent 
of the Virginia Penitentiary Establishment: 

I now do myself the honor of forwarding to you herewith a vo- 
lume, containing many interesting political miscellanies, which I beg 
you to accept; and among the rest, the Twelfth Annual Rf^port of 
the American Colonization Society, the Report of Mr. Tazewell to 
the Senate, upon the memorial of that Society for relief. — The Re- 
port of Mr. Mercer to the House of Representatives of the United 
States, upon the same subject. — Tlie Memorial of the Auxiliary So- 
ciety of Powhatan, and tlie Report of the committee to the House 
of Delegates of Virginia thereupon. — These papers contain most of 
the material information at my command in relation to the present 
condition of the American Colonization Society. — 1 will not, my 
dear Sir, make any apology for the length of this letter; nor for 
giving it publicity. It is a subject of the most delicate, and inter- 
esting character — and the public sensibilities are all alive to it, at 
this moment, whilst information is much wanted to enable the pub- 
lic to give a proper direction to these excited sensibilities ; nor could I 
reconcile it to myself, in complying with your desire, to do less, than 
to give you an outline view at least, of my general information up- 
on the subject, ahd m3' general reflections and opinions thereupon. 

Accept, my dear Sir, the best affections of my heart, and permit 
me to put up my fervent pra3ers to Heaven, that it may please God, 
to preserve your health, and to continue your eventful and useful 
life for niany vears to come. 

WM. B. GILES. 

General La Fayette. 

PENITENTIARY, 8th mo. 13th, 1829. 

In compliance with the Governor's instructions, the undersigned, 
respectfully submits the following Report of the number of free peo- 
ple of colour, tliat have been convicted of crimes, and sent to the 
Penitentiary, since the repeal of the law, subjecting that people 
to sale and transportation : — Fourteen male, and two female, — mak- 
ing sixteen convicts; this embraces of course, those that committed 
the act for which they were convicted, before the repeal of the law; 
hut subsequently tried and accepted the commutation of punishment, 
by. confinement in the Penitentiary. 

With sentiments of respect, thy friend, 

SAMUEL P. PARSONS, 
Superintendent of the Penitentiary. 
His Excellency, the Governor of Virginia. 

PENITENTIARY, 8th mo. 22d, 1829. 

In compliance with the Governor's instructions of the 20th inst.. 
the Su[)erintendent respectfully submits the following Report, viz: 

In the year ending on the 30th of September, 1826, the whole 
number of white convicts received into the Penitentiary, were forty* 



17 

seven ; of vvliich, three were Europeans, and seventeen from other 
Slates of the Union ; making twenty not natives of Virginia. 

And, for tlie year ending on the 30th of September, 1827, forty- 
four were rece ved ; of which, three were Europeans, and ten from 
other Stales ; making thirteen not natives of Virginia. 

For the year ending 30th September, 1828, there were forty-sev- 
en white, and seven coloured convicts; of the white, one Europe- 
an, and ten from other parts of the United States than Virginia. 

And, from the 1st of October, 1828, to this date, the number of 
white convicts were thirty-five, and the coloured nine, making forty- 
four; of which, two were Europeans, and thirteen from other States ; 
making filteen not natives of Virginia. 

For the year 1826, embracing the period above for that year, 
ten free persons of colour, and fifteen slaves were received for sale 
and transportation; for 1827, ten free, and twenty-two slaves; apd 
for 1828, four free, and fifteen slaves; and up to this date, for* 
1829,*= there were nineteen slaves; making for the years 1826, '27, 
'28, of free persons, twenty-four; and including 1S29, seventy-one 
slaves. 

The law subjecting free persons of colour to imprisonment in the 
Penitentiary for crimes, instead of sale and transportation, took ef- 
fect in the Spring 1828; which accounts for the difference in the two 
last years of the number of free transports. 

With sentiments of great respect and regard, thy friend, 

SAMUEL P. PARSONS, 
Superintendent of the Penitentiary. 

His Excellency, the Governor of Virginia. 



CLEARED FROM RICHMOND. 

1826. Schooner Robert Burns, various ages, sex and colour, 126 

1828. Brig Columbus, do. do. do. 194 

1829. Schooner Ariana, do. do. do. 106 
•' Brig Gold Hunter, do. do. do. 203 

Clearances here direct to New-Orleans, 629 

There has been shipped from Norfolk, about 3,000 each year for 
the last three years, from the best information I can gather. And 
the average number will be 2,000 each year, for the three years, by 
land from this place. This, I gather from the Traders, and what I 
know of the trade myself. 

Yours, 

JOS. C. HALEY. 

His Excellency Gov. Giles. 

* jllthough the year 1829 is not complete, it probably includes the 
whole convicts for the whole of that year— the Fall terms of the- 
Courts for the trial of Penitentiary offences not commencing till some 
time in September. 
c 



18 



The foregoing statement from Mr. Haley, the Chief Clerk in tlit 
Collector's Office of this place, estimates above 5,000 slaves to be 
shipped, or taken by land annually, for the last three years, from this 
place and Norfolk alone. This estimate will not comprehend those 
sent from Petersburg, nor those purchased North, West, or South of 
this place ; nor those taken out of the State by their original owners. 
All these would add considerably to the numbers estimated. It is 
not pretended, that this estimate is minutely correct; but its general 
results would produce the impression, that more than five times as 
many slaves have been removed from Virginia alone in each j^ear, 
for the last three, than have been removed to Liberia by the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society from the whole United States in twelve 
years, since its establishment, or in ten since the first shipment; com- 
prehending the whole coloured population, both free and bond — and 
probably ten times as many, as have been removed from Virginia 
alone, to Liberia in the same time. 



NOTE [A.] 

Extract from the '' Tenth Annual Report of the American Society, 
for Colonizing the Free People of Colour of the United States." 

'* The moral and religious character of the Colony exerts a pow- 
erful influence on its social and civil condition. That piety which 
had guided most of the early emigrants to Liberia, even before they 
left this country, to respectability and usefulness among their asso- 
ciates, prepared them, in laying the foundations of a Colony, to act 
with a degree of wisdom and energy which no earthly motives could 
inspire. Humble, and for the most part unlettered men ; born and bred 
in circumstances the most unfavorable to mental culture; unsustain- 
ed by the hope of renown, and unfamiliar with the history of great 
achievements and heroic virtues, theirs was nevertheless a spirit un- 
moved by dangers or by suflerings, which misfortunes could not 
darken, nor death dismay. They left America, and felt that it was 
forever: they landed in Africa, possibly to find a home, but certain- 
ly a gra«ve. Strange would it have been had the religion of every 
individual of these early settlers proved genuine; but immensely 
changed as have been their circumstances, and severely tried their 
faith, most have preserved untarnished the honors of their profession, 
and to the purity of their morals, and the consistency of their con- 
duct, is in a great measure to be attributed the social order and ge- 
xieral prosperity of the Colony of Liberia. Their example has 
proved most salutary; and while subsequent emigrants have found 
themselves awed and restrained, by their regularity, seriousness, and 
devotion, the poor natives have given their confidence and acknow- 
ledged the excellence of practical Christianity. " It deserves re- 
cord," says Mr. Ashman, "that religion has been the principal 
agent employed in laying and confirming the foundations of the set- 
f-lemeut. To this sentiment, ruling, restraining, and actuj^ting the 



1^ 

minds ol' a lavj^e proportion of tlie Colonists, must be referred the 
whole strength of our Civil Government." Examples of intemper- 
ance, profanencss, or licentiousness, are extremely rare; and vice, 
wherever it exists, is obliged to seek concealment from the public 
eye. The Sabbath is universally respected ; Sunday Schools, both 
for the children of the Colony and for the natives, are established ; 
all classes attend regularly upon the worship of God; some charit- 
able associations have been formed for the benefit of the heathen ; 
and though it must not be concealed, that the deep concern on the 
subject of religion, which resulted, towards the conclusion of the 
year 1825, in the public profession of Christianity by about fifty Co- 
lonists, has in a measure subsided, and some few cases of delinquen- 
cy since occurred; and though there are faults growing out of the 
early condition and habits of the settlers which require amendment; 
yet the Managers have reason to believe that there is a vast and in- 
creasing preponderance on the side of correct principle and virtuous 
practice. One gratifying instance has occurred, in which two Me- 
thodist Societies, long separated, have been induced by juster views, 
unanimously to unite in the same discipline and worship. On this 
subject the Managers will only add, that the moral interests of the 
Colony have been most essentially promoted by the eminent piety 
and labours of its ministers." 

How diflerent the picture here drawn of the religion, morals, &:c. 
of the African settlers, from that drawn by the late Mr. Ashman, in 
his last Report, referred to in the Twelfth Annual Report of the 
American Colonization Society!!! 

Is it possible to believe, that the free people of colour, represent- 
ed by the memorialists of Powhatan and the committee of the House 
of Delegates to be vicious in the extreme, whilst under the restrain- 
ing influence of severe laws, should all at once become virtuous in 
the extreme, by removal to another country, and feft perfectly unre- 
strained except by such laws as they might enact for their own gov- 
ernment, whilst in their extreme vicious condition ? 



^0 



[* Note referred to in jxige 13. J 

Placards — ".Blood or Bread." — These placards were setup ia 
1827. In the insignia, for 1829 — lately exhibited by the starving 
English free operatives, turned out for higher wages, and to save 
themselves from actual starvation, was' one peculiarly characteristic. 
It consisted of a row of teeth, labelled — " To Let" — with the in- 
scription below " No use for them at home." There are no teeth to 
be let by hungry slaves in Virginia — They generally have very fine 
teeth; and have more business always for them at home, than they 
can do. — But Avilh the slave in Virginia, it is slavery still, whilst li- 
berty is the enviable lot of the English operative. It has already 
been seen, that this diflerence is rtiore in the sound, than the thing ; 
and that the American slave enjoys more actual liberty under th»' 
laws, than the English operative. Where is the charm of liberty to 
one, whose body is manacled, and whose mind is crippled? — The li- 
berty of the body not permitted to range beyond one single mechani- 
cal action; nor the mind beyond one single conception. The in- 
evitable eflects of a perfect division of labour — whilst the favour- 
ed few, by combinations, under the sanction of the law, strip the free 
labourer of the whole proceeds of his labour, and the master, or em- 
ployer, by combinations, strip him of the last vestige of his liberty. 
This is done under the sanction of custom, obligatory as the law. — 
That no free labourer shall ever be employed, without a certificate 
of good behaviour from his last master, or employer, when starva- 
tion is the inevitable and melancholy consequence of the want of em- 
ployment. Thus subjecting the free operative to every despotic ca- 
price of his master. What species of slavery can be more hopeless, 
and cruel; or bound down to submission by more complicated ada- 
mantine chains? What value then can there be in the charm, or hope 
or sound of liberty to a slave thus irrevocably fixed in unrelenting 
chains by inexorable complicated combinations?— Thus hopeless — ' 
Thus wretched — Thus degraded; — and in this degraded, miserable 
condition, instead of attracting the sympathies, and commiserations 
of the community, he is doomed to bear the contumelious scorn, con- 
tempt and hauteur of the favoured haughty aristocratic orders. 

Do not such slavery — misery — and degradation, most loudly call 
for a large portion of those sympathies, and commiserations, whicii 
are profusely lavished upon the American slave? Whilst so ftir from 
suffering the horrors of starvation, and pauperism, he is rioting in 
the abundance of his animal indulgencies; and mocking the anxious 
concerns of his unhappy commiseraters, in his exemption from cares 

in his content — iu his merriment, and in his happiness. 

W. B. G- 



F.ROM THE ENQl'IRER, OF JANUARY 6, 1827. 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. 

NO. L 

General reflections upon the principle of SLAVE LABOUR, and the ac- 
tual condition of slaves in Virginia, compared with the actual con- 
dition of the free labourers of other Countries, particularly of that 
part of Great Britain, called England — Also, with the actual con- 
dition of slaves in Africa — '^Hear the other party V^ 

In regard to the principle of slave labour, in Virginia, the writer 
would premise, that the principle of slave labour at this time, in Vir- 
ginia, is matter of necessity, not of choice; that it was originally in- 
troduced, against tl)e will of our forefathers, by their cruel task-mas-' 
ters. Their souls, therefore, rest clear of that sin, as ought our own 
consciences. 

Let us, then, take due care to avoid the commission of two other 
sins, either of which, with due reverence be it spoken, would be 
much greater, if the magsiitiide of the sin be measured by the mag- 
nitude of its evil consequences — to wit: 

Emancipating the slaves now here, and permitting them to remain 
here, colonizing them, or planting any colony, whatever in Africa. 
The princi[)!e of slave labour, as matter of choice, is directly incom- 
patible with the writer's political principles, as manifested in every 
political act of his whole life, connected with that subject. They 
always have consisted, and still consist, in leaving with man, to be 
exercised by him, in his individual character, the whole of his natu- 
ral rights, which can be enjoyed in that state, compatible with the 
state of Government; and in granting to Government the smallest 
possible portion of those rights, which can be made to suffice for 
Governmental purposes. As matter of necessity, the writer is dis- 
posed to make the best of the principle of slave labour, unhappily 
introduced, and diffused amongst us. It should be recollected, how- 
ever, that all the evils of this world are relative, not positive. After 
having bestowed much reflection upon this extremely delicate sub- 
ject, the writer is happy to say, that he finds material alleviation to 
liis feelings in relation to it, arising from a comparative view of the 
actual condition of slaves in Virginia, with the actual condition of 
free labourers, so called in every other Country in the World, parti- 
cularly in Great Britain. This alleviation is considerably increased, 
by extending the comparison to the actual condition of the Africans, 
originally removed to this Country, before their removal from their 
own; and the present condition of their posterity, now in Africa, 
with the posterity of those removed here. In referring to the condi- 
tion of slaves in Virginia exclusively, the writer does not mean to 
intimate that the condition of slaves here, is better than in any other 
portion of the United State?: so far from it, he believes it to be bet- 



2 

ler, generally, in the Western States, than in Virginia; but bis ob- 
ject for selecting Virginia simply is, to speak of (acts within his own 
observation, or from the information of others immediately around 
him. It must be admitted tliat labour, in some form, is indispensable 
to the comfortable exsistence of man. There is, however, a diversity 
in its modifications, if all Governments were free and just, and 
would, as in duty bound, protect each labourer in the free use of the 
proceeds of his own labour, w itliout forcibly taking them for the use 
of another, or even "for public use without just compensation," no- 
thing could be more horrible and destructive, than the introduction 
of slave labour in such communities; but as all Governments hereto- 
fore devised, are despotic and unjust, and take the proceeds of labour 
from the labourer and give them to another, who does not labour for 
them, the modification of labour in regard to the principle of willing, 
or reluctant, bond, or free, becomes less important. The power of 
taking the proceeds of the labour of one man, and giving them to 
another, seems to be considered by the present Administrators of the 
General Government, the summum bonum of Governmental power. 
Tiiey seem to think if it be stripped of that power, it will thereby 
become stripped of all its fascinating glitter; yet this power is the 
essctjce of modern despotism. In all Governments which usurp this 
power, it is matter of very little importance, whether the labourer be 
called free, or bond, free man, or slave; for actual slave he must be, 
whatever nomenclature be afiixed to him. The great injury done to 
individual man, consists in taking from him the proceeds of his labour, 
not in the application of them. That is, relatively, of very little im- 
portance to him. The v/riter proposes to illustrate this position, by 
a comparison, between the actual condition of a slave in Virginia, 
and tlie free labourer in that part of Great Britain, called England, 
and the writer thinks it will be seen, that the nominal slave in V^irgi- 
nia, is more an actual free man, than the nominal free labourer in 
England, whilst the nominal free labourer there, is more an actual 
slave, than is the nominal slave here. Labour is coerced from the 
slave in Virginia, by corporal punishtnent. Bad enougli that (or the 
poor slave! Labour from the free labourer, in England, is coerced 
by the horrors of starvation and pauperism. Worse (or the poor free 
labourer there! Let it be asked, which mode of coercion is the worst' 
which afibrds the most despotic, terrKic sanction/ Can the imagina- 
tion conceive of a more terrible, and efiectual sanction for enforcing 
labour, than the horrors of starvation or pauperism!! No sanction 
could impose a stronger obligation to obedience and submission ; 
accordingly, the free labourer in England is much more subservient 
to his master in England, than is the slave labourer in Virginia, to 
i)is master here. In England, all the proceeds of the labourer are 
taken from him by law, whilst he remains subject to all the responsi- 
bilities of the law. In Virginia, whilst the master is permitted to take 
all the proceeds of the labour of liis slave, the slave himself is exempted 
from all the responsibilities of the law, except for the commission of 
'crimes — No tithes, no taxes to pay, no inexorable Sheriffs to take from 
him his last pittance. The slave in Virginia is generally furnished by 



3 

his master with more of the best bread ui the World for labourers, than 
he can eat; some meat, fruits, vegetables, Ibvvis of his own raising at his 
master's costs, and eggs in abundance; he is also allowed to tend a 
little patch which affords him comforts and luxuries, particularly finery 
in dress, in which negroes take delight. In England, the free la- 
bourer has not food of any kind, beyond a bare subsistence, whilst 
much more labour, when wanted, is coerced from him than from the 
slave in Virginia. In England, with but little difference in the 
amount of its population, with that of the United States, there are 
nearly as many paupers, technically so called, as there are slaves in 
the whole United States. There are, besides, millions of miserable 
poor free labourers, at this moment, without a comfortable subsist- 
ence in the midst of plenty of brcadstuffs. Witness the cries now 
heard there for bread ; witness the actual starvation now seen amidst 
abundant harvests; the same newspapers announcing abundant har- 
vests and a starving population; witness the placards not long since 
stuck up in the manufacturing towns™'* blood or bread." Game is 
free to the slaves in Virginia. There are no game laws, no spring 
guns. There is not a slave pauper in Virginia. The old, the young, 
the infirm, are all well taken care of by their owners. There are no 
*' blood or bread placards," set up here, by hungry slaves. In times 
of sickness, the slave in Virginia, is afforded the best medical aid, at 
the expense of his master, and is well attended to by his fellow slaves, 
generally his relations. In England, the poor labourer when sick. 
is often neglected, seldom can command the regime proper for his 
disease, and a fortnight's sickness is almost a certain passport to a 
poor house. Miserable receptacles!! where the soul and body of 
man are barely kept together, by the cheapest and coarsest materials 
for human subsistence!! and the body left with scanty covering, or 
no covering at all. In Virginia, generally, the slave is well clad in 
coarse clothes, suited to his condition. In England, tiie poor labour- 
er not within poor houses, is clad with the scantiest covering. In 
short, the slaves in Virginia have all the comforts for all animal in- 
dulgencies, with fewer checks to population, than any other race of 
human beings known to the writer. Accordingly, they increase in 
population faster, than the free labourers in any other Country in 
the World, faster than tlieir owners. As a consequence of this con- 
dition, the slaves in Virginia are the merriest, the most cheerful, the 
most musical race of human beings — possibly the most happy, so far 
as animal indulgencies constitute happiness; certainly, more so than 
the voluptuaries of Europe, who become pampered and gouty by the 
artificial refinements of cookery; more so, than their commiserators, 
who make themselves miserable, because they fear they cannot nmke 
the slaves happy. In relation to their responsibilities to criminal 
law, it is known that in all trials for crimes, justice is administered 
to the slaves, abundantly tempered with mercy. The current of sym- 
pathy, and of moral sentiment of the Country, sets strongly in their 
favour, in all the dispensations of justice, respecting them ; whether 
l^or offences committed by them, or for wrongs done them by others, 
fn such cases, the slave generally finds his master his real friend- 



4 



Mis muster geutrally stands by liim, defends liim, as far as is proper 
at least, and {."mplo3's counsel in his belialf. There is a natural sym- 
pathy growing out of tiie relati<in of master and slaves, generally 
seen in Virginia, infinitely more beneficial to the slave, than all the 
visionary schemes of all the fantastical conmiisseraiing melierators 
wl'ich ever have been, or ever can be, devised for his relief In re- 
gard to the relative condition of the slaves in Virginia and in Africa, 
both in relation of soul, mind and body, the comparison affords still 
more consolatory reflections. The first reflection which presents it- 
self in relation to this inquiry, is, that the Africans originally remov- 
ed from tiieir own Country to Virginia, have derived more benefits 
from the removal, than have ever fallen to the lot of any other de- 
scription of emigrants, within the writer's recollection— more tiian 
did to the Israelites of old, in their emigration from Egypt to the 
Promised Land. The descendants of these Israclistes are now scat- 
tered over the face of the whole earth; and many of them have, at 
all times, been shut out from the light of the Gospel; whereas, tlie 
emigrant Africans were originally brought from a state of utter dark- 
ness and savage bondage, and were placed in a land, inhabited by 
civilized man, and blessed with the light of the Gospel. These bene- 
fits are fully enjoyed by their posterity to the present day. The 
writer calls, most reverently, upon the Reverend Clergy, and ail 
pious Christians, to put a proper estimate upon these great benefits. 
If the subject be examined wiihout passion, and solely with i)liiloso- 
phical inquiry after truth, as it becomes all pious Cljristians to do, 
the writer has no doubt of their aflrrmativc verdict upon the c|ucstion. 
The President of the United Slates estimates the blessings of the 
light of the Gospel so highly, that he thinks the extension of the true 
"Religion of our Redeemer'' a sufficient inducement with liim, in 
itself, to justify the Panama Mission. This goodness on his part 
too, is intended to enlighten a People, who already claim for them- 
selves an absolute monopoly of all canonical light and knowledge, 
and an exclusive orthodoxy in the true doctrines of "the Religion of 
the Redeemer"- — whilst the I^rcsident himself is suspected, by some, 
of being heterodox in his own creed : That he is more Greek than Ro- 
man : — Prefers the Unity to the Trinity. Suf)pose our diplomatic 
Congressmen at Panama or elsewhere, should })roclaim to the South 
American bigotted (.^'atholicks, that th.cy were sent there for the pur- 
pose of extending the "(rue Religion of the Redeemer," amongst the 
Catholics of the Roman Creed; and that they v/ould find this true 
Religion in the Greek Creed, ^^ould all the sanctity of international 
law, claimed for the protection of these new-fangled Congressional 
diplomatists save them, from instant inmiolation ? Especially, when 
it is recollected, that at the very moment the President was envelop- 
ed with these sagacious cogitations, an account w^as received from 
Buenos Ayres, that an English Protestant, meeting a Catholick Pro- 
cession of the Host, without showing it due reverence, was, for such 
irreverence, instantly beaten to death by the intolerant infuriated 
bearers of the Host. What, then, would be the probable fate of the 
Congressional diplomatist, who should dare to tell the object of his 



.5 

5nisslon; who should dare to tell Intolerant infin'iated CatholickSj 
that he came amongst them lor the purpose of converting them to 
*'the true Religion of the Redeemer" — especially if it be to the 
Greek Creed ? Is not this extraordinary notion of our intermeddling 
diplomatic President, who prefers a treaty regulation, depending on 
the will of anollicr, to a municipal one, depending on his own, caught 
too, in his own trap — a novel and most singular specimen, boti) of 
his wisdom and of liis sincerity — what will the |iious Christians think 
of it? for whose use it was probably intended!! Let not, then, this 
potent consideration, "the true Religion of the Redeemer," be un- 
derrated. The foretalhers of the slaves in Virginia, were themselves 
slaves in their own Country. Their bondage there was attended 
with every aggravation; whereas, here it is attended with every alle- 
viation compatible with the principle of slavery. It is believed, that 
tl)e proportion of slaves to the freemen in Africa, is three slaves to one 
fre( mar!. Every master there is himself an imfeeling savage, and every 
slave the drudge of some unfeeling savage. There the slave is pro- 
tected by no written law. Here he is, by laws both just in them- 
selves and merciful in their administration. The slave, removed 
from Africa to Virginia, is, by such removal, improved in religion, 
in niorals, in intellects, in comforts. He lives, perhaps, in as good 
a (hvdiing, and in as much style, as the negro king of VVoolli, or the 
Moorish king of Ludama; whilst "kouskous," the common pabu- 
lum of the Africans, is seldom plent}' during the year, is often scan- 
ty, and sometimes altogetiier deficient. The writer's objections to. 
the slave trade, or the removal of the slaves frt^m Africa, (and his 
objections are extremely strong,) are not grounded upon commisse- 
ration for the removed slaves, for their condition would certainly be 
improved by it, if tliat condition, in other places, be like their condi- 
tion here; but upon conmiisseration for the whites, whose condition 
would become most essentially injured by the removal. This injury 
would arise principally from two causes; : From intermixture; from 
di.^couragement to the labouring freemen. These are the great con- 
sequential evils resulting from the removal of the Africans from their 
own Country to this. But it is feared these are evils without a re- 
medy; at least, without any remed}', that would not be worse than 
the evils themselves, so far as relates to the slaves actually domesti- 
cated here. Tliis comparative view of the condition of the slaves in 
Virginia and in Africa, is, by no means, drawn in favourable relief 
towards Virginia. There are many other favourable contrasts, or 
ditlerences, necessarily omitted; yet there are found good-inlention- 
ed commisseratiug meliorators, whose restless consciences would dis- 
turb this condition, and introduce in its place some other; the whole 
of the deprecated effects of which are not known, nor can they be 
known, nor can they be even imagined; but enough is known to 
cause every virtuous well-informed philanthropic mind to shudder at 
their anticipation. The writer speaks not of those deluded meliora- 
tors, as he conceives them to be, with feelings of prejudice or hatred. 
Far from either. He believes them in general, to be well-intention- 
ed good-hearted men. His objection is, not that they are generally 



wanting, even in talents, but that they have too much talents. Their 
superabundance has caused them to overlook the real practical state 
of things in the afiairs of mankind, and to form for themselves an 
imaginary sublimated state of things. Their great and fatal error 
consists in applving the measures suggested by their learned specu- 
lations for their imaginary state of things, to the actual state of things. 
This misapplication, always injurious, would, in regard to the libe- 
ration of slaves, necessarily result in (heir starvation and extirpation. 
Would these horrible results be better than their present condition? 
Is that condition the worst condition that has befallen the lot of man ! 
If not, take heed ye commisserating meliorators, least ye make it the 
worst. Is not the condition of the fashionable free English operative 
much worse? The free fashionable English operative, when singled 
out, and critically looked at, appears to be a most singular anomaly 
of political artificial man, stripped of all natural rights. After hav- ^ 
ing his person manacled hand and foot, by a muUiplicity of cruel | 
laws; his bread taken from his mouth, and his covering from his 1 
back, hy tithes and taxes, he is then told by his Government, you are 
perfectly free; j^ou ought to love your Government^ and be proud of 
your English liberty; you have all the world before you, go and en- 
joy your precious liberty ; enjoy all your rights of person and pro- 
perty at your own pleasure. Alas!! poor miserable, manacled, starv- 
ing, naked, perfectly free English operative; he is first cruelly stripped 
of all rights, and then told to enjoy all he has tvith perfect liberty. He 
is a perfect freeman. He is no slave. How charming must be the 
blessings of liberty to a perfectly free, fashionable, English opera- 
tive!!! How much better his condition, confined to his parish, with- 
out bread or covering, than the Virginia slave, surrounded with eve- 
ry comfort for animal indulgencies! Free in the enjoyment of his re- 
ligion. Free in the enjoyment of his mind. Take heed, American 
Legislators, ye vain, deluded, political-balance-niasters!!! that ye do 
not reduce the condition of the free Jlmerican operative, to the condi- 
tion of the free Etiglish operative. You are heedlessly, rapidly 
pursuing the same course, which produced this horrible state of 
things there. The same causes will produce the same efl'ects every 
where. These causes are unwise, unjust, vain, fantastical intermcd- J 
dlings with the great occupations of Society. Varying the distribu- 1 
tion of the proceeds of labour. Taking from the productive and giv- ^ 
ing to the unproductive labourer. The real source of all modern des- 
potism in civilized nations. 
December ,28, 1826. 



FROM THE ENQUIRER, JANUARY 12, 182? 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, 

NO. II. 

American Colonization Society — General reflections upon the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society, interspersed with a few incidental remarh- 
upon the practice of Colonization and its consequenrps--" 



— «' In religion 



What damned error, but some sober brow- 
Will bless it ; and approve it with a text 
Hiding the grossness with fair ornament?'' — Shakspean. 

Whatever may be the writer's opinions respecting the cliaraclei' 
and tendency of the Colonization Society, in its associated state, he 
would feel truly mortified if he could conceive, that any intelligent, 
liberal mind, could attribute such opinions to unfriendly feelings of 
any kind, towards the individval members composing that eccentric 
association. The writer here solemnly disclaims all unfriendly feel- 
ing whatever towards its individual members. In presenting his re- 
flections upon this truly delicate and interesting subject to the public, 
the writer professes to be influenced solely by a disinterested, philo- 
sophic research after truth, and an ardent desire to present his opini- 
ons to the World, in the way he thinks best calculated to make the 
strongest impression, most loudly to call forth the reflection of others, 
and particularly of the individual members of the Society themselves. 
Indeed, when the mind once becomes filled with this sublime gratifica- 
tion, arising from the discovery of great and interesting truths, it has no 
room for the indulgence of paltry, contemptible, invidious feelings to- 
wards others. So far from indulging unfriendly feelings or illiberal 
prejudices against the individual members composing that association, 
in the parent Society or any of its branches, the writer here avers, that 
ke believes them in general to be goodj well-intentioned, and intelli- 
gent men. Nor does he believe them in general to be v.'anting in phi- 
lanthropy. No— very far from it. He believes them to be philan- 
thropic overmuch. That forms one great objection to their illusory, 
mischievous scheme, as he thinks it. "A^e quid nimis.'*^ They seem 
to him to be so philanthropic, that they never can be content till 
they place man a link or two higher in the chain of creation, than 
his unerring God thought best for him. No — the writer doubts not 
in the smallest tittle, the goodness of the commisserating meliorators. 
Oh No!! He thinks they aspire to be too good. So very good, that 
they are resolved to make themselves better than their God, ajid for 
improving the condition of their fellownien upon their plans, to cor- 
rect all God's seeming aberrations. Their plans for these correc» 
tions, it seems to the writer, if successful, must fall heavily upon the 
poor commisserated slaves* the poor, despised, free people of colour^ 



and more iliai) all, the poor, injured Africaos, wjiilst these plans are 
contrived, amongst other thing's, expressly to reninnerate the Afri- 
rans for their lurmer cruel, unjust sulierings, at the hands of our 
British task-masters. For this just remuneration, called for at our 
hands, it is now proposed, according to the writer's understanding 
of the scheme, to return to Africa the posterity of those Africans, 
who \vere originally removed here, to take back the latsds and cut 
the throats of the posterity of those of their forefathers who were not 
removed hither, hut were permitted to remain behind, enjoying all 
the blessings of their native land. This would seem to be a strange 
remuneration for such acknowledged injuries!! The ground too, up- 
on wltich this remuneration is made to rest, seems to be stranger than 
the proposed remuneration itself; ''The amor patrice!!'^ This love 
of Country must originally have been extremely hot, not to Ijave be- 
come cooled down in one or two centuries j and the love of kindred 
must have been much hotter, to have been burning all that time, with 
all the fire of affiliated sympathies in utter ignorance of the objects, 
of this unceasing sympathetic blaze. In the examination of this sub- 
ject, it would be superfluous to inquire when "the amor patriae" of 
the Country of our forefathers should cease, and the "amor patriae" 
oi' one's own Country connnence, because it is presumed it will be 
admitted that this "amor patria;;" cannot be very strong in relation 
to a Country never seen, nor an inhabitant thereof ever known after 
an absence of a century or two from both. The indulgence of this 
passion in such a case, surely could not call for the sympathies ot 
others to contribute extraordinary means for the relief of the sufler- 
ing patriot. But there is another remuneration held out to the in- 
jured Africans, no less than the salvation of their precious souls, by 
anointing them with the Holy Oil of CInistianity. This, to be sure, 
if well done, would more than compensate them for plundering their 
lands and cutting their throats. But, suppose in performing those 
operations, instead of applying the healing balm, the Africans should 
be sent into the presence of their God, in the fidl blossoms of all their 
heathenish sins — "Unhouselled, disappointed, unannealed." What 
would then become of this most precious, promised remuneration ? 
And have not the plunder of the land and the destruction of its inha- 
bitants, been the invariable consequence and concomitant of every 
distant colonization tlie World ever witnessed, except in the British 
establishments in India, when the policy of the British Government 
has discouraged the extension of settlements by Europeans, never 
ceasing, however, to cut Hindoo throats for rupees, and has intro- 
duced a complication of sulferings and miseries amongst the natives, 
exceeding fifty millions ol' souls, unequalled in the history of man- 
kind. This has been done by unwise and destructive attempts to in- 
troduce British religion, and British jurisprudence into India, utterly 
unsuited to the religion, customs, manners and prejudices of the na- 
tives. But is there one solitary exception, or in the nature of things 
can there be, wlien the peopling of the Country is the object of colo- 
nizing it.'' Until lately, the writer had supposed that in this enlight- 
ened age, the principle of colonization was universally considerec' 



Pandora's Box: That its baneful contamination would extend to all 
who touched it: To the parent Country, as well as to the Colony. 
Was it ever known to produce good to the parent Country? Has it 
not at all times called down God's heaviest vengeance upon all, who 
dared to touch the forbidden fruit? as if God, in his unerring dispen- 
sations was resolved, awfully to admonish man, that colonization was 
the deadliest sin thatcould be committed against his inscrutable de- 
crees: That colonization is the parent of slavery itself, now depre- 
cated and proposed to be eradicated, and wonderful to be told, by 
the very act which originally produced it. It is presumed upon the 
principle of the old prescription, "that the hair of the same dog is 
good for the bite." Look at all experience, and ask with astonish- 
ment and horror, what infatuation must have seized upon those who 
wish to act anew upon the principle of colonization? Colonization in 
its-worst form and for an impracticable object! Impracticable, unless 
through the intermeddling of the Government, and if even then suc- 
cessi'ul, such success would prove the heaviest curse that could befall 
this Nation. Look at all colonizing Nations heretofore, and see their 
awtul destinies. Look at Portugal. Has Portugal improved her 
condition by colonization ? Can she be more degraded than she now 
is? Has she not almost become a British Colony herself? and where 
are her Colonists? Deserted her. Taken her King from her. Ac- 
cording to the true doctrine of legitimacy, her King must be split 
into two Kings. One half of him to be King of the mother Coun- 
try, the other half. King of the ci-devant Colonies, — the two Coun- 
tries being declared distinct, and forever separate from each other. 
To avoid this imperious call made by the principle of legitimacy, 
the King denying his personal divisibility, has adopted the expedient 
of sending a young scion, perhaps a water sprout, from the old stock, 
to reign over the mother Country in his sfead. Has the mother 
Country ever been improved in her condition by colonization? Ei- 
ther in power, in morals, in intellect, in wealth? Has the condition 
of the home population ever been improved by it in any one respect 
whatever? No — not one. Nor in any other instance under the sun. 
Look upon Spain — Spain colonized almost one half of the fairest 
portion of the Earth, with a great portion of the gold and silver in 
it. Compare her condition now, with what it was, when she com- 
menced her "colonizing career. Then the pride and terror of Eu- 
rope, proverbial for her Caslillian honor. Now sunk into ignorance, 
bigotry, vice, and misery; always excepting the gallant liberals, now 
crushed into atoms by the wicked fanaticism and bigotry of that in- 
tolerant, detestable Nation. Her ci-devant Colonies scourging her 
for her colonizing sins; and will soon kick her about for their foot 
ball. Is there nothing like God's awful vengeance in these dispensa- 
tions!! Look upon France, less scourged, because less intermeddling. 
But look upon St. Domingo. Did the World ever witness scenes of 
greater horror? Whence came these scenes th'ere, but from coloniza- 
tion, and consequent slavery? Yet, with tills awful admonition be- 
fore our eyes, the same frightful curse and destinies are uow propos- 
fd to be awarded to us, as the writer thinks, and that ton, by the 



kindest hearted, commiserating, scheming- melioraters!! Look upon 
Great Britain — Great Britain is now tottering under the weight oi 
debt and pauperism, produced mainly by colonisation. What has 
been her reward for coloni7,in>g us, and introducing slavery amongst 
us? Has she become enriched by her wickedness? Have her subjects 
become more free at home? Are not her labourers cruelly enslaved 
and dying for want of bread? We, her ci-devaiit Colonists, have al- 
ready given. her some scourging, colonizing lessons, and received 
some from her in return. Is there not at this moment, a taunting, 
colonizing: quarrel between the two Countries? Think ye we have 
ceased to scourge her? Oh no. In fifty years more, we, her ci-devant 
Colonists, will probably amount to nearly fifty millions. The writer 
hopes she may then receive mercy at our hands ; but she may feel 
bur power. Yes! Her navy subdued, the City of London may be 
put under contribution by the power of her ci-devant Colonists — An 
awful, terrific, momentum of power!!! More terrible to ourselves 
than others. Terrible, indeed, if left unrestrained in the hands ot 
would-be despots. Notiiing can save us and our posterity from be- 
ing crushed into the most abject slavery, by its ponderous weight, hut 
operative, restraining, fundamental laws; ivritien in the lylainest let- 
ter, and honestly interpreted, according to their true intent, aided both 
by the federative principle in full vigor, and the principle of elections 
by intermediate agents in certain cases. Possibly not without having 
all our fundamental laivs bottomed upon terra firma. In the opinion 
of the writer, the only legitimate, indestructible foundation of nil fun- 
damentnl laws, indispensable in extended territories and populous Na- 
tions. Our British forefathers, commenced with driving the Heathen 
out of this our land, and We are now completing the work: and how 
has it been done? By bargaining with the Heathen for their herit- 
age; and sometimes cutting their throats for blood to seal the de- 
lusive contracts. What is Great Brit:jin now doing with her Colo- 
nies? What is she doing now with Canada? She has driven the 
Heathen from their heritage: and what is she doing with their pos- 
sessions? She is now keeping them for her Colonists; almost at her 
own cost— -afruid to tax tliem to the extent even of supporting her 
colonizing armies. The tarifiVm Canada is at this moment, perhaps, 
not one-half as high as in these United States; amidst their boastings 
of their high destinies, and when both free and favoured they would 
be, but for the scheming of their despotic, visionary political-balance- 
masters. What has Great-Britain been doing, and what is she now 
doing wiUi her Asiatic and African Colonies? How many Heathen 
souls has s!ic sent into the presence of their God, in the full blossoms 
of their Heathenish sins? How many Ashantes? How many Bur- 
mese during the last year? How many lacs of rupees has she hereto- 
fore plundered? How many during the last year? How many coax- 
ing palavars for rupees, and how many battles for them? when the 
palavars failed of their object? At^ter all: Look at Great Britain, 
tottering under the weight of debt with, perhaps, more than one- 
eighth of her English population in poor-houses. Will not all these 
consequences attend the colonization of Africa, without any of the 



11 

alleviations from the acquisition of rupees? h there a single circum- 
stance to produce the smallest/elief against the worst of these conse- 
quences? Not one. The Reverend Mr. Ashman has made another 
purchase of African hinds: Going on in the old colonial track. He 
is not yet strong enougli to hegin to cut throats — but will he not go 
to that work as soon as he is able to do it? Did Religion, the Chris- 
tian Religion, the excellence of the Christian Religion, most excel- 
lent for meekness, humility, charity, and love, ever stay the uplifted 
hand of avarice, from immolating its victim, wiien a rupee was the 
reward for striking the blow? When the British Christians wanted 
the Heathen rupees, did they ever stop for the purpose of consulting 
their religion, or their avarice, to determine whether the Heathen 
souls they setit to the next World, for their rupees in this, would go 
there Christians or Healhens? Did the Spaniards, the original ortho- 
dox Christians, when hunting the aboriginal Americans with their 
blood-hounds, for the purpose of plundering them of their heritage, 
and their goid and silver, given them by their God, ever stop to in- 
quire, whether they had anointed the Heathen souls with their Holy 
Christian Oil? WUl the Reverend Mr. Ashman and his follMvers do 
better? If so, Why? Undisciplined man, in this same Country, with 
disciplined man, ever, has been and always will be esiirpated in some 
form or other, religion or no religion. Take care then, poor Afri- 
cans! of the blessed retribution in store for you; sent you, too, by 
commiserating and meliorating hearts. Take care of the Reverend 
Mr. Ashman and his followers; should they ever get the better of 
you. Take care of the posterity of your kidnapt forefathers, now^ 
sent back to cut the throats, and plunder the land of the posterity of 
your forefathers who were left behind them, — strange retribution for 
"former wrongs committed!! and where is the commiseration? Nay, 
where is the right, where "the justice for the poor injured Africans!!! 
But suppose these emigrant Colonists should become amalgamated 
with the Africans; the most probable late that awaits them, the cer- 
tain fate, unless protected by the mischievous intermeddling of the 
Government; what is to become of their souls already Christianized? 
Will they not become Heathenized by amalgamation? If so, how will 
the Christian soul-savers, upon their own principles, account to their 
own God, for letting so many Christian souls, already in crib, slip 
through their own fingers? Ought not the cruel fate of the miserable 
victims who have been decoyed to the inhospitable shore of St. Do- 
mingo, to furnish an awful instructive lesson, to all meliorating 
schemers, especially those who had the principal agency in devising 
that scheme? Better, perhaps, would it have been, to have marched 
out those deluded wretches by companies, and shot them, than to 
have doomed them to the sufferings they have actually undergone. 
Ought not the members of the Colonization Society to be admonish- 
ed by the untimely fate of almost every white adventurer vtith their 
coloured Colonists? Particularly by the untimely deaths of one third 
of the crew of the Cyane, who was ordered to their relief, and when 
too, after above ten years efforts, not more than four or five hundred 
coloured emigrants are now to be found in Liberia, Monrovia, and 



12, 

elsculiere; tlicre lo abide their unknown destinies? It is not known 
how many liave been decoyed tliere within tliat time, nor ixre their 
destinies known to the writer; alll)oiigh a knowledge of their num- 
bers and destinies, would be quite acceptable to him. Mirabile ilic- 
iuH! Let the writer witli all due reverence, ask the most enamoured, 
infatuated Christian schemer, to look at all these things and inquire, 
what have been the ciiccts of Christian crusading amongst the Hea- 
thens, from the time of the belligerent crusades to the present mo- 
ment? Has this crusading extended the Christian territory? Has it 
increased the Christian population? Has it endeared the Christian 
name, and religion, to the Heathen? Why should not the Christians 
take care of their own souls and their own Country; and leave the 
destinies of the Africans to the uneriing dispensations- of the God 
who made them? But it is not only the African souls which the com- 
miserating melioraters wish to take into their Holy keeping. They 
wish to extend their benevolent care to the African Country also. 
To the lands given the Africans by their God- Of all the commise- 
rating, meliorating relief-schemes which have inundated and demo- 
ralized the People and Government of the United Slates for the last 
ten years, this colonization scheme, akhougli well intended, has at 
all times, appeared to the writer, to be the most romantic, chimeri- 
cal, and eccentric: and, in its consequences, the most mischievous 
and demoralizing — whether the Government should intermeddle with 
it, or not. The writer liad tliouglit that in this enligiitened age, 
after all the experience of the lion ible cflccts of the colonizing sys- 
tem, that every reflecting, philanthropic mind, would be horror- 
struck at the mere mention of commencing, another crusade upon the 
principle of colonization. He finds he is mistaken. He finds so 
many enamoured advocates for it, that even to question its merits is 
to call down upon the adventurous heretic all tjje denunciations of 
all the melioraters of the day. A day full of meliorations! full of 
relief-schemes! full of visions! full of mischiefs! The writer now ex- 
presses this opinion, with all due deference, to the opinions of others. 
But it is his opinion, and whilst opinion to all, sliould be as free as 
air, he never can abandon his own opinion, and substitute for it, that 
of another. The extraordinary success of this new scheme of coloni- 
zation, has always appeared to the writer lo be most unaccountable, 
most wonderful, notwithstanding it was. got up amid the rage lor re- 
lief-scheming, now somewhat abated, it is hoped. After the ephe- 
meral success of this scheme, and other kindred ones, the writer 
should not be at all surprised, lo see some tasty, benevolent Society 
announced for the goodly purpose of taking charge of the African 
body, as well as of the Atritan soul — and African land, for the bene- 
volent purpose of fashioning it, according to their own taste, and 
thus to correct in this respect also, God's seeming aberrations: — 
That subscriptions should be set on foot, to bleach the African skin: 
Although God has irrevocably said, "The African cannot change 
his skin, nor the Leopard his spots." Yet these scheming meliora- 
ters seem to think, that they can do both, and every thing else, which 
God has not thought proper to fashion to their taste. After the tcm- 



13 

porary success attending every scheme, tlie very wildest that can be 
devised, extending to associations of pious maids and matrons, to knit 
stockings lor poor, pious, theological, incognito students, the writer 
should not at all be surprised, at a proposition to send forth to Afri- 
ca, missionary painters, with indelible paint to bleach the African 
skin, because to the delicate optics, of these improvers of God's 
works, the glossy jet seems not sO comely as lily white, especially 
with a little dash of tlie fashionable rouge for the cheek. It has also 
pleased God to form the African with knotty hair; he should not be 
at all surprised to see subscriptions set on foot, to send forth mission- 
ary friseurs, with a full supply of the Cream of Nardus to straighten 
the African curls, because according to the delicate perfectibility of 
taste, the knotty curls seem not quite so ornamental as the dangling 
ringlets of the flowing hair. It has also pleased God to infuse into 
the ArVican body a climated odour. He should not be at all sur- 
prised to see subscriptions set on foot, to send fortii missionary per- 
fumers, with a full supply of the sweet-scented otter of roses, to cor- 
rect this seeming aberration, and to improve the African odour, by 
a due intermixture of this fashionable costly perfume; because, the 
original odour of the burning sun, was made offensive to the refined 
delicacy of the unaccustomed olfactory nerve of the frozen North. 
The more costly the perfume, the better. It would serve to keep 
up the Tariff, and thus kill two birds with one stone. It would 
save too, the balance-master, D , the trouble of drawing mil- 
lions from the pockets of the individual owners, and kindly deal- 
ing them out amongst the State Corporations now labouring under 
the debilitating ordeal of a quo-warranto from the General Govern- 
ment, to be balanced, too, so nicely amongst them, upon his balance- 
rope of justice, that the respective portions would be turned on either 
side, by throwing in on any one of them, the down of a feather. Is 
there never to be an end of the rage for scheming? Is there always to 
be found some sgber brow to bless the wildest of these projects "and 
approve them with a text?" Are the many perpetually doomed to be 
the dupes ahd the victims of the delusions and artifices of the few \[ 

"Hiding the grossness with fair ornament." 
December 29, 1826, 



FROM THE RICHMOND ENQUIRER, JANUARY 20, 1827. 

POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. 
■ NO III. 

Gemrnl reflections upon the CONTAGION OF HUMAN SExNTiMENT, and 
upon the tendency of the American Colonization Society to con- 
centrate and direct to its object, the prevailing fanatical rage in 
favor of emancipation. 

One fanatic makes man}'— The old adage is more strong, but less 

applicable. 

The writer sincerely believes, that the principle of slave labor in 
the United Stales is in danger; and that nothing can save it, but the 
wisdom, the caution, the vigilance, the concert, and the courage of 
the owners of slave properly. He pretends not to anticipate the 
time when, nor the manner in which, the danger may be seen in prac- 
tical results; but his apprehensions of a present latent danger, arise 
from the following facts, amongst others, which he thinks prove the 
existence of the most extensive and alarming fanaticism in favor of 
emancipation; and from the potent influence of the contagion of hu- 
man sentiment, more especially in this particular case. The fanati- 
cism in this case, probably received its first conceptions and impulses 
from iheorelick self-created societies, and is now believed to be guided 
to its object by the American Colonization Society. Although the 
British Government has, at all times, been so fastidious upon the sub- 
ject of slavery at home, that it has dissolved the relation of master 
and slave tl>e moment they put their feet on British ground in that rela- 
tion ; and determined, that the slave should instantly become as free as 
his master in British land; yet it has at all times, acknowledged the 
principle of slavery, when declared by international or municipal law; 
has, by its own acts, introduced slavery into this State; still enforces 
t\w principle in her colonial establishments, and has recently made 
a Convention with the United States, recognizing the principle of 
slave property. Notwithstanding there now exists a most unprecedented 
rage in Great Britain for eradicating the principle of slave labor alto- 
gether; and, particularly, for changing it in all her colonial establish- 
nients; (\) tliere are, at this time, in London, more self-created, theo- 
retical, sentimental societies, than in any other city in the world. 
The object of these numerous societies, is generally said to be,^ the 
improvement of the condition of man in some way or other. -The 
writer is not sufiicientiy informed, to determine himself, how tar 
these societies have failed, or succeeded in their philosophic objects; 
whether they have produced more good than harm, by their specula- 
tive theories in the practical afiairs of mankind; but, if he were to 
form his judgment from negative fact?, he should conclude, that they 



15 

have done more harm than good — certainly not mucli good. They 
have not been able to stop the increasing tide of pauperism in tiie 
country, generally, nor the increasing tide of vice and misery in the 
city of London itself. In the population of London, about one mil- 
lion, there are one hundred and twenty thousand dissolute persons, 
who get their living by unlawful means; and twenty thousand va- 
grants, who rise in the morning, not knowing where to get breakfast, 
dinner or supper, or to lie down at night. In the population of Eng- 
land, of about twelve million, there are about one million five hundred 
thousand paupers. These societies are now indulging their reveries 
with the delicious anticipation of extirpating slavery altogether, and of 
beginning their goodly work of emancipation of the slaves in the 
British West Indies. Through their influence, it is believed, petiti- 
ons signed by above seventy-two thousand persons, were presented to 
the British Parliament in the last year, for changing the principle of 
labor in the West Indies. The British ministry found great difficul- 
ty in getting a suspension of this fanatical, adventurous proposition for 
one year, merely on the ground, that the colonial legislatures might 
be consulted upon the subject, and after the postponement for that 
time, obtained by a majority of not more than thirty or forty, peti- 
tions for the same object, were presented to Parliament, with 42,006 
additional signatures. If these sentimental societies should succeed 
in their object, and the result shouhl be such as occurred in St. 
Domingo, or what is worse, converting these slave laborers into 
vagabonds, the writer will then have no hesitation in pronouncing 
the opinion, that these philanthropic sentimentalists will have done 
more harm by their false theories, and misguided feelings in the prac- 
tical affairs of mankind, than could be compensated for by the best, 
efiorts to counteract it hereafter, to be made by all the sentimentalists 
now living. The Constituent Assembly of Guatamala, not only de- 
creed the liberation of all slaves within its jurisdiction, but dissolved 
the relation of master and slave within that jurisdiction, by the adop- 
tion of the British principle in that respect, Bolivar, the Great Li- 
berator, has also, not only declared the liberation of all slaves with- 
in his jurisdiction, but denounced the principle of slave labor through- 
out the world. The Independence of the South American States, 
and their absolute separation from Spain, are great political events 
in the affairs of mankind; but it is yet perfectly problematical, what 
kind of Government will finally be established there by the diversi- 
fied motley population of that extended country. The present pros- 
pects are certainly not very flattering to the friends of Republican 
institutions. Equally problematical is it, what eflects will be pro- 
duced upon the condition of the other Governments and people of the 
world. One efiect is certain, that the liberation of the slaves there, 
must tend to weaken the principle of slave labor elsewhere, by con- 
verting a great portion of the human race from supporters, to oppo 
sers of that principle. The contagious influence of this great weight 
of human sentiment, both in Great Britain and South America, is 
already felt in this country, particularly that portion of it, which 
comes from Great Britain. The. condition of the United States is moBt 



10 

lavorabiy lilted for the reception of this contagion, which is alvvay> 
orraniented with the appellation of " moral sentiment." In aboiu 
one naif of the United States, the principle of free labor is established, 
which docs, and always will, indulge a spirit, of hostility to the op- 
posite principle of slave labor. The seiuiuiental, as well as com- 
mercial interconrse between the United States and Great Britain, is 
very strong and intimate, and is seen in nothing more visibly, than 
in the imitative, sentimental societies established here, and vi hicli 
have, as far as the writer knows, invariably disappointed the sanguine 
hopes of their enamoured projectors. The history of the origin, the 
ephemeral existence, and eflects of some of them, would be amusing; 
but there is no space for their iiisertion here. The most splendid 
and promising of these, was the Female Benevolent Society in New 
York, for the relief of the poor. It was regularly organized-^the 
writer believes, regularly incorporated. It was decked out with all 
the parapharnalia of a legislative body. It was ornamented with its 
Presidentcss — its Secretary, and all other officers of the feminine 
gender. It had the Press at its command. It levied its contributions 
upon all the amiable female passions — charity, benevolence — love of 
fame. The names of its officers, and all its contributors, were regu- 
larly inserted in the newspapers, with the precise amount of contri- 
butions made by each. One natural consequence of these irresistible 
calls upon the most amiable of the female passions was, a very large 
amoiMit of contributions. Another very natural consequence of this 
very large amount of contributions was, a much greater amount of 
claimants for participation in this great fund of benevolence. — Ac- 
cordingly, the paupers from all the surrounding country flocked to 
New York for "their respective shares; and the whole fund collected 
for their relief was found utterly inadequate to the demands upon it. 
Another very natural consequence was, that the city of New York 
became burtiicned with these congregated paupers. This benevolent 
drama, after disappointing the hopes and expectations of all, it is be- 
lieved, was wound up by the interposition of the State authority. It 
has, at least, ceased to decorate the columns- of the J>iew York news- 
papers. Numerous odier societies of less celebrity, have had their 
day, perhaps with doing less mischif but no good. 

But the female benevolent project, which promised the most exten- 
siv-e and permanent good to mankind, was the oflspriug of the virgin 
Queen in olden times. Queen Elizabeth ordered her Parliament to 
pass a law, commanding all the Sherifls of the diflerenl shires, to 
prepare houses and to collect all the poor, married and unmarried, to 
put tluem in these houses, and find employment for them. The She- 
lifls readily made a great collection of paupers.— But were astonish- 
ed to find "that, notwithstanding the imperious command of their om- 
nipotent mistress, f/tcy could not fuul any employment for the poor. 
thus collected; nor could their mistress, nor could her advisers; the 
virgin not being so fortunate, us to have Mr. Richard Rush amongst 
b.er advisers; or has any of her successors been more fortunate to this 
day. The consequence was,wliilst she was lauded to the skies for the 
wisdom, and humanity of the project ; that the paupers became charge 



17 

able to ihe public; wbicli uns not intended, in forming the original 
sfheme, and instead ofaflorcbng them the relief universally expected, 
they boeame doomed to misery ; and their numbers have contin- 
ued to increase, until iliey mnst finally bear down the British nation 
and Government; unless some remedy be found, for this great prac- 
tical evil, growing out of a humane delusive project ; from which 
good alone was anticipated. — It is thus seen, not only that societies, 
and Govcrimients l>ecome disappointed in the praciicnl results of their 
javorite theoretical projects; but it may also be observed, that this 
will always be the case in projects intended lo make extensive and 
sudden changes in tlie established affairs of mankind; and especially 
those depending upon God's inscrutible decrees, and that, for the very 
obvious reason, that such changes are beyond the power both of Gov- 
vernments and societies. Independently of the practical rage for 
etnancipation, manifested through the meditim of societies, the same 
practical spirit is now manifested in this country in a great variety of 
ways. Although it is believed lliat the General Government even in 
tlie hands of its present scheming intermeddling adu)inistrators, is not 
disposed to countenance this misch evous spirit; and that a great nia- 
joriiv of the most iuteingent people of the non-holding States, view 
the subject in its just light: yet it cannot be disguised, that some in- 
telligent, and a great portion of common minds are dupes to its in- 
fluence, and take great delight in every effort to produce that prac- 
tical residt — Examples to prove this fact, are abundant. Witness the 
proposition made, in Congress, and the sentiments expressed in the 
discussions upon the Missouri question, and since that tiiTie — Witness 
the sentiments often displaced in Pulpits. Witness the most extra- 
ordinary and unfounded declaration recently made by a large major- 
ity of the Presbyterian Synod of Ohio — "That fiolding slaves was 
man-stealinc:." Thus, iiupelied by the superior influence of this 
practical ag<', seeming at least to prefer the ohke of the politician 
to the priest, turning aside from the worship of their God, and in 
direct hostility with die meek and humble spirit of Christianity, and 
the lioly precepts of the Gospel, particularly that holy injunction, 
*'. Judge \wt lest ye be judged.'" Here these fanatical priests solemn- 
ly proclaimed, as the writer tliiiiks, an insoletit falsehood to the world. 
For which, in the judgment of the writer, nothing but the blind rage 
t)f fanaticism could be offered as an apology. (2.) Yes, this conta- 
gious rage has found its way into oin- religion, and the worship of 
God.. It has associated itself with the baneiul spirit of electioneering. 
It has become the most delightful theme with the sentimentalists. It 
is even used, as an infallible nostrum for melting liie commiserating 
hearts of the loycly sentimental fair. — The Press is enlisted in its fa- 
vor. It is seen in periodical publications. In short, it is extending 
its contagion in a thousand different forms. Can there be one dis- 
passionate, intelligent man, who does not see danger to the principle 
of slave labor in the United States, even from this rapid, general 
sketch of facts? ■ Much more would it be seen in a fair, candid, de- 
tailed one, which neither time nor space would permit to be intro- 
. bleed here, i^till much more will it be seen, in connecting this con- 



18 

tagions, fanalicai rage with tlie American Colonization Society. This 
forms the great general rendezvous for all the enlisted fanatics of ev- 
ery description, and it is principally from its intlividual members, that 
the doctrine of emancipation is promulgated. "Hiding its grossness 
with fair ornamet." The writer is not examining the intent of this as- 
Jdciation; but its tendencies. It certaiuly appears in a questionable 
shape, and it is not material to its effects " wlieiher its intent be wick- 
ed or charitable ;" and he expresses his opinion npon this point for the 
consideration of others. This American Colonization Society has 
always appeared to the writer to be of iMammoth conception. — It out- 
strips, in its pretensions, all other self-created societies known to the 
writer. It is a self-created " imperium in impcrio.^'' It goes for whole 
continents. It intermeddles with God's own works. It indicates the 
policy for nations. It entices the Gene.ial Government, as the wri- 
ter thinks, to violate its Constiuttional charter in support of the pro- 
ject. — It calls upon it to adopt the principle of distant Colonization, 
a measure beyond its authority — -the curse of nations. It tends to 
unfix a great principle of labor long established and diffused through 
extended communities, who depend upon it for necessary subsistence: 
a pretension beyond the power of legislation in any way, except by 
producing famine and extirpation. It has successfully, heretofore, 
called upon the General Assembly of Virginia for aid : it now renews 
its call; and Virginia's worthy, philanthropic Governor, has spoken 
of the project with favor and approbation. Yes!! the people's mo- 
ney has been heretofore squandered iu su))port of this adventurous, 
unfathomable project. Still more is proposed to be squandered. — 
Yes! Virginia is now called npon to make herself a party to the chi- 
merical adventure, and tax her people permanently for its support 
and success. Has the General Assembly connled tlie cost? Has it 
decyphered the hidtien principles and tendencies of this monstrous 
conception ? Ought it not first to understand them well, and be sure 
of the mark, before it adventures farther? Surely a society of this 
eccentric character and undciinable pretcnsios, ought to be well un- 
derstood in all its bearings, before an affiliated connexion is entered 
into with it by this Commonwealth; but the free people of colour arc 
despised, and there is a rage for getting rid of them. Agreed — but, 
it is hoped, not '' per fas aul nefas.''' It is hoped, not by re- 
sorting to evils of infinitely greater magnitude than the one proposed 
to be remedied. This being the most seduciive inducement, is ac- 
cordingly most used by the friends of the project, and to produce its 
greatest effect, is greatly exaggerated. 

According to the last census the whole free coloured population of 
Virginia amounts to about thirty-eight thousand. These are lessen- 
ing every day by emigration. The laws of Virginia are already 
wise upon that subject, and will have the desired effect, if time be 
given for their silent operation. Every avenue to emigration is, by 
law, open to this description of population. Every one shut against 
immegration. The surrounding and western States afford ample 
space for the operations of this regulation. The whole population 
of Virginia exceeds one million. Suppose the whole colored popu- 
lation to be ditsolute and burdensome npon the re&t of the commu- 



1^» 

aity, would be a very sinaii proportion, compared with the like 
popuation elsewhere. In liondon there are one hundred and twenty 
thousand dissolute persons who get their living hy unlawful means, be- 
sides twenty thousand vagrants. In Rome, perhaps in Naples, the 
La?, roni are more numerous, l^it, it would be unjust to put down 
the whole colored population as dissolute and burthensome. One 
half, at least, may be considered as honest laborers, whose labor adds 
to the wealth of the State, and would more tlian compensate, in a 
pecuniary point of view, for the evils of the dissolute part of that po- 
pulation. Where then, is the magnitude of tliis miscliief, when look- 
ed at without bias or prejudice.^ Does not every impartial observer 
see, at tiie first glance, that it is vastly overrated .? Does he not see, 
that lliis terriiic evil vanishes into nothing, when put in comparison 
with the hazardous and mojistrous expedients suggested for its extir- 
pation.? After all, what do the comniiserating schemers know of the 
actual condition of slaves in Virginia; or, if those who reside in Vir- 
ginia, do know any thing, 'have ihey consulted their own knowledge 
of fact? in relation to the subject.? Have they not rather taken coun- 
sels of others who are utterly ignorant upon the subject.? Have they 
not gone to the English melinrators for inliDrmation and projects.? — 
To Kir. Wilberforce, their high priest, who, however learned in other 
respects, and however amiable in all his meliorating projects, as the 
writer verily believes him to be, is as ignorant as a goose, respecting 
the actual condition of slaves in Virginia, and as blind as a bat to all 
|he consequences of his projects tending to effect their emancipation, 
whilst every intelligent farmer in Virginia, holding slaves, knows ev- 
ery fact which is necessary to be known to form a certain judgment 
iipon the subject of emancipation. The whole are comprised in the 
following: 1st. Every farmer knows that a law for the emancipatio)^ 
of slaves, would not and could not destroy tlie principle of master, ber 
tween master and slave, so long as both remained on the same farm; 
either the master must continue master, or the slaves must become his 
masters. No law could introiluce the principle of equality. 2d. Ev- 
<?ry farmer knows that the love of liberty in the slave is the love of 
idleness — that the only value he sets upon liberty ■coasktsiii ike privi- 
lege of exempting himself from labor, and that if l>e were free but 
few would labor at all. (4) That no wages could command uni- 
form, steady labor, and every tittle of the most capricious and unpro- 
ductive kind. 3d. That the physical p(»wei-s of the whites would be 
incompetent to the cultivation of the country^ and that they could not 
cnltivate it if they would. The country, therefore, woiild remain 
uncultivated : Tbe consequence of this state of things must be known 
to all. That there would not be food enough raised for the consump- 
tion of the whole population, that famine must ensue, nnd that one 
part must cut the throats of the other^ for the inadequate pittance 
which might be raised. No artificial ensigu will be svanting to mark 
the combattants. There will be no necessity for mounting the old 
federal black cockade to indicate the reign of terror. Nature has 
done that work: every man will wear his cockade in his own face; 
and the carnage on either side must be indiscriminate. Such was 



20 



(he case in St. Doiniuiro, and such will ever be case under similar 
circunislances. Wotdd this condition of the slaves be better tlian that 
plainly told in the first nnndjer of these Disquisitions:' Told in triitli, 
as far as it goes, not in linoiir. ]\l;)nv circumstances ravoral)le to 
the condition ol the slaves are actually omitted. It is there told, to 
rescue Virginia from unmerited reproaches, ihrown upon her tVoin an 
ignorance of the subject, ll" Mr. ^Vilb(■rl"orce, or any of his comtnis- 
trating followers, knew the aclual condition of the sbives in Virginia, 
might they not have spared themselves the pain of th«'se commiser- 
ations, for them at least? and il' ihcy would turn their eyes to their 
own paupers and fasbionabh^ o|iri;uives, uiipht not they find a fund 
there of human misery and di-^tress, sulhcient to exhaust all the com- 
miserations of their tender hearts ? and to <'fnplov all their scheming 
faculties in projects of relief for their own su/1'ering countrymen, 
without intermeddling with the afi'airs of other countries.'' Now, let 
tlie writer solemnly call upon every disjiassionaie, reflecting man, in 
the community, and particularly upon the holders of slave property, 
carefully to review the foregoing statements of facts, and call to their 
aid many others in their own recollection, not herein sketched ; and 
ask themselves, whether they do not see danger to the principle of 
slave labor in the United Slates; and, it so. where is the remedy (o 
the slave liolder .^ It can only be found in his own wisdom, caution, 
vigilance, concert and persona! courage. Yes, every slave holder 
must be prci)ared to stand to his arms, to defend himself, his wife, 
his children, his fireside, his property. Not by crusading abroad, 
but by repelling every eneuiy who dares to enter liis own domicil; 
by repelling fanaticism in every disginse it may assunie. There 
never was any other remedy against (anaticism, but the sword. To 
attempt to reason with fanatics, is folly. Their passions put all ar- 
guments at defiance; and luuier the same inllucnce, they have at all 
times, been found to stand hacking retnarkably well. In case of their 
intrusion upon our rights, who can be (bund to do this sad work, l)ut 
the slave holders themselves? In this great struggle for all that is 
dear to them, the}' cannot hope for allies. The prevailing human 
sentiment is against them, atul its contagion is rapidly spreading over 
the world. Let then, the writer, call upon every slave holder to be 
upon the alert, and to act in concert. Let it be known to the world 
that every one is prepared to defend his rights, and that they will 
never be surrendered whilst he has arms in his hands. Let the writer 
call upon him to lake heed, and put his own shoulders to this sad 
work, and to keep them there, for let him he assured he may cry 
Sfloud for help in the day of need, but none will be found to help him. 
January 4, 1827. 



NOTES. 
(I) There are at this time, in London, more self-created, theoret- 
ical; sentimental societies, than in any other city in the world. The 
writer respectfully requests, Messrs. Editors, to republish from the 
Albion of the 9th I>eceaibi.r, 1&2G, now forwarded them, the follow- 



21 

ing extract, as marked in that paper, upon tlie "present state ot' th»* 
slave trade" — taken from the last Qiiartc-rly Review, It will serve to 
show, some similarity ol thoutzlit between the (inarterly Reviewers, a 
most unexpected quarter, and the writer, in relation to the tendencies 
of sell-created, sentimental societies, upon the practical atFairs of" man- 
kind. It has inspired the writer, with a hope, tiiat the rage for eman- 
cipation is about to receive a check in the public opinion in Great 
Britain, and tltat its pernicious tendencies begin to l)e seen ami aiii- 
raadveited upon. The writer fears, too late for any practical good in 
resisting them. Tlie extract is long, and calls for some printing la- 
bor, but the writer thinks the subject is sufficiently interesting to jus- 
iily much printing labor — -A right understanding of it miglu save (he 
lives and propetv of millions. 

PRESENT STATE OF THE SEAVE TRADE. 
[From the last (^unrierly lievicw.^ 
Art. XI. — 1. Correspondence with the British Commissioners, relat- 
ing to the slave trade. 182r), 1826. Class A. 
2.— -Correspondence wiih Foreign Powers, relating to the slave trade. 
1825, lB2ft. Clnss B. F resented to both Houses of Parliament. 
3. — British and Foreign State Papers. 1824, 1825. 
4. — Nineteenth and Twentieth Reports of the Directors of the Afri- 
can Institution. 1825, i82b. 

In December, 1824. the Senate of South Carolina passed certaiii 
resolutions, among which was the following: 

"That this liCgislature is aware of the d:nigerous and iH?:!dious con- 
duct of a party in Great Britain and the United States, who are ever 
ready to indulge their benevolent propensities at the expense of their 
iieiglibors, and who seen) to reflect with complacency on the scenes 
of carnage and cruelty, which must be the result of tl'.eir inconsider- 
ate and mischievous machinations." 

This is strong language; but perhaps may not be the less true for 
being so. The resolution shows, at any rate, what are tl)e opinion'^ 
of a large portion of the free and independent i-epublicans of the Uni- 
ted States in regard to negro slavery, and the persons most conspi- 
cuous, both in England and in North America, tor their exertions to 
bring its existence to a speedy end. No one will doubt or d^ ny that: 
there does exist a class of persons, such as the resolution designates 
as 'a party,' (but who may, in England at least, be more properlv 
considered as an organized confederacy of sectarians,) — and it is 
equally certain that these persons have been, and are exerting everv 
nerve, per fas et nefas, to accomplish an object, which, if accomplish- 
ed suddenly by any means, or accomplished at all by their mode of 
proceeding, would unquestionably, produce 'scenes of carnage and 
cruelty.' Every rational being, who knows any thing of the West 
India colonies, and will bring himself to reflect cooly and dispassion- 
ately on the relative situation and condition of the whites and the 
blacks, the masters and the slaves, must be aware of this; he must al- 
so be convinced, that if once a general insurrection be stirred up, and 
nothing is more likely to produce it than those 'inconsiderate and 
mischievous machinations' of which the LecisJature of South Caroli- 



22 

n.\ speaks — a gciierai aud indiscriminate massacre would be tlie result 
among the varied population of our sugar islands; that a total des- 
truction of all property would be inevitable; and, in a vi^ord, that 
these valuable possessions of the British empire would be utterly lost 
and annihilated. Nor would this view of the matter be altered in fa- 
vour of the ultra-abolitionalists, by the additional observation that, in 
point of fact, other nations, in utter contempt and violation of solemn 
treaties, are systematically taking advantage of the effects of English 
legislation upon the English colonies — that, in short, foreigners are 
zealously engaged in increasing the slave population of their own 
colonies, with the obvious design of enabling these to raise in greater, 
abundance the articles of produce for the consumption of the Euro- 
pean world, which were once almost exclusively in the hands of our 
British planters. 

To the assertion that the conduct of the party in question is 'dan- 
gero\is,' we cannot, for a moment, hesitate to give our assent ; whe- 
ther their object be ' insidious' (by which we suppose, is meant, treach- 
erous, or mischievously artful) is best known to themselves. We can- 
not but think, that a candid and impartial foreigner, who should wit- 
ness the multitude and magnitude of petitions presented to Parlia- 
njent for the emaucipation of our colonial negroes, might very well 
be puzzled in his attempt to hit upon tlie real cause of these expres- 
sions of popular feeling — he might be in doubt whether they were 
the effect of a free constitution, producing in the minds of the people 
an intense love of liberty, and a burning detestation of the very name 
■of slavery — or merely of human compassion for the supposed suffer- 
ings of eight hundred thousand fellow-creatures. In the first case be 
would conclude, that it was perfectly natural for such a people as 
the English, to be anxious to wipe off the stain with which the exist- 
ence of slavery, in one portion of the empire, taints the national hon- 
or audcharHctcr; and learn without surprise that petitions were pour- 
.^ng in from every city, town and village of the British isles, ^ome 
praying for an iajmcdiate, others for a gradual, but all of them for a 
total aboliiicm of negro slavery, even although it were distinctly as- 
ptinieJ — (wJiich we are very sorry to say it has not !)een) — in every such 
<locument, that such an event could only be broisght about by a great 
national and individual sacrifice. And, uncjuestionably, by sucii no- 
ble and generous conduct, adopted under such sane and rational views 
•of the whole case, the people of England would extort hib applause, 
nay, they might well excite his envy. 

If, on the other hand, this foreigner should be inclined to ascribe 
the extraordinary eagerness in question, solely to the dictates of hu- 
manity, and a feeling of compassion for the unhappy state of the 
West India negroes — he might perhaps be apt to pause when, on 
looking around here at home, he saw so many objects of wretched- 
ness and want, such a mass of ignorance, and crime, and cruelty exhi- 
bited before his eyes, and detailed with disgusting minuteness in all the 
daily newspapers, for the relief or reformation of which no partic- 
ular anxiety appeared to be felt by the ' party' alluded to, or by any 
other equally active and organized association. 



^3 

A third view, however, may be supposed, which, if explained tc* 
eur stranger, might better reconcile to his judgment, than either of tlie 
other two, this general impulse and impatience for breaking the fetters 
of the negro. He might be told, and perhaps truly, that great pains 
had indeed been taken, on the one hand, by the kind of people des- 
cribed in the South Carolina resolution, and, on the other, by quite 
a different class of persons, to excite and keep alive these kindly 
feelings in the people of England in favour of the slave population; 
but that the main object of the former 'party' was, to raise themselves 
into a spurious kind of reputation and importance, and the sole ob- 
ject of the other, a mere mercantile speculation, grounded on the 
idea that the ruin of our western colonies would promote their per- 
sonal interests in the east. This foreigner might be told, that to effect 
these objects, the most unfair and unjustifiable means have been 
resorted to; such as that of calling public meetings in the metropolis 
and most of the great towns, at which inflammatory speeches are made, 
loaded with tales of oppression and cruelty, many of them absolutely 
false, others most grossly exaggerated. He might be told, that pam- 
phlets of the same stamp had been got up and distributed gratis, over 
the whole country, illustrated with pictures of negroes in the act of 
being whipped or fettered in chains, for the clearer undt?rstanding of 
those whose learning extend not beyond hierogliphics or picture-lan- 
guage; and that petitions ready manufactured in London, had been in 
thousands sent down to the provinces, to be subscribed by ail quakers, 
methodists and other dissenters of every denomination — including 
all that numerous sect who have a fancy for using the cross as their 
signature, and other really well meaning and humane persons, who, 
on too many occasions, are the easy dupes of the artful and design- 
ing. 

Whether charges of the nature we have mentioned be true or fnUe, 
we shall not take upon ourselves to affirm, it is certain that such have 
been made, and equally so, that they have met with nothing like a 
satisfactory disproof, or even a solemn contradiction. Of one thin^^ 
however, we are very sure, namely, that very false impressions have 
been made on the public mind as to the real condition of tiie neoro 
slave in the British colonies; and that, if humanity be their object, 
the intemperate and misguided proceedings of our ultra-abolitionists, 
are much better calculated to injure than to meliorate the fortunes of 
the African race. Leaving entirely out of the question, for the pre- 
seni, the incalculable evils, moral and political, which would result 
from any general convulsion in our slave population— ;and which dis- 
appointed hope is but too likely to stir up'— the very expectation, by 
otlier nations, (and by the French, in particular,) of such a catas- 
trophe, has already given an increased appetite to speculation in the 
slave trade. In short, it has been, aj)d is their hope and expectation 
to see their own well-stocked colonies rise to prosperity on the ruins 
of ours. Our ultra-abolitionists, indeed, argue that the only security 
tor the abolition of the slave trade is to be looked for in the extinction 
of slavery itself— and their position would, no question, be undenia- 
ble, on the supposition that the extinction of slavery was to he uv>' 



24 

vt-rsiil jind total. Bnl^.we are sorry to be obli^red lo say, that the ab- 
soliilf aI)olltion o{ ibe slave trade by Enqluiid alone, and even the 
steps li'ulieilo tiikei) by England, witl) the view of ultimately abol- 
ishing the condition ol' slavery, have, in tact, had, as yet, more evii- 
ed'ects than good on the fate of the African race, at large. This conn- 
try has, in truth, otlered a preniimn to other nations to engage more 
actively in the (raue, while we are lirmly persuaded that, if once the 
slave trattic coiild be put an end to, the mitigation and ultimate ex- 
tinction of slavery would follow in all the colonial possessions of 
every nation, by an operation at once gradual, safe and certain ; nay, 
that there is no other means from which any such results can be ra- 
tionally expected. 

(2) Since writing tlie foregoing sentences respecting the declara- 
tions attributed to tlie Presbyterian Clergy, the fact stated above, al- 
though published in the newspapers, and not then contradicted, has 
since been denied — If so— the writer takes great pleasure in retract- 
ing his remarks upon that topic. 

(3) "That no wages could command uniform, steady labor, and 
ver}^ little of the most capricious, unproductive kind." The writer 
begs the repuiilication of extracts from IVJajor Moody's reports from 
the Albion of November 18, 1626, herewith forwarded. These pa- 
pers came to the possession of the writer, after he had written the 
foregoing tiuujbers. This fact respecting the condition of l;d:>or is 
all important. It is verified by Major Moody's reports. Major Moody 
was conuuissioned by the Jiritish Government to examine, in person, 
die condition of the slaves in the British West Indies. He appears 
to liave performed his duty, with great ability— and to have reported 
that trmh with candour— as soon as it was made known to the public, 
be was assailed by tiie fanatical, enamoured schemers in favor o( 
'■maficipiition. • 

EXTRACTS. 
The unbiassed inquirer after truth would diminish the ill eftects of 
'he disappointments which might arise from such crude and unphiloso- 
V)hiral views of human nature, by previously investigating, in a fair 
manner, all the circumstances iniiuencing the question at issue; and 
he miglit then show thet the cases of marriage were very rare; that, 
in gemral, there was a repugnance to a virtuous union between thr- 
sexes 'of persons altogether of the Saxon race, and the pure black- 
.if the African rare; and that physical causes, obvious to the senst-s, 
as well as moral causes, formed an obstacle to the attainment of ou^ 
wishes. Were there only moral obstacles, these mii'ht perhaps be 
overcome. The cases of the dark coloured Europeans amalgamat- 
ing with the darker coloured Indians, are so far not anological, that 
tlie causes in action have less intensity of power, but even they lend 
xo prove the great difficulty of amalgamating, by a virtuous union ot 
the sexes, races which are so very different from each other as whites 
and blacks. If it be a theory, that the Almighty has made some men 
black and some white, and that national ideas of beauty do influence the 
virtuous union of the sexes, and that it is not in accordance with the 
ideas of persons of the Saxou race to consider a black facCj woolly 



29 

head, flat nose, thick lips, and a strong smell, as marks of beauty 
and attraction, which endear the object as a wife or h'laband, it must 
be observed that I only state a physical fact, which must be either 
true or false. It was not my intention to form a theory, but merely 
to state physical facts bearing on the greater or less facility of amal- 
gamating the races of Englishmen and Africans. If what I have 
stated be not physical facts, then have I grossly deluded the people 
of England. 

Again, in page 7, of my second Report, I say: 

"In these considerations, no reference has been made to any phy- 
sical peculiarities in the African and European races of men; but it 
is necessary also to examine whether some physical differences may 
not exist in this respect, which may influence steady personal labor 
in the low lands of the torrid zone. 

"Persons who have had practical experience in the direction and 
control of human labor in that part of the world as I have had for 
many years, have found from experience, that the European race of men, 
from phyncal causes, are seldom able to bear the effects of the sun in 
the low lands of the torrid zone; and are slill less able to cultivate the 
soil, so as to produce, with profit, those staple articles of commerce 
which have an exchangeable value in Europe. 

" The Afrkan race oj men, however, are able to bear those effects of 
the sun, and to undergo the labor required in agriculture ; but, as I 
have already said, the stimulus to induce free negroes to a steady la- 
bor in the sun in agriculture, is not so powerful in the West Indies, 
as in England, whilst the inconvenience experienced is much greater, 
in the opinion of the person upon whom the stimulus to exertion is 
to act. 

"During many years residence between the tropics, I visited every 
Island or colony belonging to any European power, in the West In- 
dies between Cayenne and Porto Rico, and I observed the facts to 
be constant; but varying greatly in the degrees of power with which 
the morbific causes acted in different places, and even at different pe- 
riods in the same places. 

"To say, therefore, that the whites and blacks are equal to each 
other in the powers to cultivate the soil in the low lands of the West 
Indies, is to assert that which is positively untrue. I have plainly 
and distinctly asserted, that their powers in this respect are altogether 
unequal, and that it is the African who has the advantage in a degree 
so great, that if the English race of men cannot induce the free ne- 
gro to work for them for wages, their plantations must remain un- 
cultivated to such an extent, that foreign colonies will be stimulated 
to carry on the slave trade with increased activity, to supply that de- 
mand for tropical productions which will be created, when the culti- 
vation of these articles in the English colonies is greatly diminished 
as it most unquestionably will be, on the emancipation of the negro 
slaves, and as was the case with our colonies when the slaves were 
freed in Hayti. I do not wish here to anticipate the philosophical 
consideration of that part of the question, where I shall examine if the 
4 



iiO 

free negroes can be induced to work for the whites for wages, in 
agricultural labor in the low lands of the toirid zone. 

" I shall therefore conclude with requesting the reader to observe 
how entirely the facts, stated by me, have been misrepresented by the | 

anonymous author, in considering them as the revival of some theory^ I 

with which my statement of facts had no connextion. Any arguments, ^ 

therefore, relative to that assumed theory, are irrelevant to the state- I 

ment of facts in my report. ! 

I am, Sir, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

THOMAS MOODY." 



[The following letter was addressed to me by JMr. Munford, in aii- 
swer to one from myself to him, asking the information contained 
in his. In 1 805, I was a member of the Senate of the United 
States, and of course, the instructions of the General Assembly of 
that date, were addressed to my associate and myself. — 1 had been 
previously requested by the then President, Mr. Jefferson, to co- 
operate with him in carrying into effect the objects of the General 
Assembly, expressed in tlieir resolutions from 1800 to 1805 — so 
far at least, as to sound the members of Congress upon the sub- 
ject, for the purpose of ascertaining their views of its policy and 
practibility. — 1 did so; and these circumstances then served most 
strongly to impress the whole subject upon my consideration; and 
my present impressions were produced by reflections thereupon 
from that time particularly, to tlie present day. — All the proceed- 
ings of the General Assembly upon this highly delicate and inter- 
esting subject were held with closed doors, and all the papers re- 
specting them, previous to the year 1816, are now marked confi- 
dential. The injunction of secrecy was removed from the pro- 
ceedings of IBIG— and they will be published herewith. It is 
highly probable, that the American Colonization Society owes its 
origin to these proceedings of the General Assembly.] 

(CLERK'S OFFICE.) 

"Richmond, June 25th, 1829. 
" Dear Sir, — I have made the investigation desired in your let- 
ter of this morning, and find that the subject of obtaining an asy- 
lum for the slaves of Virginia was commenced by resolutions of the 
House of Delegates in December ISOO, resumed again in January 
1802, February 1804, and January 1805. — The resolutions, and 
communications between tlic President of the United States and the 
Governor of the State and the Legislature are on file in my ofilce. 
Upon inspecting the Journal, whenever the subject was taken up, I 
find the Legislature sat with closed doors, and that the resolutioi>s 
themselves were never spread upon the Journals, and that all the 
papers were marked confidential. — As I cannot find that tlie injunc- 
tion of secrecy was ever removed, I feel a hesitation in permiting 



27 

copies to be taken. — There is also, a separate resolution in 1805, 
instructing the Virginia Senators in Congress to unite in obtaining 
a portion of territory in the country of Louisiana to be appropriated 
to the residence of such people of colour as shall be emancipated, 
Stc. — There are no separate secret Journals. 
♦'With great respect, I am yours, he. 

♦'GEORGE W. MUNFORD. 
-•Gov. William B. Giles." 

*' SATURDAY, December 14th, 1816. 

" On motion of Mr. Doddridge, the Gallery and Lobby were 
cleared, and the doors of the House were closed : Whereupon, the 
following preamble and resolution, being oflered by Mr. Mercer of 
Loudoun, and amended, were agreed to by the House — Ayes 137 — - 
Noes 9. 

"Whereas, the General Assembly of Virginia have repeatedly 
sought to obtain an asylum, beyond the limits of the United States, 
for such persons of colour, as had been, or might be emancipated 
under the laws of this Commonwealth, but have hitherto found ali 
their eflbrts frustrated, either by the disturbed state of other nations, 
or domestic causes equally unpropitious to its success: 

" They now avail themselves of a period, when peace has healed 
the wounds of humanity, and the principal nations of -Europe have 
concurred, with the Government of the United States, in abolishing 
the African Slave Trade, (a traffic which this Commonwealth, both 
before and since the revolution, zealously sought to terminate,) to 
renew this effort, and do, therefore. Resolve, that the Executive be 
requested to correspond with the President of the United States, for 
the purpose of obtaintng a territory upon the shore of the North Pa^^ 
cific, or at some other place, not within any of the States or Terri- 
torial Governments of the United States, (o serve as an asylum for 
such persons of colour, as are now free, and may desire the same, 
and for those who may be hereafter emancipated, within this Com- 
monwealth : and that the Senators and Representatives of this State 
in the Congress of the United States be requested to exert their best 
efforts to aid the President of the United States in the attainment of 
the above object: Provided, That no contract or arrangement re- 
specting such territory, shall be obligatory on this Commonwealth 
until ratified by the liegislature," 



NOTE. 

January, 1827-^" According to the last Census, the whole free co- 
loured population of Virginia amounted to about 38,000 — These 
are lessening every day by emigration." This opinion was express- 
ed in January, 1827: — From information received since that time, I 
am inclined to think ; that the opinion was erroneous ; and that the 
free coloured population in Virginia has increased since that time. 

NOTE. 

Report from the Collector's Office. — The letter to Genpral La 
Fayette was written, and printed, before the ^receipt of this Report. 
It was then supposed, that the coloured slave population had decreased 
in Virginia by emigration. This estimate is now believed to be in- 
correct. — By a calculation grounded upon that report, and other pa- 
pers, and the natural' increase of the slave coloured population, it is 
believed, they have increased in Virginia, within the last four years ; 
and that the whole number would now exceed 400,000. 



ERRATA. 

The reader will be pleased to correct all accidental typographical 
errors in spelling, punctuation, and in placing singular nouns, as 
nominatives, to plural verbs; Et. E. Contra — by erroneously add- 
ing, or omitting the letter " s," at the end of a word. 

Errata in the first 189 pages. — Page 6, 5 lines from the bottom, 
for " constructions," read " instructions.^^ — Page 71, ihe last line of 
the 2d section from the top, for " obstacles," read "aJiZiiy." — Page 
144, for "paternal," read "maiernaL" — Pages 144-145, bottom of 
one, top of the other, for " constructed," read " contrasted." 

Errata. — Letter to Gen. La Fayette upon emancipation of slaves 
in Virginia, and the American Colonization Society — Page 6, 6 lines 
from the bottom, for " is," read " be." — Same page, 2 lines from the 
bottom, strike out "chief." — Page 11, 9 lines from the bottom, for 
"or," read ^^ nor." — Page 14, 22 lines from the bottom, between 
the words " without" and " bread," insert " sufficient" — A most ma- 
terial omission. 

Errata, JVo. 1. — General reflections upon the principle of slave 
labour — Page 6, 13 lines from the bottom, between the words " with- 
out" and " bread," insert the word " sufficient" — A most material 
omission. 

JVo. 2. — American Colonization Society, &;c. — Page 9, 9 lines 
from the bottom, for " detestable," read " Priestridden,"^A. strange 
substitution. — Page 13, 8 lines from the top, between the words "as" 
and " lily," insert " i^e." 

JVo. 3. — General reflections upon the contagion of human senti- 
ment, Sic. — Page 16, 3 lines from the bottom, for "or," read " nor." 
— Page 17, 20 lines from the bottom, for " practical age," read 
'^fanatical rage." — Page 19, 13 lines from the bottom, for "every 
tittle," read " very little." 

" Jurisdictions over persons — or, the Missouri Question" — being 
No. V, of Political Disquisitions — Page 8, 5 lines from top, for 
" their," read " the." — The same page, 6th line from top, again for 
•' their," read " the." 

Speech to the House of Delegates of Virginia — Errata — Page 
16, 7 lines from the top, for "European," ^'- Eutopian." 

Prtge 18, the beginning of the 24th line from the top, before the 
word " property," add *' landed" 



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